Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen: Each year we come together to reaffirm the founding vision of this institution. For most of recorded history, individual aspirations were subject to the whims of tyrants and empires. Divisions of race and religion and tribe were settled through the sword and the clash of armies. The idea that nations and peoples could come together in peace to solve their disputes and advance a common prosperity seemed unimaginable. 主席先生、秘书长先生、各位代表、女士们、先生们：每年我们相聚于此，重申联合国创立时的愿景。在有记载的历史中的大部分时间里，个人的抱负都受制于暴君和帝国的意志。种族、宗教和部族间的分歧靠刀剑和军队交锋来解决。各国和各民族能够和平相聚、化解争端并促进共同繁荣的想法，曾经不可想象。
It took the awful carnage of two world wars to shift our thinking. The leaders who built the United Nations were not naïve; they did not think this body could eradicate all wars. But in the wake of millions dead and continents in rubble, and with the development of nuclear weapons that could annihilate a planet, they understood that humanity could not survive the course it was on. And so they gave us this institution, believing that it could allow us to resolve conflicts, enforce rules of behavior, and build habits of cooperation that would grow stronger over time. 两次世界大战造成的惨重屠杀，才改变了我们的思维。创建联合国的领导人并不天真；他们没有以为这个机构能消除所有战争。但面对数百万人死亡、大陆沦为废墟，以及足以毁灭整个星球的核武器问世，他们明白人类无法沿着原有道路生存下去。于是他们创建了这个机构，相信它能帮助我们解决冲突、执行行为准则，并逐渐养成愈发牢固的合作习惯。
For decades, the United Nations has in fact made a difference -- from helping to eradicate disease, to educating children, to brokering peace. But like every generation of leaders, we face new and profound challenges, and this body continues to be tested. The question is whether we possess the wisdom and the courage, as nation-states and members of an international community, to squarely meet those challenges; whether the United Nations can meet the tests of our time. 几十年来，联合国确实发挥了作用：帮助消除疾病、教育儿童、斡旋和平。但同每一代领导人一样，我们面临着新的严峻挑战，这个机构仍在接受考验。问题在于，作为主权国家和国际社会的成员，我们是否有智慧和勇气正面迎接这些挑战；联合国是否经得起时代的考验。
For much of my tenure as President, some of our most urgent challenges have revolved around an increasingly integrated global economy, and our efforts to recover from the worst economic crisis of our lifetime. Now, five years after the global economy collapsed, and thanks to coordinated efforts by the countries here today, jobs are being created, global financial systems have stabilized, and people are once again being lifted out of poverty. 在我担任总统的大部分时间里，一些最紧迫的挑战涉及日益一体化的全球经济，以及我们从这一代人经历的最严重经济危机中复苏的努力。全球经济崩溃五年后的今天，得益于在座各国的协调努力，就业岗位正在增加，全球金融体系已经稳定，人们再次摆脱贫困。
But this progress is fragile and unequal, and we still have work to do together to assure that our citizens can access the opportunities that they need to thrive in the 21st century. 但这种进展脆弱而且不均衡。我们仍需共同努力，确保公民获得在二十一世纪蓬勃发展所需的机会。
Together, we’ve also worked to end a decade of war. Five years ago, nearly 180,000 Americans were serving in harm’s way, and the war in Iraq was the dominant issue in our relationship with the rest of the world. Today, all of our troops have left Iraq. Next year, an international coalition will end its war in Afghanistan, having achieved its mission of dismantling the core of al Qaeda that attacked us on 9/11. 我们也共同努力，结束持续十年的战争。五年前，近十八万美国人身处险境，伊拉克战争是我们与世界其他国家关系中的主要议题。如今，我们的军队已全部撤出伊拉克。明年，国际联军将在阿富汗结束战争，完成摧毁“九一一”袭击者基地组织核心力量的任务。
For the United States, these new circumstances have also meant shifting away from a perpetual war footing. Beyond bringing our troops home, we have limited the use of drones so they target only those who pose a continuing, imminent threat to the United States where capture is not feasible, and there is a near certainty of no civilian casualties. We’re transferring detainees to other countries and trying terrorists in courts of law, while working diligently to close the prison at Guantanamo Bay. 对美国而言，新形势也意味着摆脱无休止的战时状态。除了让军人回家，我们还限制了无人机的使用：只有当目标对美国构成持续且迫在眉睫的威胁、无法将其抓捕，并且几乎可以确定不会造成平民伤亡时，才实施打击。我们正在把被拘押者移交其他国家，依法庭程序审判恐怖分子，同时努力关闭关塔那摩湾监狱。
And just as we reviewed how we deploy our extraordinary military capabilities in a way that lives up to our ideals, we’ve begun to review the way that we gather intelligence, so that we properly balance the legitimate security concerns of our citizens and allies with the privacy concerns that all people share. 我们在审视如何以符合自身理想的方式运用强大的军力时，也开始审视情报搜集方式，以便妥善平衡公民和盟友合理的安全关切，与所有人共同享有的隐私关切。
As a result of this work, and cooperation with allies and partners, the world is more stable than it was five years ago. But even a glance at today’s headlines indicates that dangers remain. In Kenya, we’ve seen terrorists target innocent civilians in a crowded shopping mall, and our hearts go out to the families of those who have been affected. In Pakistan, nearly 100 people were recently killed by suicide bombers outside a church. In Iraq, killings and car bombs continue to be a terrible part of life. 由于这些努力以及同盟友和伙伴的合作，今天的世界比五年前更加稳定。但只要看一眼新闻头条，就知道危险依然存在。在肯尼亚，恐怖分子袭击了拥挤购物中心的无辜平民，我们向受害家庭致以深切慰问。在巴基斯坦，最近有近一百人在教堂外遭自杀式炸弹袭击身亡。在伊拉克，杀戮和汽车炸弹仍是生活中可怕的一部分。
And meanwhile, al Qaeda has splintered into regional networks and militias, which doesn't give them the capacity at this point to carry out attacks like 9/11, but does pose serious threats to governments and diplomats, businesses and civilians all across the globe. 与此同时，基地组织分裂为地区网络和民兵组织。这使他们目前无力发动“九一一”那样的袭击，却仍对世界各地的政府、外交官、企业和平民构成严重威胁。
