Let me begin by thanking Harris Wofford for his contributions to this country. In so many different ways, he exemplifies what we mean by the word "citizen." And so we are very grateful to him for all the work he has done; and I'm thankful for the gracious and thoughtful introduction. 首先，让我感谢哈里斯·沃福德为这个国家所做的贡献。在许多方面，他体现了我们所说的"公民"一词的含义。因此，我们非常感谢他所做的一切工作；我也感谢他热情而周到的介绍。
"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union." Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars, statesmen and patriots who had traveled across the ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their Declaration of Independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787. "我们人民，为了建立一个更完美的联邦。"两百二十一年前，在至今仍屹立在街对面的大厅里，一群人聚集在一起，用这些简单的话开启了美国不平凡的民主实验。农民和学者、政治家和爱国者——他们漂洋过海以逃避暴政和迫害——最终在1787年春天持续召开的费城制宪会议上，将他们的《独立宣言》变为现实。
The document they produced was eventually signed, but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least 20 more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations. 他们制定的文件最终被签署，但却永远未完成。它被这个国家奴隶制的原罪所玷污，这个问题分裂了殖民地，使制宪会议陷入僵局，直到开国者们选择允许奴隶贸易至少继续20年，并将最终的解决方案留给后代。
Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution -- a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time. 当然，奴隶制问题的答案已经嵌在我们的宪法之中——一部以法律下平等公民权的理想为核心的宪法；一部向其人民承诺自由与正义的宪法；一部承诺建立一个能够并且应该随着时间的推移而趋于完善的联邦的宪法。
And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part -- through protests and struggles, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience, and always at great risk -- to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time. 然而，仅有羊皮纸上的文字不足以将奴隶从奴役中解放出来，也不足以赋予各种肤色和信仰的男女作为美国公民的充分权利和义务。所需要的是一代又一代的美国人愿意尽自己的一份力量——通过抗议和斗争，在街头和法庭上，通过内战和公民不服从，并且总是冒着巨大的风险——来缩小我们理想的承诺与其时代现实之间的差距。
This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this presidential campaign: to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring, and more prosperous America. 这是我们在这次总统竞选开始时设定的任务之一：延续前人的漫长征程，为一个更公正、更平等、更自由、更关怀、更繁荣的美国而奋斗。
I chose to run for President at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together, unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction: towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren. And this belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own story. 我在这个历史时刻选择竞选总统，是因为我深信，除非我们共同解决，否则我们无法解决当前的挑战；除非我们通过理解来完善我们的联邦——我们可能有不同的故事，但我们怀有共同的希望；我们可能看起来不同，来自不同的地方，但我们都想朝着同一个方向前进：为我们的子孙后代创造一个更美好的未来。这种信念来自我对美国人民的善良和慷慨的坚定信念。但它也来自我自己的故事。
I'm the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's army during World War II, and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and I've lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slave owners, an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. 我是一个肯尼亚黑人男子和一个堪萨斯州白人女子的儿子。我在一位白人祖父和一位白人祖母的帮助下长大——祖父在大萧条中幸存下来，在帕特顿将军的军队中服役参加了第二次世界大战；祖母在他海外服役期间，在利文沃斯堡的轰炸机装配线工作。我上过美国一些最好的学校，也在世界上最贫穷的国家之一生活过。我与一位美国黑人结婚，她身上流淌着奴隶和奴隶主的血液——这是我们传递给两个珍贵女儿的遗产。
I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles, and cousins of every race and every hue scattered across three continents. And for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on earth is my story even possible. It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional of candidates. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts -- that out of many, we are truly one. 我有兄弟姐妹、侄女侄子、叔叔阿姨、堂表兄弟姐妹，他们属于各种种族和肤色，分散在三大洲。在我的一生中，我永远不会忘记，在地球上没有任何其他国家能让我的故事成为可能。这个故事没有让我成为最传统的候选人。但它已经深深烙入我的基因构成，让我相信这个国家不仅仅是其各部分的总和——我们因众多而真正成为一体。
