Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, my fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen. It is a great honor to address this Assembly for the second time, nearly two years after my election as President of the United States. 主席先生、秘书长先生、各位代表、女士们先生们。在我当选美国总统近两年后，再次在这个大会上发表演讲，我深感荣幸。
We know this is no ordinary time for our people. Each of us comes here with our own problems and priorities. But there are also challenges that we share in common as leaders and as nations. 我们知道，对我国人民而言，这不是一个寻常的时期。我们每个人来到这里，都带着各自的问题和优先事项。但作为领导人和国家，我们也面临着共同的挑战。
We meet within an institution built from the rubble of war, designed to unite the world in pursuit of peace. And we meet within a city that for centuries has welcomed people from across the globe, demonstrating that individuals of every color, faith and station can come together to pursue opportunity, build a community, and live with the blessing of human liberty. 我们在这个从战争废墟中建立的机构中相聚，这个机构旨在团结全世界追求和平。我们在这座城市相聚，几个世纪以来，这座城市一直欢迎来自全球各地的人们，证明不同肤色、信仰和阶层的人可以团结起来追求机会、建设社区，并享受人类自由的福祉。
Outside the doors of this hall, the blocks and neighborhoods of this great city tell the story of a difficult decade. Nine years ago, the destruction of the World Trade Center signaled a threat that respected no boundary of dignity or decency. Two years ago this month, a financial crisis on Wall Street devastated American families on Main Street. 在这个大厅门外，这座伟大城市的街区和社区讲述着一个艰难十年的故事。九年前，世界贸易中心的毁灭昭示了一种不尊重任何尊严和体面边界的威胁。两年前的这个月，华尔街的金融危机摧毁了主街上的美国家庭。
These separate challenges have affected people around the globe. Men and women and children have been murdered by extremists from Casablanca to London; from Jalalabad to Jakarta. The global economy suffered an enormous blow during the financial crisis, crippling markets and deferring the dreams of millions on every continent. Underneath these challenges to our security and prosperity lie deeper fears: that ancient hatreds and religious divides are once again ascendant; that a world which has grown more interconnected has somehow slipped beyond our control. 这些不同的挑战影响了全球各地的人们。从卡萨布兰卡到伦敦，从贾拉拉巴德到雅加达，男女和儿童被极端分子杀害。全球经济在金融危机中遭受了巨大打击，使各大洲数百万人的梦想破灭。在这些对我们安全和繁荣的挑战之下，隐藏着更深的恐惧：古老的仇恨和宗教分歧再次抬头；一个日益互联的世界似乎已经超出了我们的控制。
These are some of the challenges that my administration has confronted since we came into office. And today, I'd like to talk to you about what we've done over the last 20 months to meet these challenges; what our responsibility is to pursue peace in the Middle East; and what kind of world we are trying to build in this 21st century. 这些就是我的政府上任以来所面对的一些挑战。今天，我想和大家谈谈过去20个月里我们为应对这些挑战所做的工作；我们在中东追求和平方面的责任；以及我们在这个21世纪试图建设一个怎样的世界。
Let me begin with what we have done. I have had no greater focus as President than rescuing our economy from potential catastrophe. And in an age when prosperity is shared, we could not do this alone. So America has joined with nations around the world to spur growth, and the renewed demand that could restart job creation. 让我从我们已经做了什么开始。作为总统，我没有比把我国经济从潜在的灾难中拯救出来更重要的关注点。在一个繁荣共享的时代，我们无法独自做到这一点。因此，美国与世界各国携手刺激增长，重振能够重启就业创造的需求。
We are reforming our system of global finance, beginning with Wall Street reform here at home, so that a crisis like this never happens again. And we made the G20 the focal point for international coordination, because in a world where prosperity is more diffuse, we must broaden our circle of cooperation to include emerging economies -- economies from every corner of the globe. 我们正在改革全球金融体系，首先是从国内的华尔街改革开始，以确保这样的危机不再重演。我们将G20作为国际协调的焦点，因为在一个繁荣更加分散的世界中，我们必须扩大合作圈，纳入新兴经济体——来自全球各个角落的经济体。