Just as significantly, the convulsions in the Middle East and North Africa have laid bare deep divisions within societies, as an old order is upended and people grapple with what comes next. Peaceful movements have too often been answered by violence -- from those resisting change and from extremists trying to hijack change. Sectarian conflict has reemerged. And the potential spread of weapons of mass destruction continues to cast a shadow over the pursuit of peace. 同样重要的是，中东和北非的动荡揭示了社会内部深刻的分歧：旧秩序被推翻，人们艰难摸索未来。和平运动屡遭暴力回应，施暴者既有抵制变革的人，也有企图劫持变革的极端分子。教派冲突重新出现，大规模杀伤性武器可能扩散的阴影，也继续笼罩着和平之路。
Nowhere have we seen these trends converge more powerfully than in Syria. There, peaceful protests against an authoritarian regime were met with repression and slaughter. In the face of such carnage, many retreated to their sectarian identity -- Alawite and Sunni; Christian and Kurd -- and the situation spiraled into civil war. 这些趋势在叙利亚汇聚得最为明显。那里，反对专制政权的和平抗议遭到镇压和屠杀。面对这样的惨剧，许多人退回各自的教派身份之中：阿拉维派与逊尼派、基督徒与库尔德人，局势随之陷入内战。
The international community recognized the stakes early on, but our response has not matched the scale of the challenge. Aid cannot keep pace with the suffering of the wounded and displaced. A peace process is stillborn. America and others have worked to bolster the moderate opposition, but extremist groups have still taken root to exploit the crisis. Assad’s traditional allies have propped him up, citing principles of sovereignty to shield his regime. And on August 21st, the regime used chemical weapons in an attack that killed more than 1,000 people, including hundreds of children. 国际社会很早就认识到事关重大，但我们的回应未能与挑战的规模相称。援助赶不上伤者和流离失所者的苦难。和平进程尚未开始便已夭折。美国和其他国家努力扶持温和派反对力量，但极端组织仍趁危机扎下了根。阿萨德的传统盟友以主权原则为由，支撑并庇护他的政权。八月二十一日，该政权发动化学武器袭击，杀害一千多人，其中包括数百名儿童。
Now, the crisis in Syria, and the destabilization of the region, goes to the heart of broader challenges that the international community must now confront. How should we respond to conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa -- conflicts between countries, but also conflicts within them? How do we address the choice of standing callously by while children are subjected to nerve gas, or embroiling ourselves in someone else’s civil war? What is the role of force in resolving disputes that threaten the stability of the region and undermine all basic standards of civilized conduct? 叙利亚危机及其造成的地区动荡，触及国际社会如今必须面对的更广泛挑战的核心。我们应如何应对中东和北非的冲突，包括国家之间和国家内部的冲突？面对儿童遭神经毒气袭击，我们是冷漠旁观，还是卷入别国的内战？武力在解决那些威胁地区稳定、践踏文明行为基本准则的争端时，应发挥什么作用？
What is the role of the United Nations and international law in meeting cries for justice? 面对伸张正义的呼声，联合国和国际法应发挥什么作用？
Today, I want to outline where the United States of America stands on these issues. With respect to Syria, we believe that as a starting point, the international community must enforce the ban on chemical weapons. When I stated my willingness to order a limited strike against the Assad regime in response to the brazen use of chemical weapons, I did not do so lightly. I did so because I believe it is in the security interest of the United States and in the interest of the world to meaningfully enforce a prohibition whose origins are older than the United Nations itself. 今天，我想阐明美国在这些问题上的立场。就叙利亚而言，我们认为，国际社会首先必须执行化学武器禁令。当我表示愿意针对阿萨德政权公然使用化学武器的行为，下令进行有限打击时，我并非轻率决定。我这样做，是因为我相信，有效执行这项起源早于联合国本身的禁令，符合美国的安全利益，也符合世界的利益。
The ban against the use of chemical weapons, even in war, has been agreed to by 98 percent of humanity. It is strengthened by the searing memories of soldiers suffocating in the trenches; Jews slaughtered in gas chambers; Iranians poisoned in the many tens of thousands. 即使在战争中禁止使用化学武器，这项禁令也得到了百分之九十八的人类的认同。士兵在战壕中窒息、犹太人在毒气室中被屠杀、成千上万伊朗人中毒的惨痛记忆，更凸显了它的重要性。
The evidence is overwhelming that the Assad regime used such weapons on August 21st. U.N. inspectors gave a clear accounting that advanced rockets fired large quantities of sarin gas at civilians. These rockets were fired from a regime-controlled neighborhood, and landed in opposition neighborhoods. It’s an insult to human reason -- and to the legitimacy of this institution -- to suggest that anyone other than the regime carried out this attack. 证据充分表明，阿萨德政权在八月二十一日使用了这种武器。联合国调查人员明确指出，先进火箭弹向平民释放了大量沙林毒气。这些火箭弹从政权控制的街区发射，落在反对派控制的街区。声称这次袭击是政权以外的人所为，是对人的理性，也是对联合国正当性的侮辱。
Now, I know that in the immediate aftermath of the attack there were those who questioned the legitimacy of even a limited strike in the absence of a clear mandate from the Security Council. But without a credible military threat, the Security Council had demonstrated no inclination to act at all. However, as I’ve discussed with President Putin for over a year, most recently in St. Petersburg, my preference has always been a diplomatic resolution to this issue. 我知道，袭击发生后不久，有人质疑，在没有安理会明确授权的情况下，即使是有限打击也是否正当。但没有可信的军事威慑，安理会根本没有表现出采取行动的意愿。不过，正如我一年多来一直与普京总统讨论的，最近一次是在圣彼得堡，我始终倾向于通过外交途径解决这个问题。
And in the past several weeks, the United States, Russia and our allies have reached an agreement to place Syria’s chemical weapons under international control, and then to destroy them. 过去几周，美国、俄罗斯及我们的盟友达成协议，将叙利亚的化学武器置于国际控制之下，然后予以销毁。