Now throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans. This is not to say that race has not been an issue in this campaign. 在这场竞选的第一年里，与所有预测相反，我们看到了美国人民多么渴望这种团结的信息。尽管有人试图从纯粹的种族角度看待我的候选资格，但我们在一些白人人口比例最高的州赢得了压倒性的胜利。在南卡罗来纳州，那里仍然飘扬着邦联国旗，我们建立了一个由非裔美国人和白人美国人组成的强大联盟。这并不是说种族在这场竞选中不是一个问题。
At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every single exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well. 在竞选的不同阶段，一些评论员认为我要么"太黑"，要么"不够黑"。南卡罗来纳州初选前一周，我们看到种族紧张关系浮出水面。媒体仔细审视每一份出口民调，寻找种族两极分化的最新证据——不仅看白人与黑人之间，也看黑人与棕色人种之间。
And yet, it's only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn. On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of wild and wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. 然而，直到最近几周，这场竞选中有关种族的讨论才出现格外撕裂的转向。一端有人暗示，我参选不过是某种平权行动的产物，只是那些狂热而天真的自由派企图用低廉代价换取种族和解。
On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation and that rightly offend white and black alike. 在另一端，我们听到我前任牧师耶利米·赖特使用煽动性语言表达观点，这些观点不仅有可能扩大种族鸿沟，而且贬低了我们国家的伟大和善良，理所当然地激怒了白人和黑人。
Now I've already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy, and in some cases, pain. For some, nagging questions remain: Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in the church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely, just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagree. 我已经用毫不含糊的措辞谴责了赖特牧师那些引起如此争议、在某些情况下还带来痛苦的言论。对一些人来说，挥之不去的问题依然存在：我是否知道他偶尔会激烈批评美国的国内外政策？当然知道。我是否曾经在教堂里听到他发表过可能被视为有争议的言论？是的。我是否强烈不同意他的许多政治观点？当然，就像我相信你们许多人从你们的牧师、神父或拉比那里听到过你们强烈不同意的言论一样。
But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's efforts to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country, a view that sees white racism as endemic and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam. 但引发这场最近风暴的言论不仅仅是有争议的。它们不仅仅是一位宗教领袖试图大声疾呼反对所谓的不公。相反，它们表达了对这个国家极其扭曲的看法——一种认为白人种族主义是根深蒂固的观点，一种将美国的问题置于我们所知道的美国的一切美好之上的观点；一种认为中东冲突主要源于以色列等坚定盟友的行为，而非源于激进伊斯兰的扭曲和仇恨意识形态的观点。
As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems: two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis, and potentially devastating climate change -- problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all. 因此，赖特牧师的言论不仅错误，而且具有分裂性——在我们需要团结的时候制造分裂；在我们需要共同解决一系列巨大问题的时候——两场战争、恐怖主义威胁、不断下滑的经济、长期的医疗保健危机，以及潜在的毁灭性气候变化——这些问题既不是黑人的，也不是白人的，既不是拉丁裔的，也不是亚裔的，而是我们所有人面对的问题。
Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television sets and YouTube, if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way. 鉴于我的背景、政治立场，以及我所宣示的价值观与理想，毫无疑问，有些人认为我的谴责还不够。他们或许会问：当初为何要与赖特牧师来往？为什么不加入另一所教会？我承认，如果我对赖特牧师的了解仅限于电视和视频网站上循环不断的那些布道片段，如果三一联合基督教会真如某些评论员歪曲描绘的那样，那么毫无疑问，我也会作出大致相同的反应。
But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another, to care for the sick and lift up the poor. 但事实是，我所知道的这个人不止这些。我二十多年前认识的那个人，是帮助我认识基督教信仰的人，是教导我们要彼此相爱、照顾病人、帮助贫困者的人。
He is a man who served his country as a United States Marine, and who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who over 30 years has led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth -- by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS. 他是一名美国海军陆战队员，曾在这个国家一些最好的大学和神学院学习和讲学，三十多年来领导着一个通过在人间做上帝的工作来服务社区的教会——收容无家可归者、帮助贫困者、提供日托服务、奖学金和监狱事工，并关爱那些遭受艾滋病毒/艾滋病折磨的人。