There is much to show for our efforts, even as there is much work to be done. The global economy has been pulled back from the brink of a depression, and is growing once more. We have resisted protectionism, and are exploring ways to expand trade and commerce among nations. But we cannot -- and will not -- rest until these seeds of progress grow into a broader prosperity, not only for all Americans, but for peoples around the globe. 我们的努力已有所成效，但仍有许多工作要做。全球经济已从萧条边缘拉回，并再次增长。我们抵制了保护主义，正在探索扩大各国间贸易和商业的途径。但我们不能——也不会——止步，直到这些进步的种子成长为更广泛的繁荣，不仅惠及所有美国人，也惠及全球各地的人民。
As for our common security, America is waging a more effective fight against al Qaeda, while winding down the war in Iraq. Since I took office, the United States has removed nearly 100,000 troops from Iraq. We have done so responsibly, as Iraqis have transitioned to lead responsibility for the security of their country. 至于我们共同的安全，美国正在更有效地打击基地组织，同时逐步结束伊拉克战争。自我上任以来，美国已从伊拉克撤出近10万名驻军。我们以负责任的方式完成撤军，伊拉克人已过渡到主导本国安全事务。
We are now focused on building a lasting partnership with the Iraqi people, while keeping our commitment to remove the rest of our troops by the end of next year. 我们现在专注于与伊拉克人民建立持久的伙伴关系，同时信守承诺在明年年底前撤出剩余部队。
While drawing down in Iraq, we have refocused on defeating al Qaeda and denying its affiliates a safe haven. In Afghanistan, the United States and our allies are pursuing a strategy to break the Taliban's momentum and build the capacity of Afghanistan's government and security forces, so that a transition to Afghan responsibility can begin next July. And from South Asia to the Horn of Africa, we are moving toward a more targeted approach -- one that strengthens our partners and dismantles terrorist networks without deploying large American armies. 在从伊拉克撤军的同时，我们重新聚焦于击败基地组织并剥夺其附属组织的避难所。在阿富汗，美国和我们的盟友正在实施一项战略，以打破塔利班的势头并建设阿富汗政府和安全部队的能力，以便明年七月能够开始向阿富汗方面过渡安全责任。从南亚到非洲之角，我们正在采取更有针对性的方式——一种加强我们的伙伴、瓦解恐怖网络而无需部署大批美国军队的方式。
As we pursue the world's most dangerous extremists, we're also denying them the world's most dangerous weapons, and pursuing the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons. 在追捕世界上最危险的极端分子之际，我们也在阻止他们获取最危险的武器，并追求一个没有核武器的世界的和平与安全。
Earlier this year, 47 nations embraced a work-plan to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials within four years. We have joined with Russia to sign the most comprehensive arms control treaty in decades. We have reduced the role of nuclear weapons in our security strategy. And here, at the United Nations, we came together to strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. 今年早些时候，47个国家采纳了一项工作计划，在四年内确保所有易失窃核材料的安全。我们与俄罗斯签署了几十年来最全面的军备控制条约。我们降低了核武器在安全战略中的作用。在联合国，我们共同努力加强《不扩散核武器条约》。
As part of our effort on non-proliferation, I offered the Islamic Republic of Iran an extended hand last year, and underscored that it has both rights and responsibilities as a member of the international community. I also said -- in this hall -- that Iran must be held accountable if it failed to meet those responsibilities. And that is what we have done. 作为不扩散努力的一部分，我去年向伊朗伊斯兰共和国伸出了橄榄枝，并强调它作为国际社会成员既有权利也有责任。我也在这个大厅里说过——如果伊朗未能履行这些责任，就必须受到追究。这正是我们所做的。
Iran is the only party to the NPT that cannot demonstrate the peaceful intentions of its nuclear program, and those actions have consequences. Through U.N. Security Council Resolution 1929, we made it clear that international law is not an empty promise. 伊朗是《不扩散核武器条约》中唯一无法证明其核计划和平意图的缔约国，这些行为是有后果的。通过联合国安理会第1929号决议，我们明确表示国际法不是一句空洞的承诺。
Now let me be clear once more: The United States and the international community seek a resolution to our differences with Iran, and the door remains open to diplomacy should Iran choose to walk through it. But the Iranian government must demonstrate a clear and credible commitment and confirm to the world the peaceful intent of its nuclear program. 现在让我再次明确：美国和国际社会寻求解决与伊朗的分歧，如果伊朗选择走外交之路，大门仍然敞开。但伊朗政府必须展示明确且可信的承诺，并向世界确认其核计划的和平意图。