The Syrian government took a first step by giving an accounting of its stockpiles. Now there must be a strong Security Council resolution to verify that the Assad regime is keeping its commitments, and there must be consequences if they fail to do so. If we cannot agree even on this, then it will show that the United Nations is incapable of enforcing the most basic of international laws. On the other hand, if we succeed, it will send a powerful message that the use of chemical weapons has no place in the 21st century, and that this body means what it says. 叙利亚政府清点并申报库存，迈出了第一步。现在，安理会必须通过有力决议，核实阿萨德政权是否履行承诺；如果未履行，就必须承担后果。如果我们连这一点都无法达成一致，就说明联合国无力执行最基本的国际法。反之，如果成功，就会发出强有力的信息：二十一世纪绝不容许使用化学武器，联合国说到就要做到。
Agreement on chemical weapons should energize a larger diplomatic effort to reach a political settlement within Syria. I do not believe that military action -- by those within Syria, or by external powers -- can achieve a lasting peace. Nor do I believe that America or any nation should determine who will lead Syria; that is for the Syrian people to decide. Nevertheless, a leader who slaughtered his citizens and gassed children to death cannot regain the legitimacy to lead a badly fractured country. The notion that Syria can somehow return to a pre-war status quo is a fantasy. 关于化学武器的协议，应推动更广泛的外交努力，以促成叙利亚内部的政治解决。我不认为叙利亚境内各方或外部势力采取军事行动，能够带来持久和平。我也不认为美国或任何国家应决定谁来领导叙利亚；这应由叙利亚人民决定。然而，一个屠杀自己的公民、用毒气杀害儿童的领导人，不可能重新获得领导这个四分五裂国家的正当性。以为叙利亚还能回到战前状态，不过是幻想。
It’s time for Russia and Iran to realize that insisting on Assad’s rule will lead directly to the outcome that they fear: an increasingly violent space for extremists to operate. In turn, those of us who continue to support the moderate opposition must persuade them that the Syrian people cannot afford a collapse of state institutions, and that a political settlement cannot be reached without addressing the legitimate fears and concerns of Alawites and other minorities. 俄罗斯和伊朗该认识到，坚持让阿萨德执政，会直接导致他们最害怕的结果：极端分子的活动空间愈加暴力。与此同时，我们这些继续支持温和派反对力量的人，必须使他们明白，叙利亚人民承受不起国家机构崩溃的后果；如果不回应阿拉维派和其他少数群体合理的恐惧与关切，就无法达成政治解决方案。
We are committed to working this political track. And as we pursue a settlement, let’s remember this is not a zero-sum endeavor. We’re no longer in a Cold War. There’s no Great Game to be won, nor does America have any interest in Syria beyond the wellbeing of its people, the stability of its neighbors, the elimination of chemical weapons, and ensuring that it does not become a safe haven for terrorists. 我们致力于推进这条政治道路。在寻求解决方案时，要记住这并非零和博弈。我们已不再身处冷战，也没有什么需要赢取的大博弈。除了叙利亚人民的福祉、邻国的稳定、消除化学武器，以及确保叙利亚不成为恐怖分子的避风港之外，美国在那里别无所求。
I welcome the influence of all nations that can help bring about a peaceful resolution of Syria’s civil war. And as we move the Geneva process forward, I urge all nations here to step up to meet humanitarian needs in Syria and surrounding countries. America has committed over a billion dollars to this effort, and today I can announce that we will be providing an additional $340 million. No aid can take the place of a political resolution that gives the Syrian people the chance to rebuild their country, but it can help desperate people to survive. 我欢迎所有能够帮助叙利亚内战实现和平解决的国家发挥影响力。在推进日内瓦进程之际，我敦促在座各国加大力度，满足叙利亚及周边国家的人道主义需求。美国已为此承诺提供超过十亿美元援助，今天我宣布，我们还将追加三亿四千万美元。任何援助都无法代替让叙利亚人民有机会重建国家的政治解决方案，但它可以帮助处于绝境中的人活下去。
What broader conclusions can be drawn from America’s policy toward Syria? I know there are those who have been frustrated by our unwillingness to use our military might to depose Assad, and believe that a failure to do so indicates a weakening of American resolve in the region. Others have suggested that my willingness to direct even limited military strikes to deter the further use of chemical weapons shows we’ve learned nothing from Iraq, and that America continues to seek control over the Middle East for our own purposes. 从美国的叙利亚政策中，还能得出什么更广泛的结论？我知道，有些人因我们不愿动用军力推翻阿萨德而失望，认为这表明美国在该地区的决心正在减弱。另一些人则说，我愿意下令实施哪怕有限的军事打击，以遏制化学武器再次被使用，说明我们没有从伊拉克吸取教训，美国仍想为自身目的控制中东。
In this way, the situation in Syria mirrors a contradiction that has persisted in the region for decades: the United States is chastised for meddling in the region, accused of having a hand in all manner of conspiracy; at the same time, the United States is blamed for failing to do enough to solve the region’s problems and for showing indifference toward suffering Muslim populations. 叙利亚局势由此映照出该地区持续数十年的一种矛盾：美国因干涉地区事务而受到斥责，被指参与各种阴谋；与此同时，美国又因没有充分解决地区问题、对穆斯林民众的苦难漠不关心而受到指责。
I realize some of this is inevitable, given America’s role in the world. But these contradictory attitudes have a practical impact on the American people’s support for our involvement in the region, and allow leaders in the region -- as well as the international community sometimes -- to avoid addressing difficult problems themselves. 考虑到美国在世界上的作用，我明白其中一部分无可避免。但这些相互矛盾的态度，切实影响着美国人民对我们参与该地区事务的支持，也使地区领导人、有时还有国际社会，得以回避亲自解决棘手问题。
So let me take this opportunity to outline what has been U.S. policy towards the Middle East and North Africa, and what will be my policy during the remainder of my presidency. 因此，让我借此机会说明美国对中东和北非的政策，以及我在剩余任期内将奉行的政策。
The United States of America is prepared to use all elements of our power, including military force, to secure our core interests in the region. 为维护我们在该地区的核心利益，美国准备动用包括军事力量在内的一切力量。
We will confront external aggression against our allies and partners, as we did in the Gulf War. 我们将像海湾战争期间那样，抵御针对盟友和伙伴的外来侵略。