In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity, and it goes as follows: 在我的第一本书《我父亲的梦想》中，我描述了我在三一教堂第一次礼拜的经历，内容如下：
People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up to the rafters. 人们开始高声回应，纷纷从座位上站起，鼓掌、呼喊；仿佛一阵劲风将牧师的声音托向屋顶。
And in that single note -- hope -- I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. 在那个单一的音符——希望——中，我听到了其他的声音；在那座十字架脚下，在城市里成千上万的教堂中，我想象着普通黑人的故事与大卫和歌利亚、摩西和法老、狮穴中的基督徒、以西结干枯骸骨之地的故事融合在一起。
Those stories of survival and freedom and hope became our stories, my story. The blood that spilled was our blood; the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black. In chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a meaning to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about -- memories that all people might study and cherish and with which we could start to rebuild. 那些关于生存、自由和希望的故事成为了我们的故事，我的故事。流淌的血是我们的血；眼泪是我们的眼泪；直到这座黑人教堂，在这个光明的日子里，再次成为一个民族将故事传递给后代和更广阔世界的载体。我们的考验和胜利同时变得独特而普遍，是黑人的，也是超越黑人的。在讲述我们的旅程时，这些故事和歌曲赋予我们重新找回那些不必为之羞耻的记忆的意义——所有人都可以学习并珍视这些记忆，我们也可以由此开始重建。
That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety -- the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing and clapping and screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. 这就是我在三一教堂的亲身经历。像全国其他以黑人会众为主的教堂一样，三一教堂完整映照着黑人社区——既有医生和依靠福利生活的母亲，也有模范学生和曾经的帮派成员。和其他黑人教堂一样，三一教堂的礼拜中充满爽朗的笑声，有时也夹杂粗俗的幽默；人们跳舞、鼓掌、欢呼、呐喊，未曾习惯的人听来或许会感到突兀。
The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and, yes, the bitterness and biases that make up the black experience in America. 这所教会完整容纳了构成美国黑人经验的一切：善良与残酷、敏锐的智慧与惊人的无知、挣扎与成功、爱，以及——是的——苦涩与偏见。
And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthens my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions -- the good and the bad -- of the community that he has served diligently for so many years. 这也许有助于解释我与赖特牧师的关系。尽管他可能并不完美，但他对我来说就像家人一样。他坚定了我的信仰，主持了我的婚礼，为我的孩子施了洗礼。在我与他的所有对话中，我从未听到他以贬义的方式谈论任何种族群体，或对与他互动的白人表现出不礼貌和不尊重。他身上包含了他多年来勤勉服务的社区的矛盾——好与坏。
I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can disown my white grandmother, a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed her by on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe. 我无法与他割裂，就像我无法与黑人社区割裂一样。我无法抛弃他，就像我无法抛弃我的白人祖母一样——她帮助把我抚养成人，一次又一次为我作出牺牲，像爱世上任何事物一样深爱着我；但她也曾坦言，自己害怕街上从身旁走过的黑人男子，还不止一次说出令我难堪的种族或族裔刻板话语。
These people are part of me. And they are part of America, this country that I love. 这些人是我的一部分。他们也是美国的一部分，这个我所热爱的国家。
Now, some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. And I suppose the politically safe thing to do would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro in the aftermath of her recent statements as harboring some deep -- deep-seated bias. 有人会把这看成是在为那些根本不可原谅的言论辩解或开脱。我可以向各位保证，绝非如此。我想，从政治安全的角度，最稳妥的做法或许是翻过这一页，只希望风波自行淡去。我们可以把赖特牧师斥为怪人或煽动家，正如杰拉尔丁·费拉罗发表近期言论后，有人认定她怀有根深蒂固的偏见一样。
But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America: to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality. The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through, a part of our union that we have not yet made perfect. 但种族问题是我认为这个国家眼下不能置之不理的问题。否则，我们就会犯下与赖特牧师在那些冒犯美国的布道中同样的错误：把问题简单化、套上刻板印象，并无限放大负面因素，直至扭曲现实。事实上，过去几周出现的言论和问题，反映出这个国家从未真正理清的种族关系之复杂，也反映出我们的联邦仍未完善的一面。
And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care or education or the need to find good jobs for every American. 如果我们现在转身离开，如果我们只是退回各自的角落，我们就永远无法团结起来，解决医疗保健、教育以及为每个美国人创造好工作等挑战。