As we combat the spread of deadly weapons, we're also confronting the specter of climate change. After making historic investments in clean energy and efficiency at home, we helped forge an accord in Copenhagen that -- for the first time -- commits all major economies to reduce their emissions. We are keenly aware this is just a first step. And going forward, we will support a process in which all major economies meet our responsibilities to protect the planet while unleashing the power of clean energy to serve as an engine of growth and development. 在打击致命武器扩散的同时，我们也在应对气候变化的阴影。在国内对清洁能源和能效进行历史性投资之后，我们帮助促成了哥本哈根协议——该协议首次要求所有主要经济体减少排放。我们深知这只是第一步。展望未来，我们将支持一个让所有主要经济体履行保护地球责任的过程，同时释放清洁能源的力量，使其成为增长和发展的引擎。
America has also embraced unique responsibilities with come -- that come with our power. Since the rains came and the floodwaters rose in Pakistan, we have pledged our assistance, and we should all support the Pakistani people as they recover and rebuild. And when the earth shook and Haiti was devastated by loss, we joined a coalition of nations in response. Today, we honor those from the U.N. family who lost their lives in the earthquake, and commit ourselves to stand with the people of Haiti until they can stand on their own two feet. 美国也承担了与我们的实力相伴而来的独特责任。自暴雨降临、洪水在巴基斯坦肆虐以来，我们已承诺提供援助，我们都应支持巴基斯坦人民恢复和重建。当地震发生、海地遭受毁灭性损失时，我们加入了多国联盟共同应对。今天，我们缅怀在地震中丧生的联合国大家庭成员，并承诺与海地人民站在一起，直到他们能够自立。
Amidst this upheaval, we have also been persistent in our pursuit of peace. Last year, I pledged my best efforts to support the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security, as part of a comprehensive peace between Israel and all of its neighbors. We have travelled a winding road over the last 12 months, with few peaks and many valleys. But this month, I am pleased that we have pursued direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians in Washington, Sharm el Sheikh and Jerusalem. 在这些动荡之中，我们也在坚持不懈地追求和平。去年，我承诺尽最大努力支持以色列和巴勒斯坦两个国家比邻而居、和平安全共处的目标，作为以色列与所有邻国之间全面和平的一部分。在过去12个月中，我们走过了一条曲折的道路，高峰不多，低谷不少。但这个月，我很高兴我们在华盛顿、沙姆沙伊赫和耶路撒冷推动了以色列人和巴勒斯坦人之间的直接谈判。
Now I recognize many are pessimistic about this process. The cynics say that Israelis and Palestinians are too distrustful of each other, and too divided internally, to forge lasting peace. Rejectionists on both sides will try to disrupt the process, with bitter words and with bombs and with gunfire. Some say that the gaps between the parties are too big; the potential for talks to break down is too great; and that after decades of failure, peace is simply not possible. 我知道许多人对这一进程持悲观态度。怀疑者说，以色列人和巴勒斯坦人彼此过于不信任，内部分歧太大，无法达成持久和平。双方的拒绝主义者将试图用刻薄的言辞、炸弹和枪火来破坏这一进程。有人说双方之间的分歧太大；谈判破裂的可能性太高；在数十年的失败之后，和平根本不可能实现。
I hear those voices of skepticism. But I ask you to consider the alternative. If an agreement is not reached, Palestinians will never know the pride and dignity that comes with their own state. Israelis will never know the certainty and security that comes with sovereign and stable neighbors who are committed to coexistence. The hard realities of demography will take hold. More blood will be shed. This Holy Land will remain a symbol of our differences, instead of our common humanity. 我听到了这些怀疑的声音。但我请你们考虑另一种选择。如果不能达成协议，巴勒斯坦人将永远无法体会拥有自己国家的自豪和尊严。以色列人将永远无法获得与致力于共存的稳定主权邻国相处所带来的确定性和安全感。人口结构的严峻现实将会显现。将会有更多的流血。这片圣地将继续成为我们分歧的象征，而非我们共同人性的体现。
I refuse to accept that future. And we all have a choice to make. Each of us must choose the path of peace. Of course, that responsibility begins with the parties themselves, who must answer the call of history. Earlier this month at the White House, I was struck by the words of both the Israeli and Palestinian leaders. 我拒绝接受这样的未来。我们都必须做出选择。我们每个人都必须选择和平之路。当然，这一责任首先在于当事双方，他们必须回应历史的召唤。本月早些时候在白宫，以色列和巴勒斯坦领导人所说的话令我深受触动。
Prime Minister Netanyahu said, "I came here today to find a historic compromise that will enable both people to live in peace, security, and dignity." And President Abbas said, "We will spare no effort and we will work diligently and tirelessly to ensure these negotiations achieve their cause." 内塔尼亚胡总理说："我今天来到这里是为了寻找一个历史性的妥协，使两个人民能够和平、安全和有尊严地生活。"阿巴斯总统说："我们将不遗余力，我们将勤勉不懈地工作，确保这些谈判达成其目标。"