We will ensure the free flow of energy from the region to the world. Although America is steadily reducing our own dependence on imported oil, the world still depends on the region’s energy supply, and a severe disruption could destabilize the entire global economy. 我们将确保该地区的能源顺畅供应世界。尽管美国正稳步降低对进口石油的依赖，世界仍依赖该地区的能源供应；严重的供应中断可能使整个全球经济陷入动荡。
We will dismantle terrorist networks that threaten our people. Wherever possible, we will build the capacity of our partners, respect the sovereignty of nations, and work to address the root causes of terror. But when it’s necessary to defend the United States against terrorist attack, we will take direct action. 我们将瓦解威胁我国人民的恐怖网络。在可能的情况下，我们会增强伙伴的能力，尊重各国主权，并努力解决恐怖主义的根源。但若有必要保护美国免遭恐怖袭击，我们会直接采取行动。
And finally, we will not tolerate the development or use of weapons of mass destruction. Just as we consider the use of chemical weapons in Syria to be a threat to our own national security, we reject the development of nuclear weapons that could trigger a nuclear arms race in the region, and undermine the global nonproliferation regime. 最后，我们绝不容忍大规模杀伤性武器的研发或使用。正如我们把在叙利亚使用化学武器视为对本国安全的威胁，我们也反对研发可能引发地区核军备竞赛、破坏全球核不扩散体系的核武器。
Now, to say that these are America’s core interests is not to say that they are our only interests. We deeply believe it is in our interests to see a Middle East and North Africa that is peaceful and prosperous, and will continue to promote democracy and human rights and open markets, because we believe these practices achieve peace and prosperity. But I also believe that we can rarely achieve these objectives through unilateral American action, particularly through military action. Iraq shows us that democracy cannot simply be imposed by force. 说这些是美国的核心利益，并不意味着它们是我们仅有的利益。我们坚信，看到一个和平繁荣的中东和北非符合我们的利益；我们将继续推动民主、人权和开放市场，因为我们相信这些做法有助于实现和平与繁荣。但我也认为，仅靠美国单方面的行动，尤其是军事行动，很少能实现这些目标。伊拉克的经历告诉我们，民主不能简单地靠武力强加。
Rather, these objectives are best achieved when we partner with the international community and with the countries and peoples of the region. 相反，与国际社会及该地区的国家和人民合作，才是实现这些目标的最佳途径。
So what does this mean going forward? In the near term, America’s diplomatic efforts will focus on two particular issues: Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons, and the Arab-Israeli conflict. While these issues are not the cause of all the region’s problems, they have been a major source of instability for far too long, and resolving them can help serve as a foundation for a broader peace. 那么，今后这意味着什么？短期内，美国的外交努力将聚焦两个问题：伊朗谋求核武器，以及阿以冲突。虽然它们不是该地区所有问题的根源，却长期是局势不稳的重要原因；解决这些问题，有助于为更广泛的和平奠定基础。
The United States and Iran have been isolated from one another since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. This mistrust has deep roots. Iranians have long complained of a history of U.S. interference in their affairs and of America’s role in overthrowing an Iranian government during the Cold War. On the other hand, Americans see an Iranian government that has declared the United States an enemy and directly -- or through proxies -- taken American hostages, killed U.S. troops and civilians, and threatened our ally Israel with destruction. 自一九七九年伊斯兰革命以来，美国和伊朗一直彼此隔绝。这种不信任根深蒂固。伊朗人长期抱怨美国干涉其内政的历史，以及美国在冷战期间参与推翻伊朗政府。另一方面，美国人看到的伊朗政府宣布美国是敌人，直接或通过代理人扣押美国人质、杀害美国军人和平民，并威胁要摧毁我们的盟友以色列。
I don’t believe this difficult history can be overcome overnight -- the suspicions run too deep. But I do believe that if we can resolve the issue of Iran’s nuclear program, that can serve as a major step down a long road towards a different relationship, one based on mutual interests and mutual respect. 我不认为这段艰难的历史可以一夜间化解，因为双方的猜疑太深。但我相信，如果能够解决伊朗核计划问题，就能在通往不同关系的漫长道路上迈出重要一步，而这种关系将建立在共同利益和相互尊重的基础上。
Since I took office, I’ve made it clear in letters to the Supreme Leader in Iran and more recently to President Rouhani that America prefers to resolve our concerns over Iran’s nuclear program peacefully, although we are determined to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. We are not seeking regime change and we respect the right of the Iranian people to access peaceful nuclear energy. Instead, we insist that the Iranian government meet its responsibilities under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and U.N. Security Council resolutions. 上任以来，我在写给伊朗最高领袖、最近又写给鲁哈尼总统的信中，明确表示美国倾向于和平解决我们对伊朗核计划的担忧，尽管我们决心阻止伊朗研发核武器。我们不寻求政权更迭，也尊重伊朗人民和平利用核能的权利。我们要求的是伊朗政府履行《不扩散核武器条约》和联合国安理会决议规定的责任。
Meanwhile, the Supreme Leader has issued a fatwa against the development of nuclear weapons, and President Rouhani has just recently reiterated that the Islamic Republic will never develop a nuclear weapon. 与此同时，伊朗最高领袖已颁布宗教裁决，禁止研发核武器；鲁哈尼总统最近也重申，伊朗伊斯兰共和国绝不会研发核武器。
So these statements made by our respective governments should offer the basis for a meaningful agreement. We should be able to achieve a resolution that respects the rights of the Iranian people, while giving the world confidence that the Iranian program is peaceful. But to succeed, conciliatory words will have to be matched by actions that are transparent and verifiable. After all, it's the Iranian government’s choices that have led to the comprehensive sanctions that are currently in place. And this is not simply an issue between the United States and Iran. 因此，双方政府的这些声明应成为达成有意义协议的基础。我们应能够找到一种解决办法，既尊重伊朗人民的权利，也让世界确信伊朗核计划用于和平目的。但要取得成功，和解的言辞必须有透明、可核查的行动作支撑。毕竟，伊朗政府自己的选择导致了目前全面制裁的实施。这也不只是美国和伊朗之间的问题。
