Well, good morning, everyone. 大家早上好。
Rosy, thank you for your kind words. I have never seen Rosy on the basketball court. I'll bet it would be a treat. Rosy, you've been a dear friend of mine for a long time and a tireless advocate for the unbreakable bonds between Israel and the United States. And as you complete your term as President, I salute your leadership and your commitment. 罗西，感谢你的美言。我从没在篮球场上见过罗西，我打赌那一定会很精彩。罗西，你长期以来一直是我亲爱的朋友，也是美以之间牢不可破的纽带的不倦倡导者。在你卸任主席之际，我向你的领导力和承诺致敬。
I want to thank the board of directors. As always, I’m glad to see my long-time friends in the Chicago delegation. I also want to thank the members of Congress who are with us here today, and who will be speaking to you over the next few days. You've worked hard to maintain the partnership between the United States and Israel. And I especially want to thank my close friend, and leader of the Democratic National Committee, Debbie Wasserman Schultz. 我要感谢董事会。一如既往，我很高兴见到芝加哥代表团的老朋友们。我还要感谢今天与我们同在的各位国会议员，他们将在接下来的几天里向你们发表演讲。你们为维护美以伙伴关系付出了艰辛努力。我特别要感谢我的挚友、民主党全国委员会主席黛比·沃瑟曼·舒尔茨。
I’m glad that my outstanding young Ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro, is in the house. I understand that Dan is perfecting his Hebrew on his new assignment, and I appreciate his constant outreach to the Israeli people. And I’m also pleased that we’re joined by so many Israeli officials, including Ambassador Michael Oren. And tomorrow, I’m very much looking forward to welcoming Prime Minister Netanyahu and his delegation back to the White House. 我很高兴，我国杰出的年轻驻以色列大使丹·夏皮罗也在现场。我知道丹正在新岗位上精进他的希伯来语，我感谢他对以色列人民持续的沟通与关怀。我也很高兴有众多以色列官员与我们同在，包括迈克尔·奥伦大使。明天，我非常期待欢迎内塔尼亚胡总理及其代表团再次到访白宫。
Every time I come to AIPAC, I’m especially impressed to see so many young people here. You don't yet get the front seats -- I understand. You have to earn that. But students from all over the country who are making their voices heard and engaging deeply in our democratic debate. You carry with you an extraordinary legacy of more than six decades of friendship between the United States and Israel. And you have the opportunity -- and the responsibility -- to make your own mark on the world. 每次来到美以公共事务委员会，我特别感动地看到这么多年轻人出席。你们还坐不到前排——我理解，那是需要争取的。但来自全国各地的学生们正在让自己的声音被听见，并深入参与我们的民主辩论。你们承载着美以之间六十多年友谊的非凡遗产。你们也有机会——也有责任——在这个世界上留下自己的印记。
And for inspiration, you can look to the man who preceded me on this stage, who's being honored at this conference -- my friend, President Shimon Peres. 至于激励，你们可以看看在我之前登上这个讲台的人，他在本次大会上受到表彰——我的朋友，西蒙·佩雷斯总统。
Shimon was born a world away from here, in a shtetl in what was then Poland, a few years after the end of the first world war. But his heart was always in Israel, the historic homeland of the Jewish people. And when he was just a boy he made his journey across land and sea -- toward home. 西蒙出生在离这里很远的地方，在第一次世界大战结束后几年的波兰的一个犹太小镇上。但他的心始终在以色列——犹太人民的历史家园。当他还是个男孩时，他就踏上了穿越陆地和海洋的旅程——走向家园。
In his life, he has fought for Israel’s independence, and he has fought for peace and security. As a member of the Haganah and a member of the Knesset, as a Minister of Defense and Foreign Affairs, as a Prime Minister and as President -- Shimon helped build the nation that thrives today: the Jewish state of Israel. But beyond these extraordinary achievements, he has also been a powerful moral voice that reminds us that right makes might -- not the other way around. 他一生中为以色列的独立而战，为和平与安全而战。作为哈加纳成员和议会议员，作为国防部长和外交部长，作为总理和总统——西蒙帮助建设了今天繁荣发展的国家：以色列犹太国。但除了这些非凡的成就，他也是一个强有力的道德之声，提醒我们正义造就力量——而非相反。
Shimon once described the story of the Jewish people by saying it proved that, "slings, arrows and gas chambers can annihilate man, but cannot destroy human values, dignity, and freedom." And he has lived those values. He has taught us to ask more of ourselves, and to empathize more with our fellow human beings. I am grateful for his life's work and his moral example. And I'm proud to announce that later this spring, I will invite Shimon Peres to the White House to present him with America’s highest civilian honor -- the Presidential Medal of Freedom. 西蒙曾这样描述犹太人民的故事，说它证明了"弓箭和毒气室可以消灭人，但无法摧毁人类的价值、尊严与自由。"他用一生践行了这些价值。他教会我们对自己要求更高，对同胞更多共情。我感激他毕生的努力和道德榜样。我骄傲地宣布，今年春天晚些时候，我将邀请西蒙·佩雷斯来到白宫，授予他美国最高平民荣誉——总统自由勋章。
In many ways, this award is a symbol of the broader ties that bind our nations. The United States and Israel share interests, but we also share those human values that Shimon spoke about: A commitment to human dignity. A belief that freedom is a right that is given to all of God's children. An experience that shows us that democracy is the one and only form of government that can truly respond to the aspirations of citizens. 在许多方面，这枚勋章象征着将我们两国联系在一起的更广泛纽带。美国和以色列共享利益，但我们同样共享西蒙所谈到的人类价值：对人尊严的承诺；相信自由是所有上帝之子应得的权利；我们的经验表明，民主是唯一能真正回应公民诉求的政府形式。