These words must now be followed by action and I believe that both leaders have the courage to do so. But the road that they have to travel is exceedingly difficult, which is why I call upon Israelis and Palestinians -- and the world -- to rally behind the goal that these leaders now share. We know that there will be tests along the way and that one test is fast approaching. Israel's settlement moratorium has made a difference on the ground and improved the atmosphere for talks. 这些言辞现在必须以行动来跟进，我相信两位领导人都有勇气这样做。但他们要走的路异常艰难，因此我呼吁以色列人和巴勒斯坦人——以及全世界——团结起来支持这些领导人共同分享的目标。我们知道前进道路上会有考验，其中一个考验很快就会到来。以色列的定居点冻结令已经在实地产生了影响，改善了谈判的氛围。
And our position on this issue is well known. We believe that the moratorium should be extended. We also believe that talks should press on until completed. Now is the time for the parties to help each other overcome this obstacle. Now is the time to build the trust -- and provide the time -- for substantial progress to be made. Now is the time for this opportunity to be seized, so that it does not slip away. 在这个问题上，我们的立场是众所周知的。我们认为冻结令应该延长。我们也认为谈判应该继续推进直到完成。现在是各方互相帮助克服这一障碍的时候了。现在是建立信任——并争取时间——以取得实质性进展的时候了。现在是抓住这一机遇的时候了，以免它悄然逝去。
Now, peace must be made by Israelis and Palestinians, but each of us has a responsibility to do our part as well. Those of us who are friends of Israel must understand that true security for the Jewish state requires an independent Palestine -- one that allows the Palestinian people to live with dignity and opportunity. And those of us who are friends of the Palestinians must understand that the rights of the Palestinian people will be won only through peaceful means -- including genuine reconciliation with a secure Israel. 和平必须由以色列人和巴勒斯坦人来缔造，但我们每个人也有责任尽自己的一份力量。我们这些以色列的朋友必须明白，犹太国家的真正安全需要一个独立的巴勒斯坦——一个让巴勒斯坦人民有尊严和机会生活的国家。我们这些巴勒斯坦人的朋友必须明白，巴勒斯坦人民的权利只能通过和平手段来赢得——包括与安全的以色列实现真正的和解。
I know many in this hall count themselves as friends of the Palestinians. But these pledges of friendship must now be supported by deeds. Those who have signed on to the Arab Peace Initiative should seize this opportunity to make it real by taking tangible steps towards the normalization that it promises Israel. 我知道这个大厅里的许多人自认为是巴勒斯坦的朋友。但这些友谊的承诺现在必须以实际行动来支撑。那些已签署《阿拉伯和平倡议》的国家应该抓住这一机遇，通过朝着该倡议向以色列承诺的正常化迈出切实的步骤来使其成为现实。
And those who speak on behalf of Palestinian self-government should help the Palestinian Authority politically and financially, and in doing so help the Palestinians build the institutions of their state. 那些代表巴勒斯坦自治发言的人应该在政治和财政上帮助巴勒斯坦民族权力机构，并以此帮助巴勒斯坦人建设他们国家的机构。
Those who long to see an independent Palestine must also stop trying to tear down Israel. After thousands of years, Jews and Arabs are not strangers in a strange land. After 60 years in the community of nations, Israel's existence must not be a subject for debate. 那些渴望看到独立巴勒斯坦的人也必须停止试图推翻以色列。数千年过去了，犹太人和阿拉伯人在这片土地上都不是陌生人。在加入国际社会60年后，以色列的存在不应再成为争论的议题。
Israel is a sovereign state, and the historic homeland of the Jewish people. It should be clear to all that efforts to chip away at Israel's legitimacy will only be met by the unshakeable opposition of the United States. 以色列是一个主权国家，是犹太人的历史家园。所有人应该清楚，试图侵蚀以色列合法性的努力只会遭到美国坚定不移的反对。
And efforts to threaten or kill Israelis will do nothing to help the Palestinian people. The slaughter of innocent Israelis is not resistance -- it's injustice. And make no mistake: The courage of a man like President Abbas, who stands up for his people in front of the world under very difficult circumstances, is far greater than those who fire rockets at innocent women and children. 威胁或杀害以色列人的行为对帮助巴勒斯坦人民毫无益处。屠杀无辜的以色列人不是抵抗——而是不义。不要搞错：像阿巴斯总统这样在非常困难的情况下在世界面前为自己的人民发声的勇气，远远超过那些向无辜妇女和儿童发射火箭弹的人。