The world has seen Iran evade its responsibilities in the past and has an abiding interest in making sure that Iran meets its obligations in the future. 世界见过伊朗过去如何逃避责任，因此始终关切伊朗今后能否履行义务。
But I want to be clear we are encouraged that President Rouhani received from the Iranian people a mandate to pursue a more moderate course. And given President Rouhani’s stated commitment to reach an agreement, I am directing John Kerry to pursue this effort with the Iranian government in close cooperation with the European Union -- the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia and China. 但我要明确指出，鲁哈尼总统获得伊朗人民授权，寻求更温和的道路，这令我们受到鼓舞。鉴于他已表明致力于达成协议，我正指示约翰·克里与欧盟密切合作，同伊朗政府推进这项工作；英国、法国、德国、俄罗斯和中国也将参与其中。
The roadblocks may prove to be too great, but I firmly believe the diplomatic path must be tested. For while the status quo will only deepen Iran’s isolation, Iran’s genuine commitment to go down a different path will be good for the region and the world, and will help the Iranian people meet their extraordinary potential -- in commerce and culture; in science and education. 障碍或许太大，但我坚信必须尝试外交道路。维持现状只会加深伊朗的孤立，而伊朗若真诚地走上不同道路，将有利于该地区和世界，也能帮助伊朗人民在商业与文化、科学与教育领域发挥非凡潜力。
We are also determined to resolve a conflict that goes back even further than our differences with Iran, and that is the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. I’ve made it clear that the United States will never compromise our commitment to Israel’s security, nor our support for its existence as a Jewish state. Earlier this year, in Jerusalem, I was inspired by young Israelis who stood up for the belief that peace was necessary, just, and possible. 我们还决心解决一场比我们同伊朗的分歧更为久远的冲突，那就是巴勒斯坦人与以色列人之间的冲突。我已明确表示，美国绝不会动摇对以色列安全的承诺，也绝不会放弃支持它作为一个犹太国家存在。今年早些时候，我在耶路撒冷见到年轻的以色列人，他们挺身维护和平既必要、又正义、也能够实现的信念，令我深受鼓舞。
And I believe there’s a growing recognition within Israel that the occupation of the West Bank is tearing at the democratic fabric of the Jewish state. But the children of Israel have the right to live in a world where the nations assembled in this body fully recognize their country, and where we unequivocally reject those who fire rockets at their homes or incite others to hate them. 我相信，以色列国内越来越多人认识到，对约旦河西岸的占领正在撕裂这个犹太国家的民主根基。但以色列的孩子们有权生活在这样一个世界：出席本大会的国家充分承认他们的国家，我们也毫不含糊地反对向他们的家园发射火箭弹、或煽动他人仇视他们的人。
Likewise, the United States remains committed to the belief that the Palestinian people have a right to live with security and dignity in their own sovereign state. On the same trip, I had the opportunity to meet with young Palestinians in Ramallah whose ambition and incredible potential are matched by the pain they feel in having no firm place in the community of nations. They are understandably cynical that real progress will ever be made, and they’re frustrated by their families enduring the daily indignity of occupation. 同样，美国始终相信，巴勒斯坦人民有权在自己的主权国家安全而有尊严地生活。在同一次访问中，我有机会在拉马拉会见巴勒斯坦年轻人。他们胸怀抱负、潜力非凡，同时也因无法在国际社会拥有稳固的归属而痛苦。他们对真正取得进展是否可能，感到可以理解的怀疑；家人每天忍受占领带来的屈辱，也令他们沮丧。
But they too recognize that two states is the only real path to peace -- because just as the Palestinian people must not be displaced, the state of Israel is here to stay. 但他们也明白，两国方案是通往和平的唯一现实道路；因为巴勒斯坦人民不能再被迫离开家园，而以色列国也将继续存在。
So the time is now ripe for the entire international community to get behind the pursuit of peace. Already, Israeli and Palestinian leaders have demonstrated a willingness to take significant political risks. President Abbas has put aside efforts to short-cut the pursuit of peace and come to the negotiating table. Prime Minister Netanyahu has released Palestinian prisoners and reaffirmed his commitment to a Palestinian state. Current talks are focused on final status issues of borders and security, refugees and Jerusalem. 因此，现在正是整个国际社会支持追求和平的时候。以色列和巴勒斯坦领导人已经表明，愿意承担重大的政治风险。阿巴斯总统放下绕过和平进程的努力，回到了谈判桌前。内塔尼亚胡总理释放了巴勒斯坦囚犯，并重申支持建立巴勒斯坦国。当前谈判集中于边界、安全、难民和耶路撒冷等最终地位问题。
So now the rest of us must be willing to take risks as well. Friends of Israel, including the United States, must recognize that Israel’s security as a Jewish and democratic state depends upon the realization of a Palestinian state, and we should say so clearly. Arab states, and those who supported the Palestinians, must recognize that stability will only be served through a two-state solution and a secure Israel. 现在，我们其他人也必须愿意承担风险。包括美国在内的以色列友邦必须认识到，以色列作为犹太和民主国家的安全，取决于巴勒斯坦国的建立；我们应该明确说出这一点。阿拉伯国家和支持巴勒斯坦人的各方，也必须认识到，只有两国方案和安全的以色列才能带来稳定。
All of us must recognize that peace will be a powerful tool to defeat extremists throughout the region, and embolden those who are prepared to build a better future. And moreover, ties of trade and commerce between Israelis and Arabs could be an engine of growth and opportunity at a time when too many young people in the region are languishing without work. So let’s emerge from the familiar corners of blame and prejudice. Let’s support Israeli and Palestinian leaders who are prepared to walk the difficult road to peace. 我们所有人都必须认识到，和平将成为击败整个地区极端分子的有力工具，也会鼓舞愿意建设更美好未来的人。此外，以色列人与阿拉伯人之间的贸易和商业往来，可以成为增长和机会的动力，尤其在该地区太多年轻人苦于失业之际。因此，让我们走出熟悉的指责和偏见，支持那些愿意踏上艰难和平之路的以巴领导人。