Understanding -- Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist between the African-American community and the larger American community today can be traced directly to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow. 理解这一现实需要我们回忆我们是如何走到这一步的。正如威廉·福克纳曾经写道："过去没有死，也没有被埋葬。事实上，它甚至还没有过去。"我们不需要在这里复述这个国家种族不公正的历史。但我们需要提醒自己，今天非裔美国人和更广泛的美国社区之间存在的许多差距，可以直接追溯到前几代人在奴隶制和吉姆·克劳制度的残酷遗产下遭受的不平等。
Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools. We still haven't fixed them, 50 years after Brown versus Board of Education. And the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students. 种族隔离的学校过去是、现在仍然是劣等学校。在布朗诉教育委员会案50年后，我们仍未解决它们。而它们当时提供的劣等教育，解释了今天黑人和白人学生之间普遍存在的成绩差距。
Legalized discrimination, where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or the fire department meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between blacks and whites and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persist in so many of today's urban and rural communities. 法律上的歧视——黑人经常在暴力阻挠下无法拥有财产，非裔美国企业主得不到贷款，黑人房主无法获得联邦住房管理局担保的抵押贷款，黑人被排除在工会、警察队伍或消防部门之外——意味着黑人家庭无法积累可观的财富并传给后代。这段历史有助于解释黑人与白人之间的财富和收入差距，也有助于解释为何贫困至今仍集中存在于许多城市和乡村社区。
A lack of economic opportunity among black men and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family contributed to the erosion of black families, a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods -- parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up, building code enforcement -- all helped create a cycle of violence, blight, and neglect that continues to haunt us. 黑人男性缺乏经济机会，无法养家所带来的羞耻与挫败感，促使黑人家庭结构逐渐瓦解，而多年来的福利政策或许又加剧了这一问题。许多城市黑人社区还缺少基本公共服务——供孩子玩耍的公园、巡逻街区的警察、定期的垃圾清运、建筑法规的落实——这些因素共同造成了暴力、破败与失管的恶性循环，至今仍困扰着我们。
This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late '50s and early '60s, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but how many men and women overcame the odds, how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them. 这就是赖特牧师和他那一代非裔美国人成长的现实。他们在50年代末和60年代初成年，当时种族隔离仍然是国家法律，机会被系统性地限制。值得注意的不是有多少人在歧视面前失败了，而是有多少男女克服了困难，为像我这样后来者开辟了道路。
But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it -- those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations -- those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their world view in fundamental ways. 但在所有奋力争取美国梦一席之地的人中，也有许多人未能成功——他们最终以这样或那样的方式被歧视击败。这种挫败的遗产又传给了后代：我们看到一些年轻男子，以及越来越多的年轻女子，站在街角或在监狱中蹉跎岁月，对未来既无希望，也无憧憬。即便是那些取得成功的黑人，种族与种族主义问题仍从根本上塑造着他们的世界观。
For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away, nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. 对赖特牧师那一代男女而言，屈辱、怀疑与恐惧的记忆并未消失，那些岁月留下的愤怒与苦涩也没有消失。
That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends, but it does find voice in the barbershop or the beauty shop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians to gin up votes along racial lines or to make up for a politician's own failings. And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. 这种愤怒也许不会在公共场合、在白人同事或白人朋友面前流露，却会在理发店、美容院或餐桌旁发出声音。有时，政客会利用这种愤怒来煽动按种族投票，或掩盖自身的失误；偶尔，它也会在周日清晨的教堂里，在讲坛上和长椅间发出声音。
The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of that old truism that the most segregated hour of American life occurs on Sunday morning. 如此多人听到赖特牧师某些布道中的愤怒而感到惊讶，这只是在提醒我们那句老话：美国生活中种族隔离最严重的时刻，就是周日清晨。
