Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen: Seventy years after the founding of the United Nations, it is worth reflecting on what, together, the members of this body have helped to achieve. 主席先生、秘书长先生、各位代表、女士们、先生们：联合国成立七十年后的今天，我们值得回顾一下，这个机构的成员共同帮助实现了什么。
Out of the ashes of the Second World War, having witnessed the unthinkable power of the atomic age, the United States has worked with many nations in this Assembly to prevent a third world war -- by forging alliances with old adversaries; by supporting the steady emergence of strong democracies accountable to their people instead of any foreign power; and by building an international system that imposes a cost on those who choose conflict over cooperation, an order that recognizes the dignity and equal worth of all people. 在第二次世界大战的废墟中，在目睹了原子时代难以想象的力量之后，美国与本大会中的许多国家一道努力防止第三次世界大战——通过与昔日的对手结成联盟；通过支持强大民主国家的稳步崛起，这些国家对本国人民负责而非对任何外国势力负责；通过建立一个国际体系，让那些选择冲突而非合作的国家付出代价，一个承认所有人的尊严和平等价值的秩序。
That is the work of seven decades. That is the ideal that this body, at its best, has pursued. Of course, there have been too many times when, collectively, we have fallen short of these ideals. Over seven decades, terrible conflicts have claimed untold victims. But we have pressed forward, slowly, steadily, to make a system of international rules and norms that are better and stronger and more consistent. 这就是七十年的成果。这就是这个机构在其最佳状态下所追求的理想。当然，有太多时候，我们集体未能达到这些理想。七十年来，可怕的冲突夺去了无数受害者的生命。但我们一直在缓慢而坚定地向前推进，建立一个更好、更强大、更一致的国际规则和规范体系。
It is this international order that has underwritten unparalleled advances in human liberty and prosperity. It is this collective endeavor that's brought about diplomatic cooperation between the world's major powers, and buttressed a global economy that has lifted more than a billion people from poverty. It is these international principles that helped constrain bigger countries from imposing our will on smaller ones, and advanced the emergence of democracy and development and individual liberty on every continent. 正是这一国际秩序支撑了人类自由和繁荣的空前进步。正是这一集体努力促成了世界主要大国之间的外交合作，支撑了使十亿多人摆脱贫困的全球经济。正是这些国际原则帮助约束了大国将自己的意志强加于小国的行为，并推动了民主、发展和个人自由在各大洲的兴起。
This progress is real. It can be documented in lives saved, and agreements forged, and diseases conquered, and in mouths fed. And yet, we come together today knowing that the march of human progress never travels in a straight line, that our work is far from complete; that dangerous currents risk pulling us back into a darker, more disordered world. 这一进步是真实的。它可以用拯救的生命、达成的协议、征服的疾病和喂养的人口来证明。然而，我们今天齐聚一堂，深知人类进步的征程从不是一帆风顺的，我们的工作远未完成；危险的潮流有可能将我们拉回一个更黑暗、更无序的世界。
Today, we see the collapse of strongmen and fragile states breeding conflict, and driving innocent men, women and children across borders on an epoch epic scale. Brutal networks of terror have stepped into the vacuum. Technologies that empower individuals are now also exploited by those who spread disinformation, or suppress dissent, or radicalize our youth. Global capital flows have powered growth and investment, but also increased risk of contagion, weakened the bargaining power of workers, and accelerated inequality. 今天，我们看到强人和脆弱国家的崩溃滋生冲突，驱使无辜的男女老少以史无前例的规模跨越边境。残暴的恐怖网络趁机填补了真空。赋予个人权力的技术现在也被那些散布虚假信息、压制异见或煽动我们青年极端化的人所利用。全球资本流动推动了增长和投资，但也增加了危机蔓延的风险，削弱了工人的议价能力，并加剧了不平等。
How should we respond to these trends? There are those who argue that the ideals enshrined in the U.N. charter are unachievable or out of date -- a legacy of a postwar era not suited to our own. Effectively, they argue for a return to the rules that applied for most of human history and that pre-date this institution: the belief that power is a zero-sum game; that might makes right; that strong states must impose their will on weaker ones; that the rights of individuals don't matter; and that in a time of rapid change, order must be imposed by force. 我们应该如何应对这些趋势？有些人认为，载入联合国宪章的理想是无法实现的，或者已经过时——那是战后时代的遗产，不适合我们这个时代。实际上，他们主张回归适用于人类历史大部分时期、早于这个机构的规则：认为权力是一场零和博弈；强权即公理；强国必须将自己的意志强加于弱国；个人权利无关紧要；在快速变化的时代，秩序必须靠武力来维持。
On this basis, we see some major powers assert themselves in ways that contravene international law. We see an erosion of the democratic principles and human rights that are fundamental to this institution's mission; information is strictly controlled, the space for civil society restricted. We're told that such retrenchment is required to beat back disorder; that it's the only way to stamp out terrorism, or prevent foreign meddling. 在此基础上，我们看到一些大国以违反国际法的方式维护自身利益。我们看到对这一机构使命至关重要的民主原则和人权受到侵蚀；信息受到严格控制，公民社会的空间受到限制。我们被告知，为了击退混乱，这种收缩是必要的；这是消灭恐怖主义或防止外国干涉的唯一途径。