The conflict between Israelis and Arabs is as old as this institution. And we can come back here next year, as we have for the last 60 years, and make long speeches about it. We can read familiar lists of grievances. We can table the same resolutions. We can further empower the forces of rejectionism and hate. And we can waste more time by carrying forward an argument that will not help a single Israeli or Palestinian child achieve a better life. We can do that. 以色列人和阿拉伯人之间的冲突与这个机构一样古老。我们可以像过去60年那样，明年再回到这里，发表长篇大论。我们可以宣读熟悉的冤情清单。我们可以提出同样的决议。我们可以进一步助长拒绝主义和仇恨的力量。我们可以浪费更多时间继续一场无助于任何一个以色列或巴勒斯坦儿童过上更好生活的争论。我们可以这样做。
Or, we can say that this time will be different -- that this time we will not let terror, or turbulence, or posturing, or petty politics stand in the way. This time, we will think not of ourselves, but of the young girl in Gaza who wants to have no ceiling on her dreams, or the young boy in Sderot who wants to sleep without the nightmare of rocket fire. 或者，我们可以说这一次将会不同——这一次我们不会让恐怖、动荡、姿态或狭隘政治阻碍前进的道路。这一次，我们不会只想到自己，而是想到加沙那个梦想没有天花板的女孩，或者斯德罗特那个想在没有火箭弹噩梦下入睡的男孩。
This time, we should draw upon the teachings of tolerance that lie at the heart of three great religions that see Jerusalem's soil as sacred. This time we should reach for what's best within ourselves. If we do, when we come back here next year, we can have an agreement that will lead to a new member of the United Nations -- an independent, sovereign state of Palestine, living in peace with Israel. 这一次，我们应该汲取宽容的教义，这些教义存在于将耶路撒冷土地视为圣地的三大宗教的核心。这一次，我们应该追求我们内心最美好的东西。如果我们这样做，当明年我们再回到这里时，我们将能够达成一项协议——这将催生联合国的新成员——一个独立、主权的巴勒斯坦国，与以色列和平共处。
It is our destiny to bear the burdens of the challenges that I've addressed -- recession and war and conflict. And there is always a sense of urgency -- even emergency -- that drives most of our foreign policies. Indeed, after millennia marked by wars, this very institution reflects the desire of human beings to create a forum to deal with emergencies that will inevitably come. 承担我所谈到的这些挑战的重担——衰退、战争和冲突——是我们的命运。总是有一种紧迫感——甚至是危机感——驱动着我们大部分的外交政策。确实，在经历了几千年的战争之后，这个机构本身反映了人类创造一个应对不可避免危机的论坛的愿望。
But even as we confront immediate challenges, we must also summon the foresight to look beyond them, and consider what we are trying to build over the long term? What is the world that awaits us when today's battles are brought to an end? And that is what I would like to talk about with the remainder of my time today. 但即使在我们应对眼前挑战的同时，我们也必须唤起超越这些挑战的远见，思考长期而言我们要建设什么样的世界。当今的战斗结束之时，等待我们的是一个怎样的世界？这就是我今天想用剩余时间与大家探讨的。
One of the first actions of this General Assembly was to adopt a Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. That Declaration begins by stating that, "recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice, and peace in the world." 本届大会最早的行动之一是1948年通过《世界人权宣言》。该宣言开篇指出："对人类家庭所有成员内在尊严及平等且不可剥夺权利的承认，是世界自由、正义与和平的基础。"
The idea is a simple one -- that freedom, justice and peace for the world must begin with freedom, justice, and peace in the lives of individual human beings. And for the United States, this is a matter of moral and pragmatic necessity. As Robert Kennedy said, "the individual man, the child of God, is the touchstone of value, and all society, groups, the state, exist for his benefit." So we stand up for universal values because it's the right thing to do. 这一理念很简单——世界的自由、正义与和平必须始于每个个人生活中的自由、正义与和平。对美国而言，这既是道德需要，也是现实需要。正如罗伯特·肯尼迪所说："个人，上帝之子，是价值的试金石，所有社会、团体和国家都为他而存在。"因此，我们捍卫普世价值，因为这是正确的做法。
But we also know from experience that those who defend these values for their people have been our closest friends and allies, while those who have denied those rights -- whether terrorist groups or tyrannical governments -- have chosen to be our adversaries. 但我们也从经验中知道，那些为本国人民捍卫这些价值的人是我们最亲密的朋友和盟友，而那些否认这些权利的人——无论是恐怖组织还是专制政府——都选择了成为我们的对手。