That -- That anger is not always productive. Indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems. It keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity within the African-American community in our own condition. It prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful, and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races. 这种愤怒并不总是富有成效的。事实上，它常常分散了解决真正问题的注意力。它使我们无法正视非裔美国社区内部对我们自身状况的共谋。它阻止非裔美国社区建立实现真正变革所需的联盟。但愤怒是真实的；它是强大的，仅仅希望它消失，在不了解其根源的情况下谴责它，只会加深种族之间的误解鸿沟。
In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they've been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience. As far as they're concerned, no one handed them anything; they built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pensions dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and they feel their dreams slipping away. 事实上，白人社区中也存在类似的愤怒。大多数工薪阶层和中产阶级的白人美国人并不觉得他们因种族而特别享有特权。他们的经历是移民的经历。就他们而言，没有人给过他们任何东西；他们从头开始建立了一切。他们一生都在努力工作，很多时候只是看到自己的工作岗位被转移到海外，或养老金在一生的劳动后被清空。
And in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town, when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed, when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudice, resentment builds over time. 他们对自己的未来感到焦虑，觉得自己的梦想正在溜走。在一个工资停滞和全球竞争的时代，机会被视为零和游戏，你的梦想以我的代价为代价。所以当他们被告知要用校车送孩子去镇上另一头的学校，当他们听说一个非裔美国人因为他们自己从未犯下的不公正而在获得好工作或好大学名额方面获得优势时，当他们被告知他们对城市社区犯罪的恐惧某种程度上是偏见时，怨恨就会随着时间的推移而积累。
Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism. 就像黑人社区的愤怒一样，这些怨恨并不总是在礼貌的场合表达。但它们至少帮助塑造了一代的政治格局。对福利和平权行动的愤怒帮助建立了里根联盟。政客们经常利用对犯罪的恐惧来达到自己的选举目的。脱口秀主持人和保守派评论员通过揭露虚假的种族主义主张，同时将对种族不公正和不平等的合法讨论视为仅仅是政治正确或逆向种族主义，建立了整个职业生涯。
And just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze: a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. 正如黑人愤怒常常产生反效果一样，这些白人怨恨也分散了人们对中产阶级挤压真正罪魁祸首的注意力：充满内部交易的企业文化、可疑的会计做法和短期贪婪；由说客和特殊利益集团主导的华盛顿；照顾少数人而非多数人的经济政策。
And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns, this, too, widens the racial divide and blocks the path to understanding. 然而，希望消除美国白人的怨恨，将他们标记为被误导的或甚至是种族主义者，而不承认这些怨恨根植于合理的关切之中，这也同样会扩大种族鸿沟，阻碍理解的道路。
This is where we are right now. 这就是我们现在所处的位置。
It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. And contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naive as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle or with a single candidate, particularly -- particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own. 这是我们多年来一直陷入的种族僵局。与一些批评者——无论黑人还是白人——所说的相反，我从未天真地认为，我们能在一个选举周期内，或仅凭一位候选人，就跨越种族分歧，尤其这位候选人还是并不完美的我自己。
But I have asserted a firm conviction, a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people, that, working together, we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds and that, in fact, we have no choice -- we have no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union. 但我始终坚信——这一信念植根于我对上帝和美国人民的信仰——只要共同努力，我们就能跨越一些陈旧的种族创伤。事实上，我们别无选择；如果要继续走在建设一个更完美联邦的道路上，我们就别无选择。
For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances, for better health care and better schools and better jobs, to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man who's been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. 对非裔美国人社区来说，这条道路意味着拥抱我们过去的负担，而不成为过去的受害者。它意味着继续坚持在美国生活的各个方面实现完全的正义。但它也意味着将我们特殊的不平——更好的医疗保健、更好的学校、更好的工作——与所有美国人更大的抱负联系起来——努力打破玻璃天花板的白人女性、被解雇的白人男性、努力养家的移民。