Real breakthroughs on these two issues -- Iran’s nuclear program, and Israeli-Palestinian peace -- would have a profound and positive impact on the entire Middle East and North Africa. But the current convulsions arising out of the Arab Spring remind us that a just and lasting peace cannot be measured only by agreements between nations. It must also be measured by our ability to resolve conflict and promote justice within nations. And by that measure, it’s clear that all of us have a lot more work to do. 如果伊朗核计划和以巴和平这两个问题取得真正突破，整个中东和北非都将受到深远的积极影响。但“阿拉伯之春”引发的当前动荡提醒我们，公正而持久的和平，不能仅以国家间达成的协议衡量，还应以我们能否解决国家内部冲突、促进正义来衡量。按这一标准，我们显然还有很多工作要做。
When peaceful transitions began in Tunisia and Egypt, the entire world was filled with hope. And although the United States -- like others -- was struck by the speed of transition, and although we did not -- and in fact could not -- dictate events, we chose to support those who called for change. And we did so based on the belief that while these transitions will be hard and take time, societies based upon democracy and openness and the dignity of the individual will ultimately be more stable, more prosperous, and more peaceful. 突尼斯和埃及开始和平转型时，全世界充满希望。尽管美国同其他国家一样，对转型的速度感到惊讶，尽管我们没有、事实上也不可能主宰事态发展，我们仍选择支持呼吁变革的人们。因为我们相信，虽然转型艰难而漫长，建立在民主、开放和个人尊严基础上的社会，最终会更稳定、更繁荣、更和平。
Over the last few years, particularly in Egypt, we’ve seen just how hard this transition will be. Mohamed Morsi was democratically elected, but proved unwilling or unable to govern in a way that was fully inclusive. The interim government that replaced him responded to the desires of millions of Egyptians who believed the revolution had taken a wrong turn, but it, too, has made decisions inconsistent with inclusive democracy -- through an emergency law, and restrictions on the press and civil society and opposition parties. 过去几年，尤其是在埃及，我们看到了转型有多艰难。穆罕默德·穆尔西经民主选举上台，却不愿或无法以充分包容的方式治理国家。取代他的临时政府回应了数百万认为革命走上歧途的埃及人的诉求，但它通过实施紧急状态法、限制新闻界、公民社会和反对党，也作出了不符合包容性民主的决定。
Of course, America has been attacked by all sides of this internal conflict, simultaneously accused of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, and engineering their removal of power. In fact, the United States has purposely avoided choosing sides. Our overriding interest throughout these past few years has been to encourage a government that legitimately reflects the will of the Egyptian people, and recognizes true democracy as requiring a respect for minority rights and the rule of law, freedom of speech and assembly, and a strong civil society. 当然，这场内部冲突的各方都抨击美国，有人同时指责我们支持穆斯林兄弟会，又策划将其赶下台。事实上，美国刻意避免选边站队。过去几年，我们最重要的关切始终是促成一个能正当地反映埃及人民意愿的政府，并承认真正的民主需要尊重少数群体的权利和法治、言论与集会自由，以及强大的公民社会。
That remains our interest today. And so, going forward, the United States will maintain a constructive relationship with the interim government that promotes core interests like the Camp David Accords and counterterrorism. We’ll continue support in areas like education that directly benefit the Egyptian people. But we have not proceeded with the delivery of certain military systems, and our support will depend upon Egypt’s progress in pursuing a more democratic path. 今天，这仍是我们的关切。因此，今后美国将与临时政府保持建设性关系，推动《戴维营协议》和反恐等核心利益。我们将继续在教育等直接造福埃及人民的领域提供支持。但我们尚未交付某些军事系统；我们今后的支持取决于埃及在走向更民主道路上取得的进展。
And our approach to Egypt reflects a larger point: The United States will at times work with governments that do not meet, at least in our view, the highest international expectations, but who work with us on our core interests. Nevertheless, we will not stop asserting principles that are consistent with our ideals, whether that means opposing the use of violence as a means of suppressing dissent, or supporting the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 我们对埃及的做法也说明了一个更广泛的观点：美国有时会同一些政府合作，它们至少在我们看来未达到国际社会的最高期待，但会在我们的核心利益上与我们合作。尽管如此，我们仍会坚持符合自身理想的原则，无论是反对用暴力压制异见，还是支持《世界人权宣言》所体现的原则。
We will reject the notion that these principles are simply Western exports, incompatible with Islam or the Arab World. We believe they are the birthright of every person. And while we recognize that our influence will at times be limited, although we will be wary of efforts to impose democracy through military force, and although we will at times be accused of hypocrisy and inconsistency, we will be engaged in the region for the long haul. For the hard work of forging freedom and democracy is the task of a generation. 我们拒绝认为这些原则只是西方输出、与伊斯兰教或阿拉伯世界不相容的说法。我们相信，它们是每个人与生俱来的权利。我们承认自己的影响力有时有限，会警惕以军事力量强加民主的做法，也知道自己有时会被指责虚伪和言行不一；但我们将长期参与该地区事务。因为铸就自由和民主的艰苦工作，需要一代人的努力。
And this includes efforts to resolve sectarian tensions that continue to surface in places like Iraq, Bahrain and Syria. We understand such longstanding issues cannot be solved by outsiders; they must be addressed by Muslim communities themselves. But we’ve seen grinding conflicts come to an end before -- most recently in Northern Ireland, where Catholics and Protestants finally recognized that an endless cycle of conflict was causing both communities to fall behind a fast-moving world. And so we believe those same sectarian conflicts can be overcome in the Middle East and North Africa. 这也包括努力化解在伊拉克、巴林和叙利亚等地持续出现的教派紧张。我们明白，这些由来已久的问题无法靠外人解决，必须由穆斯林社群自己面对。但我们也见过旷日持久的冲突最终结束：最近的例子是北爱尔兰，天主教徒和新教徒终于认识到，无休止的冲突循环正在让两个社群都落后于迅速变化的世界。因此，我们相信，中东和北非的教派冲突同样能够克服。