In accordance with this logic, we should support tyrants like Bashar al-Assad, who drops barrel bombs to massacre innocent children, because the alternative is surely worse. 按照这种逻辑，我们应该支持巴沙尔·阿萨德这样的暴君——他用桶炸弹屠杀无辜儿童——因为另一种选择肯定更糟糕。
The increasing skepticism of our international order can also be found in the most advanced democracies. We see greater polarization, more frequent gridlock; movements on the far right, and sometimes the left, that insist on stopping the trade that binds our fates to other nations, calling for the building of walls to keep out immigrants. 对我们国际秩序日益增长的怀疑也出现在最先进的民主国家中。我们看到两极分化加剧，僵局更加频繁；极右翼乃至左翼的运动坚称要停止将我们命运与其他国家联系在一起的贸易，呼吁修建围墙阻挡移民。
Most ominously, we see the fears of ordinary people being exploited through appeals to sectarianism, or tribalism, or racism, or anti-Semitism; appeals to a glorious past before the body politic was infected by those who look different, or worship God differently; a politics of us versus them. 最不祥的是，我们看到普通人的恐惧被利用，通过诉诸宗派主义、部落主义、种族主义或反犹太主义；诉诸一个光荣的过去，仿佛那时的政体尚未被那些长相不同或信仰不同的人所"污染"；一种"我们对抗他们"的政治。
The United States is not immune from this. Even as our economy is growing and our troops have largely returned from Iraq and Afghanistan, we see in our debates about America's role in the world a notion of strength that is defined by opposition to old enemies, perceived adversaries, a rising China, or a resurgent Russia; a revolutionary Iran, or an Islam that is incompatible with peace. We see an argument made that the only strength that matters for the United States is bellicose words and shows of military force; that cooperation and diplomacy will not work. 美国也不能幸免于此。尽管我们的经济在增长，我们的军队已基本从伊拉克和阿富汗返回，但在关于美国在世界上角色的辩论中，我们看到一种力量观念，其定义就是对抗旧敌、假想对手、崛起的中国或复苏的俄罗斯；革命的伊朗，或与和平不相容的伊斯兰教。我们听到一种论点认为，对美国来说唯一重要的力量是好战的言辞和军事力量的展示；合作与外交是行不通的。
As President of the United States, I am mindful of the dangers that we face; they cross my desk every morning. I lead the strongest military that the world has ever known, and I will never hesitate to protect my country or our allies, unilaterally and by force where necessary. 作为美国总统，我深知我们面临的危险；它们每天早上都出现在我的办公桌上。我领导着世界上有史以来最强大的军队，我将毫不犹豫地保护我的国家或我们的盟友，必要时单方面使用武力。
But I stand before you today believing in my core that we, the nations of the world, cannot return to the old ways of conflict and coercion. We cannot look backwards. We live in an integrated world -- one in which we all have a stake in each other's success. We cannot turn those forces of integration. No nation in this Assembly can insulate itself from the threat of terrorism, or the risk of financial contagion; the flow of migrants, or the danger of a warming planet. 但我今天站在各位面前，从心底里相信，我们——世界各国——不能回到冲突和胁迫的老路。我们不能向后看。我们生活在一个一体化的世界里——在这个世界里，我们每个人的成功都休戚相关。我们无法逆转这些一体化的力量。本大会中没有任何一个国家能够在恐怖主义威胁、金融传染风险、移民流动或气候变暖的危险中独善其身。
The disorder we see is not driven solely by competition between nations or any single ideology. And if we cannot work together more effectively, we will all suffer the consequences. That is true for the United States, as well. 我们看到的混乱并非仅仅由国家间的竞争或任何单一意识形态所驱动。如果我们不能更有效地合作，我们都将承受后果。对美国来说也是如此。
No matter how powerful our military, how strong our economy, we understand the United States cannot solve the world's problems alone. In Iraq, the United States learned the hard lesson that even hundreds of thousands of brave, effective troops, trillions of dollars from our Treasury, cannot by itself impose stability on a foreign land. 无论我们的军队多么强大，我们的经济多么强劲，我们都明白美国无法独自解决世界的问题。在伊拉克，美国得到了惨痛的教训：即使是数十万勇敢、高效的军队，以及我们财政部的数万亿美元，也无法单靠自己在异国土地上强加稳定。
Unless we work with other nations under the mantle of international norms and principles and law that offer legitimacy to our efforts, we will not succeed. And unless we work together to defeat the ideas that drive different communities in a country like Iraq into conflict, any order that our militaries can impose will be temporary. 除非我们在国际规范、原则和法律的框架下与其他国家合作——这些规范和法律为我们的努力提供合法性——否则我们不会成功。除非我们共同努力，击败像伊拉克这样的国家中驱使不同社群走向冲突的思想，否则我们的军队所能强加的任何秩序都将是暂时的。
Just as force alone cannot impose order internationally, I believe in my core that repression cannot forge the social cohesion for nations to succeed. The history of the last two decades proves that in today's world, dictatorships are unstable. The strongmen of today become the spark of revolution tomorrow. You can jail your opponents, but you can't imprison ideas. You can try to control access to information, but you cannot turn a lie into truth. 正如单靠武力无法在国际上强加秩序一样，我从心底里相信，压制也无法建立国家成功所需的社会凝聚力。过去二十年的历史证明，在当今世界，独裁政权是不稳定的。今天的强人会成为明天革命的火花。你可以监禁你的对手，但你无法禁锢思想。你可以试图控制信息获取，但你无法把谎言变成真理。