And it means also taking full responsibility for our own lives -- by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism. They must always believe -- They must always believe that they can write their own destiny. 它还意味着对我们自己的生活承担全部责任——通过向我们的父亲提出更多要求，花更多时间陪伴我们的孩子，给他们读书，教导他们：虽然他们在自己的生活中可能面临挑战和歧视，但他们绝不能屈服于绝望或愤世嫉俗。他们必须始终相信——他们必须始终相信自己能够书写自己的命运。
Ironically, this quintessentially American -- and, yes, conservative -- notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change. The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. 具有讽刺意味的是，这种典型的美国式——是的，保守的——自助观念在赖特牧师的布道中经常得到表达。但我前任牧师常常没能理解的是，开始自助计划也需要相信社会能够改变。赖特牧师布道的深刻错误不在于他谈到了我们社会中的种族主义，而在于他说话的方式，好像我们的社会是静止的，好像没有取得任何进展，好像这个国家——一个让他自己的成员能够竞选国家最高职位并建立了白人和黑人、拉丁裔、亚裔、富有、贫穷、年轻和老年人的联盟的国家——仍然不可挽回地绑定在一个悲惨的过去。
It's that he spoke as if our society was static, as if no progress had been made, as if this country -- a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black, Latino, Asian, rich, poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. What we know, what we have seen, is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope -- the audacity to hope -- for what we can and must achieve tomorrow. 我们所知道的，我们所看到的，是美国能够改变。这才是这个国家真正的天才。我们已经取得的成就给了我们希望——大胆的希望——为我们明天能够而且必须实现的一切。
Now, in the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination -- and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past -- that these things are real and must be addressed. 现在，在白人社区中，通往更完美联邦的道路意味着承认，困扰非裔美国人社区的问题并不只是存在于黑人的心中；歧视的遗产——以及当前的歧视事件，虽然不像过去那样公开——这些都是真实的，必须加以解决。
Not just with words, but with deeds -- by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams, that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper. 不仅仅是用言语，而是用行动——通过投资于我们的学校和社区；通过执行我们的民权法律，确保我们的刑事司法系统公平；通过为这一代提供前几代人无法获得的机会之梯。它要求所有美国人意识到，你的梦想不必以牺牲我的梦想为代价；投资于黑人、棕色人和白人孩子的健康、福利和教育，最终将帮助所有美国繁荣。
In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more and nothing less than what all the world's great religions demand: that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well. 归根结底，所需要的正是世界上所有伟大宗教所要求的：我们要己所不欲，勿施于人。让我们成为弟兄的守护者，圣经这样教导我们。让我们成为姊妹的守护者。让我们找到我们彼此之间的共同利益，让我们的政治也反映这种精神。
For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division and conflict and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle, as we did in the O.J. trial; or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina; or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. 因为我们在这个国家面临一种选择。我们可以接受一种滋生分裂、冲突和犬儒主义的政治。我们可以只把种族问题当成一场戏来看待，就像辛普森案审判时那样；或只在悲剧之后谈论它，就像卡特里娜飓风过后那样；又或者把它当作晚间新闻的谈资。我们可以每天在所有频道播放赖特牧师的布道，从现在一直讨论到选举，让这场竞选唯一的问题变成：美国人民是否认为我在某种程度上相信或认同他那些最具冒犯性的言论。
We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card; or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies. We can do that. But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction, and then another one, and then another one. And nothing will change. 我们可以抓住希拉里的某个支持者的失误作为证据，说她在打种族牌；或者我们可以猜测白人男性是否都会在大选中不管约翰·麦凯恩的政策而投票给他。我们可以那样做。但如果我们那样做，我可以告诉你们，在下次选举中，我们将谈论另一个干扰因素，然后又一个，然后又一个。什么都不会改变。
That is one option. 这是一个选择。
Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native-American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not "those kids," -- they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st-century economy. Not this time. 或者，就在此刻，就在这场选举中，我们可以团结起来说："这一次，不。"这一次，我们要谈论那些破败不堪、正在夺走黑人、白人、亚裔、西班牙裔和美洲原住民孩子未来的学校。我们要拒绝那种声称这些孩子学不会、声称那些长得不像我们的孩子只是别人家问题的犬儒论调。美国的孩子不是"那些孩子"——他们是我们的孩子，我们不会让他们在21世纪的经济中掉队。这一次，不。