Human rights have never gone unchallenged -- not in any of our nations, and not in our world. Tyranny is still with us -- whether it manifests itself in the Taliban killing girls who try to go to school, a North Korean regime that enslaves its own people, or an armed group in Congo-Kinshasa that use rape as a weapon of war. 人权从未不受到挑战——在我们任何一个国家都没有，在我们的世界上也没有。暴政仍然伴随着我们——无论是塔利班杀害试图上学的女孩，朝鲜政权奴役本国人民，还是刚果金境内的武装组织将强奸作为战争武器。
In times of economic unease, there can also be an anxiety about human rights. Today, as in past times of economic downturn, some put human rights aside for the promise of short term stability or the false notion that economic growth can come at the expense of freedom. We see leaders abolishing term limits. We see crackdowns on civil society. We see corruption smothering entrepreneurship and good governance. We see democratic reforms deferred indefinitely. 在经济不稳定时期，人权也可能面临焦虑。今天，与过去经济衰退时期一样，一些人为了短期稳定的承诺或经济增长可以牺牲自由的错误观念而将人权搁置一旁。我们看到领导人废除任期限制。我们看到对公民社会的镇压。我们看到腐败扼杀了创业精神和良好治理。我们看到民主改革被无限期推迟。
As I said last year, each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its own people. Yet experience shows us that history is on the side of liberty; that the strongest foundation for human progress lies in open economies, open societies, and open governments. To put it simply, democracy, more than any other form of government, delivers for our citizens. And I believe that truth will only grow stronger in a world where the borders between nations are blurred. 正如我去年所说，每个国家都将走一条根植于本国人民文化的道路。然而经验告诉我们，历史站在自由一边；人类进步最坚实的基础在于开放的经济、开放的社会和开放的政府。简而言之，民主比任何其他形式的政府都更能为其公民造福。我相信，在一个国家间边界日益模糊的世界中，这一真理只会变得越来越强大。
America is working to shape a world that fosters this openness, for the rot of a closed or corrupt economy must never eclipse the energy and innovation of human beings. All of us want the right to educate our children, to make a decent wage, to care for the sick, and to be carried as far as our dreams and our deeds will take us. But that depends upon economies that tap the power of our people, including the potential of women and girls. 美国正在努力塑造一个促进这种开放性的世界，因为封闭或腐败经济的腐烂绝不能遮蔽人类的活力和创新。我们所有人都希望有权教育我们的孩子，赚取体面的工资，照顾病人，并在我们的梦想和行动所能带我们到达的地方走得更远。但这取决于能够发挥人民力量的经济，包括妇女和女孩的潜力。
That means letting entrepreneurs start a business without paying a bribe and governments that support opportunity instead of stealing from their people. And that means rewarding hard work, instead of reckless risk-taking. 这意味着让企业家能够不靠行贿就创办企业，政府支持机会而不是从人民手中窃取。这意味着奖励辛勤工作，而不是鲁莽的冒险。
Yesterday, I put forward a new development policy that will pursue these goals, recognizing that dignity is a human right and global development is in our common interest. America will partner with nations that offer their people a path out of poverty. And together, we must unleash growth that powers by individuals and emerging markets in all parts of the globe. 昨天，我提出了一项新的发展政策，以追求这些目标，认识到尊严是一项人权，全球发展符合我们的共同利益。美国将与那些为本国人民提供脱贫之路的国家合作。我们必须共同释放由个人和全球各地新兴市场驱动的增长。
There is no reason why Africa should not be an exporter of agriculture, which is why our food security initiative is empowering farmers. There is no reason why entrepreneurs shouldn't be able to build new markets in every society, which is why I hosted a summit on entrepreneurship earlier this spring, because the obligation of government is to empower individuals, not to impede them. 非洲没有理由不能成为农业出口国，这就是为什么我们的粮食安全倡议正在赋能农民。企业家没有理由不能在每个社会建立新市场，这就是为什么今年春天早些时候我主持了一次企业家峰会，因为政府的义务是赋能个人，而不是阻碍他们。
The same holds true for civil society. The arc of human progress has been shaped by individuals with the freedom to assemble and by organizations outside of government that insisted upon democratic change and by free media that held the powerful accountable. We have seen that from the South Africans who stood up to apartheid, to the Poles of Solidarity, to the mothers of the disappeared who spoke out against the Dirty War, to Americans who marched for the rights of all races, including my own. 公民社会也是如此。人类进步的轨迹是由拥有集会自由的个人、坚持民主变革的政府外组织以及监督有权者的自由媒体所塑造的。我们从挺身反对种族隔离的南非人、团结工会的波兰人、发声反对肮脏战争的失踪者母亲、为所有种族权利而游行包括我自己种族的美国人身上看到了这一点。