It is not a conspiracy of U.S.-backed NGOs that expose corruption and raise the expectations of people around the globe; it's technology, social media, and the irreducible desire of people everywhere to make their own choices about how they are governed. 揭露腐败、提高全球人民期望的，不是什么美国支持的非政府组织的阴谋；而是技术、社交媒体，以及世界各地人民不可抑制的愿望——他们希望对自己被治理的方式做出自己的选择。
Indeed, I believe that in today's world, the measure of strength is no longer defined by the control of territory. Lasting prosperity does not come solely from the ability to access and extract raw materials. The strength of nations depends on the success of their people -- their knowledge, their innovation, their imagination, their creativity, their drive, their opportunity -- and that, in turn, depends upon individual rights and good governance and personal security. Internal repression and foreign aggression are both symptoms of the failure to provide this foundation. 事实上，我相信在当今世界，衡量力量的标准不再是对领土的控制。持久的繁荣不仅仅来自获取和开采原材料的能力。国家的力量取决于其人民的成功——他们的知识、他们的创新、他们的想象力、他们的创造力、他们的动力、他们的机会——而这反过来又取决于个人权利、良政和人身安全。内部镇压和外部侵略都是未能提供这一基础的症状。
A politics and solidarity that depend on demonizing others, that draws on religious sectarianism or narrow tribalism or jingoism may at times look like strength in the moment, but over time its weakness will be exposed. And history tells us that the dark forces unleashed by this type of politics surely makes all of us less secure. Our world has been there before. We gain nothing from going back. 一种依赖妖魔化他人、利用宗教宗派主义或狭隘部落主义或沙文主义的政治和团结，有时可能看起来像是力量，但随着时间的推移，其弱点将会暴露。历史告诉我们，这种政治释放的黑暗力量肯定会让我们所有人都更不安全。我们的世界以前经历过这些。回头走不会给我们带来任何好处。
Instead, I believe that we must go forward in pursuit of our ideals, not abandon them at this critical time. We must give expression to our best hopes, not our deepest fears. This institution was founded because men and women who came before us had the foresight to know that our nations are more secure when we uphold basic laws and basic norms, and pursue a path of cooperation over conflict. And strong nations, above all, have a responsibility to uphold this international order. 相反，我认为我们必须在追求理想的道路上前进，而不是在这个关键时刻放弃它们。我们必须表达我们最美好的希望，而不是最深的恐惧。这个机构的建立是因为前辈们有远见，知道当我们维护基本法律和基本规范，走合作而非冲突的道路时，我们的国家会更安全。而强国首先有责任维护这一国际秩序。
Let me give you a concrete example. After I took office, I made clear that one of the principal achievements of this body -- the nuclear non-proliferation regime -- was endangered by Iran's violation of the NPT. On that basis, the Security Council tightened sanctions on the Iranian government, and many nations joined us to enforce them. Together, we showed that laws and agreements mean something. 让我给你们举一个具体的例子。我就职后明确表示，这个机构的主要成就之一——核不扩散机制——正因伊朗违反《不扩散核武器条约》而受到威胁。在此基础上，安理会加强了对伊朗政府的制裁，许多国家加入我们共同执行制裁。我们共同表明，法律和协议是有意义的。
But we also understood that the goal of sanctions was not simply to punish Iran. Our objective was to test whether Iran could change course, accept constraints, and allow the world to verify that its nuclear program will be peaceful. 但我们也明白，制裁的目的不仅仅是惩罚伊朗。我们的目标是检验伊朗是否能够改弦易辙，接受约束，并让世界核实其核计划将用于和平目的。
For two years, the United States and our partners -- including Russia, including China -- stuck together in complex negotiations. The result is a lasting, comprehensive deal that prevents Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, while allowing it to access peaceful energy. And if this deal is fully implemented, the prohibition on nuclear weapons is strengthened, a potential war is averted, our world is safer. That is the strength of the international system when it works the way it should. 两年来，美国和我们的伙伴——包括俄罗斯，包括中国——在复杂的谈判中团结一致。结果是一项持久、全面的协议，它防止伊朗获得核武器，同时允许伊朗获取和平能源。如果这项协议得到全面执行，核武器禁令将得到加强，一场潜在的战争将得以避免，我们的世界将更加安全。这就是国际体系在正常运作时所展现的力量。
That same fidelity to international order guides our responses to other challenges around the world. Consider Russia's annexation of Crimea and further aggression in eastern Ukraine. America has few economic interests in Ukraine. We recognize the deep and complex history between Russia and Ukraine. But we cannot stand by when the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a nation is flagrantly violated. 对国际秩序的同样忠诚指导着我们应对世界各地其他挑战的方式。想想俄罗斯吞并克里米亚以及在乌克兰东部的进一步侵略。美国在乌克兰几乎没有经济利益。我们承认俄罗斯和乌克兰之间深厚而复杂的历史。但当一个国家的主权和领土完整遭到公然侵犯时，我们不能袖手旁观。
If that happens without consequence in Ukraine, it could happen to any nation gathered here today. That's the basis of the sanctions that the United States and our partners impose on Russia. It's not a desire to return to a Cold War. 如果这种情况在乌克兰发生而不受惩罚，那么今天聚集在这里的任何国家都可能发生同样的事情。这就是美国和我们的伙伴对俄罗斯实施制裁的基础。这不是想要回到冷战。