This time we want to talk about how the lines in the emergency room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care, who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together. 这次我们想谈论急诊室里那些没有医疗保险的白人、黑人和西班牙裔人，他们无法独自克服华盛顿的特殊利益集团，但如果我们共同努力，就能战胜它们。
This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit. 这一次，我们要谈论那些已经关闭、却曾让各种族男女过上体面生活的工厂，以及那些挂牌出售、却曾属于不同宗教、不同地区、各行各业美国人的房屋。我们要谈论这样一个事实：真正的问题并不是某个长得不像你的人可能抢走你的工作，而是你供职的公司会仅仅为了利润把工作转移到海外。
This time -- This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that should've never been authorized and should've never been waged. And we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits that they have earned. 这次我们想谈论各种肤色和信仰的男女，他们在同一面值得骄傲的旗帜下一起服务、一起战斗、一起流血。我们想谈论如何把他们从一场本不该被授权、本不该被发动的战争中带回家。我们还想谈论如何通过照顾他们和他们的家人，给予他们应得的福利，来表达我们的爱国主义。
I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation -- the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election. 如果我不相信这是绝大多数美国人对这个国家的期望，我就不会竞选总统。这个联邦可能永远不会完美，但一代又一代人已经证明它总能被完善。今天，每当我对这种可能性感到怀疑或愤世嫉俗时，给我最大希望的是下一代——那些态度、信仰和对变革的开放性已经在这场选举中创造了历史的年轻人。
There's one story in particular that I'd like to leave you with today, a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta. There's a young, 23-year-old woman, a white woman named Ashley Baia, who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She'd been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there. 今天我特别想用一个故事作结。我曾有幸在马丁·路德·金博士诞辰纪念日到他所在的亚特兰大埃比尼泽浸信会教堂演讲，当时也讲过这个故事。有一位23岁的年轻白人女性，名叫阿什利·拜亚，在南卡罗来纳州佛罗伦萨为我们的竞选团队做组织工作。从竞选开始以来，她一直在一个以非裔美国人为主的社区开展组织工作。一天，她参加了一场圆桌讨论，大家轮流讲述自己的故事，以及自己为何来到这里。
And Ashley said that when she was 9 years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom. 阿什利说，她9岁时母亲患上了癌症。母亲因不得不请假而被解雇，也失去了医疗保险。她们只得申请破产。正是在那时，阿什利决定必须做点什么来帮助母亲。
She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches -- because that was the cheapest way to eat. That's the mind of a 9 year old. She did this for a year until her mom got better. And so Ashley told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she had joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too. 她知道食品是家里最大的一笔开销之一，于是便说服母亲，自己最喜欢、最想吃的就是芥末酱和酸黄瓜酱三明治——因为那是最省钱的吃法。这就是一个9岁孩子的心思。整整一年，她都这样做，直到母亲病情好转。阿什利告诉圆桌会上的所有人，她加入我们的竞选，就是为了帮助全国数百万同样想要、也需要帮助父母的孩子。
Now, Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice. 现在，阿什利本可以做出不同的选择。也许有人在某个时候告诉她，她母亲的问题源于那些靠福利度日、太懒而不愿工作的黑人，或者是非法来到这个国家的西班牙裔人。但她没有。她在争取正义的斗争中寻找盟友。
Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and different reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he doesn't bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. 总之，阿什利讲完自己的故事后，又逐一询问屋里其他人为何支持这场竞选。每个人都有不同的故事和理由，许多人都提到了某个具体问题。最后，轮到一位始终安静坐着的黑人老人。阿什利问他为什么来。他没有提出任何具体议题，没有说医疗保健或经济，没有说教育或战争，也没有说自己是因为巴拉克·奥巴马而来。
He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley." "I'm here because of Ashley." 他只是对屋里所有人说："我是因为阿什利才来的。""我是因为阿什利才来的。"
Now, by itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children. But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the 221 years since a band of patriots signed that document right here in Philadelphia, that is where perfection begins. 当然，仅凭那个年轻白人女孩与那位黑人老人彼此认同的一刻，还远远不够。它不足以让病者得到医疗照护，让失业者获得工作，让孩子们接受教育。但我们正是要从这里开始；我们的联邦也正是从这里变得更加强大。221年前，一群爱国者就在费城签署了那份文件。此后，一代又一代人逐渐明白：一个国家走向完善，正是从这里开始。
Thank you very much, everyone. Thank you. 非常感谢大家。谢谢你们。