Civil society is the conscience of our communities and America will always extend our engagement abroad with citizens beyond the halls of government. And we will call out those who suppress ideas and serve as a voice for those who are voiceless. We will promote new tools of communication so people are empowered to connect with one another and, in repressive societies, to do so with security. We will support a free and open Internet, so individuals have the information to make up their own minds. 公民社会是我们社区的良知，美国将始终与政府大厅之外的公民扩大海外交流。我们将点名那些压制思想的人，并为无声者发声。我们将推广新的沟通工具，使人们能够相互联系，在压迫性社会中能够安全地这样做。我们将支持一个自由开放的互联网，使个人能够获得信息，自主做出判断。
And it is time to embrace and effectively monitor norms that advance the rights of civil society and guarantee its expansion within and across borders. 现在到了拥抱并有效监测那些推进公民社会权利、保证其在境内外扩张的规范的时候了。
Open society supports open government, but it cannot substitute for it. There is no right more fundamental than the ability to choose your leaders and determine your destiny. Now, make no mistake: The ultimate success of democracy in the world won't come because the United States dictates it; it will come because individual citizens demand a say in how they are governed. 开放社会支持开放政府，但不能取代它。没有比选择自己的领导人和决定自己命运更基本的权利了。现在，不要搞错：世界民主的最终成功不会因为美国的强加而到来；它将因为公民个人要求在自己的治理方式中有发言权而到来。
There is no soil where this notion cannot take root, just as every democracy reflects the uniqueness of a nation. Later this fall, I will travel to Asia. And I will visit India, which peacefully threw off colonialism and established a thriving democracy of over a billion people. 没有哪片土壤不能让这一理念生根，正如每个民主国家都反映了一个国家的独特性。今年秋天晚些时候，我将访问亚洲。我将访问印度，这个国家和平地摆脱了殖民主义，建立了一个拥有十亿多人口的繁荣民主国家。
I'll continue to Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim-majority country, which binds together thousands of islands through the glue of representative government and civil society. I'll join the G20 meeting on the Korean Peninsula, which provides the world's clearest contrast between a society that is dynamic and open and free, and one that is imprisoned and closed. And I will conclude my trip in Japan, an ancient culture that found peace and extraordinary development through democracy. 我将继续前往印度尼西亚，这个世界最大的穆斯林占多数的国家，通过代议制政府和公民社会的纽带将数千个岛屿连接在一起。我将参加朝鲜半岛的G20峰会，那里提供了一个世界上最清晰的对比——一个充满活力、开放自由的社会与一个被囚禁、封闭的社会。我将以日本之行结束我的行程，这个古老文化通过民主找到了和平与非凡的发展。
Each of these countries gives life to democratic principles in their own way. And even as some governments roll back reform, we also celebrate the courage of a President in Colombia who willingly stepped aside, or the promise of a new constitution in Kenya. 这些国家都以自己的方式赋予民主原则以生命。即使一些政府在倒退改革，我们也赞许哥伦比亚总统自愿让位的勇气，以及肯尼亚新宪法的承诺。
The common thread of progress is the principle that government is accountable to its citizens. And the diversity in this room makes clear -- no one country has all the answers, but all of us must answer to our own people. 进步的共同主线是政府对公民负责的原则。这个大厅里的多样性清楚地表明——没有一个国家拥有所有答案，但我们所有人都必须对自己的民众负责。
In all parts of the world, we see the promise of innovation to make government more open and accountable. And now, we must build on that progress. And when we gather back here next year, we should bring specific commitments to promote transparency; to fight corruption; to energize civic engagement; to leverage new technologies so that we strengthen the foundations of freedom in our own countries, while living up to the ideals that can light the world. 在世界各地，我们看到了创新使政府更加开放和负责的承诺。现在，我们必须在这一进步的基础上继续前进。当明年我们再次聚集在这里时，我们应该带来具体的承诺，以促进透明度；打击腐败；激发公民参与；利用新技术，从而加强我们各国自由的基础，同时践行能够照亮世界的理想。
This institution can still play an indispensable role in the advance of human rights. It's time to welcome the efforts of U.N. Women to protect the rights of women around the globe. 这个机构仍然可以在推进人权方面发挥不可或缺的作用。是时候欢迎联合国妇女署为保护全球妇女权利所做出的努力了。