Now, within Russia, state-controlled media may describe these events as an example of a resurgent Russia -- a view shared, by the way, by a number of U.S. politicians and commentators who have always been deeply skeptical of Russia, and seem to be convinced a new Cold War is, in fact, upon us. And yet, look at the results. The Ukrainian people are more interested than ever in aligning with Europe instead of Russia. Sanctions have led to capital flight, a contracting economy, a fallen ruble, and the emigration of more educated Russians. 在俄罗斯国内，国家控制的媒体可能将这些事件描述为俄罗斯复兴的例子——顺便说一句，一些美国政界人士和评论员也持这种观点，他们一直对俄罗斯深表怀疑，似乎确信一场新的冷战实际上已经降临。然而，看看结果吧。乌克兰人民比以往任何时候都更有兴趣与欧洲结盟，而不是与俄罗斯结盟。制裁导致了资本外逃、经济收缩、卢布贬值，以及更多受过教育的俄罗斯人的外流。
Imagine if, instead, Russia had engaged in true diplomacy, and worked with Ukraine and the international community to ensure its interests were protected. That would be better for Ukraine, but also better for Russia, and better for the world -- which is why we continue to press for this crisis to be resolved in a way that allows a sovereign and democratic Ukraine to determine its future and control its territory. Not because we want to isolate Russia -- we don't -- but because we want a strong Russia that's invested in working with us to strengthen the international system as a whole. 想象一下，如果俄罗斯转而参与真正的外交，与乌克兰和国际社会合作以确保其利益得到保护，那会怎样。这对乌克兰更好，对俄罗斯也更好，对世界也更好——这就是为什么我们继续推动这场危机以一种方式解决，让一个主权和民主的乌克兰能够决定自己的未来并控制自己的领土。不是因为我们想孤立俄罗斯——我们不想——而是因为我们想要一个强大的俄罗斯，一个愿意与我们合作以加强整个国际体系的俄罗斯。
Similarly, in the South China Sea, the United States makes no claim on territory there. We don't adjudicate claims. But like every nation gathered here, we have an interest in upholding the basic principles of freedom of navigation and the free flow of commerce, and in resolving disputes through international law, not the law of force. So we will defend these principles, while encouraging China and other claimants to resolve their differences peacefully. 同样，在南海问题上，美国对那里的领土没有任何主张。我们不裁决领土争端。但与在座的每个国家一样，我们有兴趣维护航行自由和商业自由流动的基本原则，并通过国际法而非武力法则解决争端。因此，我们将捍卫这些原则，同时鼓励中国和其他声索方和平解决分歧。
I say this, recognizing that diplomacy is hard; that the outcomes are sometimes unsatisfying; that it's rarely politically popular. But I believe that leaders of large nations, in particular, have an obligation to take these risks -- precisely because we are strong enough to protect our interests if, and when, diplomacy fails. 我这样说，是因为我认识到外交是艰难的；结果有时并不令人满意；它在政治上很少受欢迎。但我认为，大国领导人尤其有义务承担这些风险——正因为我们足够强大，能够在外交失败时保护我们的利益。
I also believe that to move forward in this new era, we have to be strong enough to acknowledge when what you're doing is not working. For 50 years, the United States pursued a Cuba policy that failed to improve the lives of the Cuban people. We changed that. We continue to have differences with the Cuban government. We will continue to stand up for human rights. 我还相信，要在这个新时代向前迈进，我们必须足够强大，能够承认你正在做的事情行不通。五十年来，美国推行的古巴政策未能改善古巴人民的生活。我们改变了这一点。我们与古巴政府仍有分歧。我们将继续维护人权。
But we address these issues through diplomatic relations, and increased commerce, and people-to-people ties. As these contacts yield progress, I'm confident that our Congress will inevitably lift an embargo that should not be in place anymore. Change won't come overnight to Cuba, but I'm confident that openness, not coercion, will support the reforms and better the life the Cuban people deserve, just as I believe that Cuba will find its success if it pursues cooperation with other nations. 但我们通过外交关系、增加的商业往来以及人文交流来解决这些问题。随着这些接触带来进展，我相信我们的国会将不可避免地解除一项本不应存在的禁运。古巴的改变不会在一夜之间发生，但我相信，开放而非胁迫将支持改革并改善古巴人民应得的生活，正如我相信古巴如果寻求与其他国家合作，将会找到成功之路。
Now, if it's in the interest of major powers to uphold international standards, it is even more true for the rest of the community of nations. Look around the world. From Singapore to Colombia to Senegal, the facts shows that nations succeed when they pursue an inclusive peace and prosperity within their borders, and work cooperatively with countries beyond their borders. 现在，如果维护国际标准符合大国的利益，那么对国际社会其他成员来说就更是如此。环顾世界。从新加坡到哥伦比亚再到塞内加尔，事实表明，当各国在境内追求包容性和平与繁荣，并与境外国家合作时，国家就会成功。
That path is now available to a nation like Iran, which, as of this moment, continues to deploy violent proxies to advance its interests. These efforts may appear to give Iran leverage in disputes with neighbors, but they fuel sectarian conflict that endangers the entire region, and isolates Iran from the promise of trade and commerce. 伊朗这样的国家现在也可以选择这条道路——而目前，伊朗仍在部署暴力代理人来推进其利益。这些努力可能看起来让伊朗在与邻国的争端中拥有筹码，但它们助长了宗派冲突，危及整个地区，并使伊朗与贸易和商业的前景相隔绝。