To summarize, the United States has a hard-earned humility when it comes to our ability to determine events inside other countries. The notion of American empire may be useful propaganda, but it isn’t borne out by America’s current policy or by public opinion. Indeed, as recent debates within the United States over Syria clearly show, the danger for the world is not an America that is too eager to immerse itself in the affairs of other countries or to take on every problem in the region as its own. 总而言之，美国在决定其他国家内部事态的能力方面，经过艰难经历学会了谦逊。“美帝国”的说法也许是有用的宣传，却不符合美国当前的政策或民意。事实上，正如近期美国国内围绕叙利亚的辩论清楚表明的那样，世界面临的危险，并不是美国过于急切地介入别国内政，或把该地区的每个问题都揽到自己身上。
The danger for the world is that the United States, after a decade of war -- rightly concerned about issues back home, aware of the hostility that our engagement in the region has engendered throughout the Muslim world -- may disengage, creating a vacuum of leadership that no other nation is ready to fill. 真正的危险是，经历十年战争后，美国理所当然地关心国内事务，也意识到自己参与该地区事务在穆斯林世界引发的敌意，于是可能选择抽身，留下其他国家尚无准备填补的领导真空。
I believe such disengagement would be a mistake. I believe America must remain engaged for our own security. But I also believe the world is better for it. Some may disagree, but I believe America is exceptional -- in part because we have shown a willingness through the sacrifice of blood and treasure to stand up not only for our own narrow self-interests, but for the interests of all. 我认为这种抽身是错误的。我相信美国必须继续参与国际事务，以维护自身安全；我也相信，这样做会让世界变得更好。有些人或许不同意，但我认为美国有其独特之处：部分原因在于，我们愿意付出鲜血与财力，不仅捍卫自己狭隘的利益，也维护所有人的利益。
I must be honest, though. We're far more likely to invest our energy in those countries that want to work with us, that invest in their people instead of a corrupt few; that embrace a vision of society where everyone can contribute -- men and women, Shia or Sunni, Muslim, Christian or Jew. Because from Europe to Asia, from Africa to the Americas, nations that have persevered on a democratic path have emerged more prosperous, more peaceful, and more invested in upholding our common security and our common humanity. And I believe that the same will hold true for the Arab world. 不过，我必须坦诚地说，我们更愿意把精力投入到那些愿与我们合作的国家：它们投资于人民，而非少数腐败者；它们相信一个人人都能贡献力量的社会，无论男女、什叶派或逊尼派、穆斯林、基督徒或犹太人。因为从欧洲到亚洲，从非洲到美洲，坚持民主道路的国家已变得更繁荣、更和平，也更愿意维护共同安全和共同人性。我相信阿拉伯世界也会如此。
This leads me to a final point. There will be times when the breakdown of societies is so great, the violence against civilians so substantial that the international community will be called upon to act. This will require new thinking and some very tough choices. While the United Nations was designed to prevent wars between states, increasingly we face the challenge of preventing slaughter within states. 这引出我的最后一点。有时，社会崩溃之严重、针对平民的暴力之惨烈，会迫使国际社会采取行动。这需要新的思路，也要作出一些非常艰难的选择。联合国成立的目的是防止国家之间的战争，但我们如今越来越多地面临防止国家内部发生屠杀的挑战。
And these challenges will grow more pronounced as we are confronted with states that are fragile or failing -- places where horrendous violence can put innocent men, women and children at risk, with no hope of protection from their national institutions. 当我们面对脆弱或濒临崩溃的国家时，这些挑战会更加突出。在那些地方，可怕的暴力使无辜男女和儿童陷入危险，而他们无法指望本国机构提供保护。
I have made it clear that even when America’s core interests are not directly threatened, we stand ready to do our part to prevent mass atrocities and protect basic human rights. But we cannot and should not bear that burden alone. In Mali, we supported both the French intervention that successfully pushed back al Qaeda, and the African forces who are keeping the peace. In Eastern Africa, we are working with partners to bring the Lord’s Resistance Army to an end. And in Libya, when the Security Council provided a mandate to protect civilians, America joined a coalition that took action. 我已明确表示，即使美国的核心利益没有直接受到威胁，我们也愿尽自己的力量防止大规模暴行，保护基本人权。但我们不能、也不应独自承担这一重担。在马里，我们支持法国成功击退基地组织的干预行动，也支持维持和平的非洲部队。在东非，我们正与伙伴合作，终结“圣主抵抗军”。在利比亚，安理会授权保护平民时，美国加入了采取行动的多国联盟。
Because of what we did there, countless lives were saved, and a tyrant could not kill his way back to power. 由于我们在那里采取了行动，无数生命得以拯救，一名暴君也无法靠杀戮重掌权力。
I know that some now criticize the action in Libya as an object lesson. They point to the problems that the country now confronts -- a democratically elected government struggling to provide security; armed groups, in some places extremists, ruling parts of a fractured land. And so these critics argue that any intervention to protect civilians is doomed to fail -- look at Libya. 我知道，如今有人以利比亚为反面例子批评那次行动。他们指出利比亚目前面临的问题：民选政府难以维持安全，武装团体、在一些地方甚至是极端分子，控制着这个四分五裂国家的部分地区。因此，这些批评者说，任何保护平民的干预行动都注定失败，看看利比亚就知道了。
No one is more mindful of these problems than I am, for they resulted in the death of four outstanding U.S. citizens who were committed to the Libyan people, including Ambassador Chris Stevens -- a man whose courageous efforts helped save the city of Benghazi. But does anyone truly believe that the situation in Libya would be better if Qaddafi had been allowed to kill, imprison, or brutalize his people into submission? It’s far more likely that without international action, Libya would now be engulfed in civil war and bloodshed. 没有人比我更清楚这些问题，因为它们夺走了四位致力于帮助利比亚人民的杰出美国公民的生命，包括克里斯·史蒂文斯大使；他的勇敢努力曾帮助挽救班加西这座城市。但真有人认为，如果允许卡扎菲通过杀戮、监禁和残暴对待人民迫使他们屈服，利比亚的处境会更好吗？更可能的情况是，如果没有国际社会的行动，利比亚如今会陷入内战和流血冲突。