It's time for every member state to open its elections to international monitors and increase the U.N. Democracy Fund. It's time to reinvigorate U.N. peacekeeping, so that missions have the resources necessary to succeed, and so atrocities like sexual violence are prevented and justice is enforced -- because neither dignity nor democracy can thrive without basic security. 是时候让每个成员国向国际观察员开放选举，并增加联合国民主基金的投入。是时候重振联合国维和行动了，使各特派团拥有成功所需的资源，使性暴力等暴行得到预防、正义得到伸张——因为没有基本安全，尊严和民主都无法蓬勃发展。
And it's time to make this institution more accountable as well, because the challenges of a new century demand new ways of serving our common interests. 也是时候让这个机构本身更加负责了，因为新世纪的挑战要求以新的方式服务于我们的共同利益。
The world that America seeks is not one we can build on our own. For human rights to reach those who suffer the boot of oppression, we need your voices to speak out. In particular, I appeal to those nations who emerged from tyranny and inspired the world in the second half of the last century -- from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to South America. 美国寻求的世界不是我们能独自建设的。为了让人权触及那些遭受压迫之苦的人，我们需要你们的声音。特别是，我呼吁那些在上世纪后半叶摆脱暴政并启发了世界的国家——从南非到南亚，从东欧到南美洲。
Don't stand idly by, don't be silent, when dissidents elsewhere are imprisoned and protesters are beaten. Recall your own history. Because part of the price of our own freedom is standing up for the freedom of others. 当其他地方的异见人士被监禁、抗议者被殴打时，不要袖手旁观，不要沉默。回顾你们自己的历史。因为我们自身自由的一部分代价，就是为他人的自由而奋斗。
That belief will guide America's leadership in this 21st century. It is a belief that has seen us through more than two centuries of trial, and it will see us through the challenges we face today -- be it war or recession; conflict or division. 这一信念将指引美国在21世纪的领导地位。这一信念帮助我们度过了两个多世纪的考验，它也将帮助我们度过今天面临的挑战——无论是战争还是衰退，冲突还是分裂。
So even as we have come through a difficult decade, I stand here before you confident in the future -- a future where Iraq is governed by neither tyrant nor a foreign power, and Afghanistan is freed from the turmoil of war; a future where the children of Israel and Palestine can build the peace that was not possible for their parents; a world where the promise of development reaches into the prisons of poverty and disease; a future where the cloud of recession gives way to the light of renewal and the dream of opportunity is available to all. 因此，即使我们经历了一个艰难的十年，我站在这里面对你们，对未来充满信心——一个伊拉克既非暴君也非外国势力统治的未来，一个阿富汗摆脱战争动荡的未来；一个以色列和巴勒斯坦的孩子们能够建设他们父母无法实现的和平的未来；一个发展的承诺触及贫困和疾病牢笼的未来；一个衰退的阴云让位于复苏之光、机会之梦惠及所有人的未来。
This future will not be easy to reach. It will not come without setbacks, nor will it be quickly claimed. But the founding of the United Nations itself is a testament to human progress. Remember, in times that were far more trying than our own, our predecessors chose the hope of unity over the ease of division and made a promise to future generations that the dignity and equality of human beings would be our common cause. 这样的未来不会轻易实现。它不会没有挫折，也不会很快到来。但联合国的创建本身就是人类进步的证明。请记住，在比我们今天更为艰难的时期，我们的前辈选择了团结的希望而非分裂的便利，并向后代承诺，人类的尊严和平等将是我们共同的事业。
It falls to us to fulfill that promise. And though we will be met by dark forces that will test our resolve, Americans have always had cause to believe that we can choose a better history; that we need only to look outside the walls around us. For through the citizens of every conceivable ancestry who make this city their own, we see living proof that opportunity can be accessed by all, that what unites us as human beings is far greater than what divides us, and that people from every part of this world can live together in peace. 实现这一承诺落在我们肩上。虽然我们会遇到考验我们决心的黑暗力量，但美国人总有理由相信我们可以选择更好的历史；我们只需看看周围的高墙之外。因为通过每一个可以想象的血统的公民将这座城市当作自己的家，我们看到了活生生的证明——机会可以被所有人获得，把我们作为人类团结在一起的力量远远大于分裂我们的力量，来自这个世界每个角落的人民都能和平共处。
Thank you very much. 非常感谢大家。