The Iranian people have a proud history, and are filled with extraordinary potential. But chanting "Death to America" does not create jobs, or make Iran more secure. If Iran chose a different path, that would be good for the security of the region, good for the Iranian people, and good for the world. 伊朗人民有着自豪的历史，蕴藏着非凡的潜力。但高呼"美国去死"并不能创造就业机会，也不能让伊朗更安全。如果伊朗选择不同的道路，这将有利于地区安全，有利于伊朗人民，也有利于世界。
Of course, around the globe, we will continue to be confronted with nations who reject these lessons of history, places where civil strife, border disputes, and sectarian wars bring about terrorist enclaves and humanitarian disasters. Where order has completely broken down, we must act, but we will be stronger when we act together. 当然，在全球范围内，我们将继续面对那些拒绝这些历史教训的国家，在那些地方，内乱、边界争端和宗派战争催生了恐怖主义飞地和人道主义灾难。在秩序完全崩溃的地方，我们必须采取行动，但如果我们共同行动，我们会更强大。
In such efforts, the United States will always do our part. We will do so mindful of the lessons of the past -- not just the lessons of Iraq, but also the example of Libya, where we joined an international coalition under a U.N. mandate to prevent a slaughter. 在这些努力中，美国将始终尽我们的一份力量。我们这样做时会铭记过去的教训——不仅是伊拉克的教训，还有利比亚的例子——在那里，我们根据联合国授权加入了一个国际联盟，以防止一场屠杀。
Even as we helped the Libyan people bring an end to the reign of a tyrant, our coalition could have and should have done more to fill a vacuum left behind. We're grateful to the United Nations for its efforts to forge a unity government. We will help any legitimate Libyan government as it works to bring the country together. But we also have to recognize that we must work more effectively in the future, as an international community, to build capacity for states that are in distress, before they collapse. 即使我们帮助利比亚人民结束了一个暴君的统治，我们的联盟本可以也应该做更多的工作来填补留下的真空。我们感谢联合国为组建一个团结政府所做的努力。我们将帮助任何合法的利比亚政府努力实现国家统一。但我们也必须认识到，作为国际社会，我们未来必须更有效地工作，在陷入困境的国家崩溃之前建设它们的能力。
And that's why we should celebrate the fact that later today the United States will join with more than 50 countries to enlist new capabilities -- infantry, intelligence, helicopters, hospitals, and tens of thousands of troops -- to strengthen United Nations peacekeeping. These new capabilities can prevent mass killing, and ensure that peace agreements are more than words on paper. But we have to do it together. Together, we must strengthen our collective capacity to establish security where order has broken down, and to support those who seek a just and lasting peace. 这就是为什么我们应该庆祝这样一个事实：今天晚些时候，美国将与五十多个国家一道，提供新的能力——步兵、情报、直升机、医院和数万名士兵——以加强联合国维和行动。这些新的能力可以防止大规模杀戮，确保和平协议不只是纸上谈兵。但我们必须共同努力。我们必须共同加强我们的集体能力，在秩序崩溃的地方建立安全，并支持那些寻求公正持久和平的人。
Nowhere is our commitment to international order more tested than in Syria. When a dictator slaughters tens of thousands of his own people, that is not just a matter of one nation's internal affairs -- it breeds human suffering on an order of magnitude that affects us all. Likewise, when a terrorist group beheads captives, slaughters the innocent and enslaves women, that's not a single nation's national security problem -- that is an assault on all humanity. 我们对国际秩序的承诺在叙利亚受到的考验最为严峻。当一个独裁者屠杀自己的成千上万人民时，这不仅仅是一个国家的内政——它造成的人类苦难规模之大会影响我们所有人。同样，当一个恐怖组织斩首俘虏、屠杀无辜者并奴役妇女时，这不是一个国家的国家安全问题——这是对全人类的攻击。
I've said before and I will repeat: There is no room for accommodating an apocalyptic cult like ISIL, and the United States makes no apologies for using our military, as part of a broad coalition, to go after them. We do so with a determination to ensure that there will never be a safe haven for terrorists who carry out these crimes. And we have demonstrated over more than a decade of relentless pursuit of al Qaeda, we will not be outlasted by extremists. 我以前说过，我要再说一遍：没有余地去迁就伊斯兰国这样的末日邪教，美国毫不抱歉地动用我们的军队，作为广泛联盟的一部分，来打击他们。我们这样做的决心是，确保犯下这些罪行的恐怖分子永远不会有安全的避风港。我们在十多年不懈追击基地组织的过程中已经证明，极端分子不会比我们更持久。
But while military power is necessary, it is not sufficient to resolve the situation in Syria. Lasting stability can only take hold when the people of Syria forge an agreement to live together peacefully. The United States is prepared to work with any nation, including Russia and Iran, to resolve the conflict. But we must recognize that there cannot be, after so much bloodshed, so much carnage, a return to the pre-war status quo. 但是，尽管军事力量是必要的，但它不足以解决叙利亚局势。只有当叙利亚人民达成和平共处的协议时，持久稳定才能真正扎根。美国准备与任何国家合作，包括俄罗斯和伊朗，来解决这场冲突。但我们必须认识到，在经历了如此多的流血、如此多的屠杀之后，不可能回到战前的现状。
Let's remember how this started. Assad reacted to peaceful protests by escalating repression and killing that, in turn, created the environment for the current strife. And so Assad and his allies cannot simply pacify the broad majority of a population who have been brutalized by chemical weapons and indiscriminate bombing. 让我们记住这一切是如何开始的。阿萨德以升级镇压和杀戮来回应和平抗议，这反过来又为当前的冲突创造了环境。因此，阿萨德及其盟友无法简单地安抚绝大多数遭受化学武器和滥炸暴行的人口。