We live in a world of imperfect choices. Different nations will not agree on the need for action in every instance, and the principle of sovereignty is at the center of our international order. But sovereignty cannot be a shield for tyrants to commit wanton murder, or an excuse for the international community to turn a blind eye. While we need to be modest in our belief that we can remedy every evil, while we need to be mindful that the world is full of unintended consequences, should we really accept the notion that the world is powerless in the face of a Rwanda or Srebrenica? 我们生活在一个只能作出不完美选择的世界。各国不会对每一种情形下是否需要行动达成一致；主权原则也是国际秩序的核心。但主权不能成为暴君肆意杀人的护身符，也不能成为国际社会视而不见的借口。我们应谦逊地看待自己能否纠正一切罪恶，也应牢记世界充满意料之外的后果；但面对卢旺达或斯雷布雷尼察那样的惨剧，我们真要接受世界无能为力的说法吗？
If that’s the world that people want to live in, they should say so and reckon with the cold logic of mass graves. 如果人们想生活在那样的世界，就应坦白说出来，并正视万人坑背后冰冷的逻辑。
But I believe we can embrace a different future. And if we don’t want to choose between inaction and war, we must get better -- all of us -- at the policies that prevent the breakdown of basic order. Through respect for the responsibilities of nations and the rights of individuals. Through meaningful sanctions for those who break the rules. Through dogged diplomacy that resolves the root causes of conflict, not merely its aftermath. Through development assistance that brings hope to the marginalized. 但我相信我们能够迎接一个不同的未来。如果不愿只能在袖手旁观和发动战争之间二选一，我们所有人就必须更善于制定防止基本秩序崩溃的政策：尊重各国的责任和个人的权利；对破坏规则者施加有效制裁；坚持不懈地通过外交解决冲突的根源，而非仅处理后果；通过发展援助给被边缘化的人带来希望。
And yes, sometimes -- although this will not be enough -- there are going to be moments where the international community will need to acknowledge that the multilateral use of military force may be required to prevent the very worst from occurring. 是的，有时尽管这仍不足够，国际社会也必须承认，为防止最严重的灾难发生，可能需要多边动用军事力量。
Ultimately, this is the international community that America seeks -- one where nations do not covet the land or resources of other nations, but one in which we carry out the founding purpose of this institution and where we all take responsibility. A world in which the rules established out of the horrors of war can help us resolve conflicts peacefully, and prevent the kinds of wars that our forefathers fought. A world where human beings can live with dignity and meet their basic needs, whether they live in New York or Nairobi; in Peshawar or Damascus. 归根结底，这就是美国所期待的国际社会：各国不觊觎别国的土地或资源，而是践行联合国的创立宗旨，人人承担责任。在这样的世界里，从战争恐怖中确立的规则能帮助我们和平解决冲突，防止我们的先辈经历过的战争；无论生活在纽约或内罗毕、白沙瓦或大马士革，人们都能有尊严地生活，满足基本需求。
These are extraordinary times, with extraordinary opportunities. Thanks to human progress, a child born anywhere on Earth today can do things today that 60 years ago would have been out of reach for the mass of humanity. I saw this in Africa, where nations moving beyond conflict are now poised to take off. And America is with them, partnering to feed the hungry and care for the sick, and to bring power to places off the grid. 这是一个非凡的时代，充满非凡的机会。得益于人类进步，今天地球上任何地方出生的孩子，都能做六十年前大多数人无法企及的事。我在非洲看到了这一点：一些国家正摆脱冲突，即将蓬勃发展。美国与他们并肩合作，帮助饥饿的人获得食物、患病的人得到照料，并把电力带到尚未接入电网的地方。
I see it across the Pacific region, where hundreds of millions have been lifted out of poverty in a single generation. I see it in the faces of young people everywhere who can access the entire world with the click of a button, and who are eager to join the cause of eradicating extreme poverty, and combating climate change, starting businesses, expanding freedom, and leaving behind the old ideological battles of the past. That’s what’s happening in Asia and Africa. It’s happening in Europe and across the Americas. 我在太平洋地区看到了这一点：一代人之间，数亿人摆脱了贫困。我也在世界各地年轻人的脸上看到了这一点。他们点击一下按钮就能连接整个世界，渴望参与消除极端贫困、应对气候变化、创办企业、扩大自由的事业，并抛开过去陈旧的意识形态争斗。这正在亚洲和非洲发生，也正在欧洲和整个美洲发生。
That’s the future that the people of the Middle East and North Africa deserve as well -- one where they can focus on opportunity, instead of whether they’ll be killed or repressed because of who they are or what they believe. 中东和北非人民同样应该拥有这样的未来：他们可以专注于把握机会，而不必担心因自己的身份或信仰遭到杀害或压迫。
Time and again, nations and people have shown our capacity to change -- to live up to humanity’s highest ideals, to choose our better history. Last month, I stood where 50 years ago Martin Luther King Jr. told America about his dream, at a time when many people of my race could not even vote for President. Earlier this year, I stood in the small cell where Nelson Mandela endured decades cut off from his own people and the world. Who are we to believe that today’s challenges cannot be overcome, when we have seen what changes the human spirit can bring? 一次又一次，各国和人民展现了改变的能力：践行人类崇高的理想，选择更好的历史。上个月，我站在五十年前马丁·路德·金向美国讲述梦想的地方；当年，许多与我同一种族的人甚至不能投票选举总统。今年早些时候，我站在纳尔逊·曼德拉曾被囚禁的小牢房中，他在那里与同胞和世界隔绝了几十年。既然我们见证了人类精神所能带来的改变，凭什么认为今天的挑战无法克服？
Who in this hall can argue that the future belongs to those who seek to repress that spirit, rather than those who seek to liberate it? 在座有谁能断言，未来属于那些试图压制这种精神的人，而不是努力解放这种精神的人？
I know what side of history I want to the United States of America to be on. We're ready to meet tomorrow’s challenges with you -- firm in the belief that all men and women are in fact created equal, each individual possessed with a dignity and inalienable rights that cannot be denied. That is why we look to the future not with fear, but with hope. And that’s why we remain convinced that this community of nations can deliver a more peaceful, prosperous and just world to the next generation. 我知道，我希望美国站在历史的哪一边。我们愿与你们一道迎接明天的挑战，坚定地相信所有男女生而平等，每个人都有不可否认的尊严和不可剥夺的权利。因此，我们怀着希望而不是恐惧展望未来。也正因如此，我们仍坚信各国组成的这个共同体，能够把一个更和平、更繁荣、更公正的世界交给下一代。
Thank you very much. 非常感谢。