Yes, realism dictates that compromise will be required to end the fighting and ultimately stamp out ISIL. But realism also requires a managed transition away from Assad and to a new leader, and an inclusive government that recognizes there must be an end to this chaos so that the Syrian people can begin to rebuild. 是的，现实主义要求我们做出妥协才能结束战斗并最终消灭伊斯兰国。但现实主义也要求有管理地过渡，让阿萨德下台，由一位新领导人和一个包容性政府取而代之，承认必须结束这场混乱，以便叙利亚人民能够开始重建。
We know that ISIL -- which emerged out of the chaos of Iraq and Syria -- depends on perpetual war to survive. But we also know that they gain adherents because of a poisonous ideology. So part of our job, together, is to work to reject such extremism that infects too many of our young people. Part of that effort must be a continued rejection by Muslims of those who distort Islam to preach intolerance and promote violence, and it must also a rejection by non-Muslims of the ignorance that equates Islam with terror. 我们知道，从伊拉克和叙利亚的混乱中崛起的伊斯兰国依靠永续战争来生存。但我们也知道，他们之所以能吸引追随者，是因为一种有毒的意识形态。因此，我们共同的任务之一，就是努力抵制这种感染了太多年轻人的极端主义。这项努力的一部分必须是穆斯林继续拒绝那些歪曲伊斯兰教、宣扬不容忍和暴力的人，同时也必须是非穆斯林拒绝那种将伊斯兰教等同于恐怖主义的无知。
This work will take time. There are no easy answers to Syria. And there are no simple answers to the changes that are taking place in much of the Middle East and North Africa. But so many families need help right now; they don't have time. 这项工作需要时间。叙利亚没有简单的答案。对于中东和北非大部分地区正在发生的变化，也没有简单的答案。但这么多家庭现在就需要帮助；他们等不及了。
And that's why the United States is increasing the number of refugees who we welcome within our borders. That's why we will continue to be the largest donor of assistance to support those refugees. And today we are launching new efforts to ensure that our people and our businesses, our universities and our NGOs can help as well -- because in the faces of suffering families, our nation of immigrants sees ourselves. 这就是为什么美国正在增加我们在境内欢迎的难民人数。这就是为什么我们将继续成为支持这些难民的最大援助捐助国。今天，我们正在启动新的努力，确保我们的人民和企业、我们的大学和非政府组织也能提供帮助——因为在受苦受难的家庭脸上，我们这个移民国家看到了我们自己。
Of course, in the old ways of thinking, the plight of the powerless, the plight of refugees, the plight of the marginalized did not matter. They were on the periphery of the world's concerns. Today, our concern for them is driven not just by conscience, but should also be drive by self-interest. For helping people who have been pushed to the margins of our world is not mere charity, it is a matter of collective security. And the purpose of this institution is not merely to avoid conflict, it is to galvanize the collective action that makes life better on this planet. 当然，按照旧的思维方式，无权者的困境、难民的困境、边缘群体的困境都无关紧要。它们处于世界关切的边缘。今天，我们对他们的关切不仅仅是出于良知，也应该是出于自身利益。因为帮助那些被推到世界边缘的人们不仅仅是慈善，这是一个集体安全问题。而这个机构的目的不仅仅是避免冲突，更是要激发集体行动，让这个星球上的生活变得更美好。
The commitments we've made to the Sustainable Development Goals speak to this truth. I believe that capitalism has been the greatest creator of wealth and opportunity that the world has ever known. But from big cities to rural villages around the world, we also know that prosperity is still cruelly out of reach for too many. As His Holiness Pope Francis reminds us, we are stronger when we value the least among these, and see them as equal in dignity to ourselves and our sons and our daughters. 我们对可持续发展目标做出的承诺说明了这一真理。我相信资本主义是世界有史以来最伟大的财富和机会创造者。但从大城市到世界各地的农村村庄，我们也知道，繁荣对太多人来说仍然残酷地遥不可及。正如教宗方济各提醒我们的那样，当我们重视最弱势的群体，将他们视为与我们自己、我们的儿女享有同等尊严时，我们会更强大。
We can roll back preventable disease and end the scourge of HIV/AIDS. We can stamp out pandemics that recognize no borders. That work may not be on television right now, but as we demonstrated in reversing the spread of Ebola, it can save more lives than anything else we can do. 我们可以扭转可预防疾病的蔓延，终结艾滋病的祸害。我们可以消灭不分国界的大流行病。这项工作现在可能不会上电视，但正如我们在扭转埃博拉蔓延方面所证明的那样，它可以拯救比我们所能做的任何其他事情都更多的生命。
Together, we can eradicate extreme poverty and erase barriers to opportunity. But this requires a sustained commitment to our people -- so farmers can feed more people; so entrepreneurs can start a business without paying a bribe; so young people have the skills they need to succeed in this modern, knowledge-based economy. 我们可以共同消除极端贫困，消除机会障碍。但这需要对我们人民的持续承诺——这样农民才能养活更多人；这样企业家不用行贿就能创业；这样年轻人才能拥有在这个现代知识经济中取得成功所需的技能。
We can promote growth through trade that meets a higher standard. And that's what we're doing through the Trans-Pacific Partnership -- a trade agreement that encompasses nearly 40 percent of the global economy; an agreement that will open markets, while protecting the rights of workers and protecting the environment that enables development to be sustained. 我们可以通过达到更高标准的贸易来促进增长。这正是我们通过《跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》正在做的事情——这项贸易协定涵盖了近百分之四十的全球经济；这项协定将开放市场，同时保护工人权利和保护使发展得以持续的环境。
We can roll back the pollution that we put in our skies, and help economies lift people out of poverty without condemning our children to the ravages of an ever-warming climate. The same ingenuity that produced the Industrial Age and the Computer Age allows us to harness the potential of clean energy. No country can escape the ravages of climate change. And there is no stronger sign of leadership than putting future generations first. The United States will work with every nation that is willing to do its part so that we can come together in Paris to decisively confront this challenge. 我们可以减少我们排放到天空中的污染，帮助经济体让人们摆脱贫困，同时不让我们的孩子遭受不断变暖的气候的蹂躏。催生工业时代和计算机时代的同样的创造力，使我们能够利用清洁能源的潜力。没有哪个国家能逃脱气候变化的蹂躏。没有什么比把后代放在首位更能体现领导力了。美国将与每一个愿意尽自己一份力量的国家合作，以便我们能够在巴黎齐聚一堂，果断应对这一挑战。
And finally, our vision for the future of this Assembly, my belief in moving forward rather than backwards, requires us to defend the democratic principles that allow societies to succeed. Let me start from a simple premise: Catastrophes, like what we are seeing in Syria, do not take place in countries where there is genuine democracy and respect for the universal values this institution is supposed to defend. 最后，我们对大会未来的愿景，我对前进而非后退的信念，要求我们捍卫使社会得以成功的民主原则。让我从一个简单的前提出发：像我们在叙利亚看到的那样的灾难，不会发生在真正的民主国家、尊重这个机构本应捍卫的普世价值的国家。
I recognize that democracy is going to take different forms in different parts of the world. The very idea of a people governing themselves depends upon government giving expression to their unique culture, their unique history, their unique experiences. 我认识到，民主在世界不同地区将采取不同的形式。人民自治这一理念本身，就有赖于政府表达其独特文化、独特历史和独特经验。
But some universal truths are self-evident. No person wants to be imprisoned for peaceful worship. No woman should ever be abused with impunity, or a girl barred from going to school. The freedom to peacefully petition those in power without fear of arbitrary laws -- these are not ideas of one country or one culture. They are fundamental to human progress. They are a cornerstone of this institution. 但有些普世真理是不言自明的。没有人愿意因为和平的信仰而被监禁。任何妇女都不应遭受虐待而不受惩罚，任何女孩都不应被剥夺上学的权利。和平地向掌权者请愿而不必担心任意法律的自由——这些不是一个国家或一种文化的理念。它们是人类进步的基础。它们是这个机构的基石。
I realize that in many parts of the world there is a different view -- a belief that strong leadership must tolerate no dissent. I hear it not only from America's adversaries, but privately at least I also hear it from some of our friends. I disagree. I believe a government that suppresses peaceful dissent is not showing strength; it is showing weakness and it is showing fear. History shows that regimes who fear their own people will eventually crumble, but strong institutions built on the consent of the governed endure long after any one individual is gone. 我意识到，在世界许多地方存在不同的看法——一种认为强有力的领导必须不容忍异见的信念。我不仅从美国的对手那里听到这种说法，私下里至少也从我们的一些朋友那里听到。我不同意。我认为，一个压制和平异见的政府不是在展示力量；它是在展示软弱和恐惧。历史表明，害怕自己人民的政权最终会崩溃，而建立在被统治者同意基础上的强大制度，在任何个人离去之后都能长久存在。
That's why our strongest leaders -- from George Washington to Nelson Mandela -- have elevated the importance of building strong, democratic institutions over a thirst for perpetual power. Leaders who amend constitutions to stay in office only acknowledge that they failed to build a successful country for their people -- because none of us last forever. It tells us that power is something they cling to for its own sake, rather than for the betterment of those they purport to serve. 这就是为什么我们最强大的领导人——从乔治·华盛顿到纳尔逊·曼德拉——都将建立强大民主制度的重要性置于对永久权力的渴望之上。那些修改宪法以留任的领导人，只是承认他们未能为人民建设一个成功的国家——因为我们没有人能永远存在。这告诉我们，他们紧握权力是为了权力本身，而不是为了他们声称要服务的人的福祉。
I understand democracy is frustrating. Democracy in the United States is certainly imperfect. At times, it can even be dysfunctional. But democracy -- the constant struggle to extend rights to more of our people, to give more people a voice -- is what allowed us to become the most powerful nation in the world. 我理解民主是令人沮丧的。美国的民主当然是不完美的。有时，它甚至可能功能失调。但民主——不断努力将权利扩展到更多人民，让更多人拥有发言权——正是让我们成为世界上最强大国家的原因。
It's not simply a matter of principle; it's not an abstraction. Democracy -- inclusive democracy -- makes countries stronger. When opposition parties can seek power peacefully through the ballot, a country draws upon new ideas. When a free media can inform the public, corruption and abuse are exposed and can be rooted out. 这不仅仅是原则问题；这不是抽象的。民主——包容性的民主——使国家更强大。当反对党可以通过选票和平寻求权力时，一个国家就能汲取新的思想。当自由媒体能够告知公众时，腐败和滥用就会被揭露并被根除。
When civil society thrives, communities can solve problems that governments cannot necessarily solve alone. When immigrants are welcomed, countries are more productive and more vibrant. When girls can go to school, and get a job, and pursue unlimited opportunity, that's when a country realizes its full potential. 当公民社会蓬勃发展时，社区可以解决政府不一定能独自解决的问题。当移民受到欢迎时，国家就会更有生产力、更有活力。当女孩能够上学、找到工作、追求无限机会时，一个国家才能充分发挥其潜力。
That is what I believe is America's greatest strength. Not everybody in America agrees with me. That's part of democracy. 这就是我所认为的美国最大的力量。并非每个美国人都同意我的看法。这是民主的一部分。
I believe that the fact that you can walk the streets of this city right now and pass churches and synagogues and temples and mosques, where people worship freely; the fact that our nation of immigrants mirrors the diversity of the world -- you can find everybody from everywhere here in New York City -- the fact that, in this country, everybody can contribute, everybody can participate no matter who they are, or what they look like, or who they love -- that's what makes us strong. 我相信，你现在可以走在这座城市的街道上，经过人们自由礼拜的教堂、犹太会堂、寺庙和清真寺；我们这个移民国家反映了世界的多样性——在纽约市你可以找到来自各地的每一个人——在这个国家，每个人都可以贡献，每个人都可以参与，无论他们是谁、长什么样、爱谁——这就是让我们强大的原因。
And I believe that what is true for America is true for virtually all mature democracies. And that is no accident. We can be proud of our nations without defining ourselves in opposition to some other group. We can be patriotic without demonizing someone else. We can cherish our own identities -- our religion, our ethnicity, our traditions -- without putting others down. 我相信对美国来说是正确的，对几乎所有成熟的民主国家来说也是正确的。这并非偶然。我们可以为我们的国家感到自豪，而不必通过与其他群体对立来定义自己。我们可以爱国，而不必妖魔化他人。我们可以珍惜自己的身份——我们的宗教、我们的族裔、我们的传统——而不必贬低他人。
Our systems are premised on the notion that absolute power will corrupt, but that people -- ordinary people -- are fundamentally good; that they value family and friendship, faith and the dignity of hard work; and that with appropriate checks and balances, governments can reflect this goodness. 我们的制度建立在这样一个观念之上：绝对权力会导致腐败，但人民——普通人民——本质上是善良的；他们珍视家庭和友谊、信仰和辛勤工作的尊严；在适当的制衡下，政府能够反映这种善良。
I believe that's the future we must seek together. To believe in the dignity of every individual, to believe we can bridge our differences, and choose cooperation over conflict -- that is not weakness, that is strength. It is a practical necessity in this interconnected world. 我相信这就是我们必须共同追求的未来。相信每个人的尊严，相信我们能够弥合分歧，选择合作而非冲突——这不是软弱，这是力量。在这个相互关联的世界里，这是一种实际的必要。
And our people understand this. Think of the Liberian doctor who went door-to-door to search for Ebola cases, and to tell families what to do if they show symptoms. 我们的人民明白这一点。想想那位利比里亚医生，她挨家挨户搜寻埃博拉病例，告诉家庭如果出现症状该怎么办。
Think of the Iranian shopkeeper who said, after the nuclear deal, "God willing, now we'll be able to offer many more goods at better prices." Think of the Americans who lowered the flag over our embassy in Havana in 1961 -- the year I was born -- and returned this summer to raise that flag back up. One of these men said of the Cuban people, "We could do things for them, and they could do things for us. We loved them." For 50 years, we ignored that fact. 想想那位伊朗店主，他在核协议达成后说："愿真主保佑，现在我们能以更好的价格提供更多商品了。"想想那些在1961年——也就是我出生的那一年——降下我们驻哈瓦那大使馆国旗的美国人，今年夏天他们又回来把国旗重新升起。其中一人这样评价古巴人民："我们可以为他们做事，他们也可以为我们做事。我们爱他们。"五十年来，我们忽视了这一事实。
Think of the families leaving everything they've known behind, risking barren deserts and stormy waters just to find shelter; just to save their children. One Syrian refugee who was greeted in Hamburg with warm greetings and shelter, said, "We feel there are still some people who love other people." 想想那些抛下一切熟悉的事物，冒着穿越贫瘠沙漠和汹涌海浪的风险，只为寻找庇护所；只为拯救自己孩子的家庭。一位在汉堡受到热情欢迎和庇护的叙利亚难民说："我们感觉仍然有一些人爱着其他人。"
The people of our United Nations are not as different as they are told. They can be made to fear; they can be taught to hate -- but they can also respond to hope. History is littered with the failure of false prophets and fallen empires who believed that might always makes right, and that will continue to be the case. You can count on that. But we are called upon to offer a different type of leadership -- leadership strong enough to recognize that nations share common interests and people share a common humanity, and, yes, there are certain ideas and principles that are universal. 我们联合国各国人民并不像他们被告知的那样不同。他们可以被制造恐惧；他们可以被教导仇恨——但他们也可以回应希望。历史上充斥着那些相信强权即公理的假先知和没落帝国的失败，而且这种情况还将继续。你可以相信这一点。但我们被召唤提供一种不同类型的领导力——一种足够强大的领导力，能够认识到各国有共同利益，各国人民有共同的人性，而且，是的，有些思想和原则是普世的。
That's what those who shaped the United Nations 70 years ago understood. Let us carry forward that faith into the future -- for it is the only way we can assure that future will be brighter for my children, and for yours. 这就是七十年前塑造联合国的人们所理解的。让我们把这一信念带入未来——因为只有这样，我们才能确保我的孩子和你们的孩子拥有更光明的未来。
Thank you very much. 非常感谢大家。