America’s Founding Fathers understood this truth, just as Israel’s founding generation did. President Truman put it well, describing his decision to formally recognize Israel only minutes after it declared independence. He said, 美国的开国先辈们理解这一真理，以色列的建国一代同样如此。杜鲁门总统说得好，他这样描述在以色列宣布独立仅几分钟后就正式予以承认的决定。他说，
I had faith in Israel before it was established. I believe it has a glorious future before it -- as not just another sovereign nation, but as an embodiment of the great ideals of our civilization. 在以色列建国之前，我就对它抱有信心。我相信它有着光辉的未来——它不仅将作为又一个主权国家存在，更将作为我们文明伟大理想的化身。
For over six decades, the American people have kept that faith. Yes, we are bound to Israel because of the interests that we share -- in security for our communities, prosperity for our people, the new frontiers of science that can light the world. But ultimately it is our common ideals that provide the true foundation for our relationship. That is why America’s commitment to Israel has endured under Democratic and Republican Presidents, and congressional leaders of both parties. In the United States, our support for Israel is bipartisan, and that is how it should stay. 六十多年来，美国人民始终坚守这份信念。是的，我们与以色列紧密相连，因为我们共享利益——社区安全、人民繁荣、能够照亮世界的前沿科学。但归根结底，是我们共同的理想为两国关系提供了真正的基石。正因如此，美国对以色列的承诺在民主党和共和党总统任内都得以延续，也得到两党国会领袖的支持。在美国，对以色列的支持是两党共识，而且应当如此保持。
AIPAC’s work continually nurtures this bond. And because of AIPAC’s effectiveness in carrying out its mission, you can expect that over the next several days, you will hear many fine words from elected officials describing their commitment to the U.S.-Israel relationship. But as you examine my commitment, you don’t just have to count on my words. You can look at my deeds. Because over the last three years, as President of the United States, I have kept my commitments to the state of Israel. At every crucial juncture -- at every fork in the road -- we have been there for Israel. 美以公共事务委员会的工作不断滋养着这一纽带。鉴于该组织在履行使命方面的高效，你们可以预期，在接下来的几天里，你们会听到许多民选官员用美好的言辞描述他们对美以关系的承诺。但当你们审视我的承诺时，不必只凭我的言辞。你们可以看我的行动。因为在过去三年里，作为美国总统，我始终履行了对以色列国的承诺。在每一个关键时刻——在每一个岔路口——我们都与以色列同在。
Every single time. 每一次都是如此。
Four years ago, I stood before you and said that, "Israel’s security is sacrosanct. It is non-negotiable." That belief has guided my actions as President. The fact is, my administration’s commitment to Israel’s security has been unprecedented. Our military and intelligence cooperation has never been closer. Our joint exercises and training have never been more robust. Despite a tough budget environment, our security assistance has increased every single year. We are investing in new capabilities. 四年前，我站在你们面前说："以色列的安全是神圣不可侵犯的。这是不可谈判的。"这一信念指引着我作为总统的行动。事实是，本届政府对以色列安全的承诺是前所未有的。我们的军事和情报合作前所未有地密切。我们的联合演习和训练前所未有地扎实。尽管预算环境严峻，我们的安全援助每年都在增加。我们正在投资新的能力。
We’re providing Israel with more advanced technology -- the types of products and systems that only go to our closest friends and allies. And make no mistake: We will do what it takes to preserve Israel’s qualitative military edge -- because Israel must always have the ability to defend itself, by itself, against any threat. 我们正在向以色列提供更先进的技术——那些只提供给我们最亲密的朋友和盟友的产品和系统。不要搞错：我们将竭力保持以色列的质量军事优势——因为以色列必须始终拥有自我防卫、抵御任何威胁的能力。
This isn’t just about numbers on a balance sheet. As a senator, I spoke to Israeli troops on the Lebanese border. I visited with families who’ve known the terror of rocket fire in Sderot. And that’s why, as President, I have provided critical funding to deploy the Iron Dome system that has intercepted rockets that might have hit homes and hospitals and schools in that town and in others. Now our assistance is expanding Israel’s defensive capabilities, so that more Israelis can live free from the fear of rockets and ballistic missiles. Because no family, no citizen, should live in fear. 这不仅仅是账面上的数字。作为参议员，我曾与黎巴嫩边境的以色列军队交谈。我曾走访那些饱受斯德罗特火箭弹恐惧之苦的家庭。正因如此，作为总统，我提供了关键资金来部署"铁穹"系统，拦截了可能击中该镇及其他地区住宅、医院和学校的火箭弹。如今我们的援助正在扩展以色列的防御能力，让更多以色列人免于火箭弹和弹道导弹的恐惧。因为没有哪个家庭、哪个公民应当生活在恐惧之中。
And just as we’ve been there with our security assistance, we've been there through our diplomacy. When the Goldstone report unfairly singled out Israel for criticism, we challenged it. When Israel was isolated in the aftermath of the flotilla incident, we supported them. When the Durban conference was commemorated, we boycotted it, and we will always reject the notion that Zionism is racism. 正如我们在安全援助方面始终陪伴以色列，我们在外交上同样如此。当戈德斯通报告不公正地将矛头单独指向以色列时，我们提出了质疑。当以色列在 flotilla 事件后陷入孤立时，我们给予了支持。当德班会议举行纪念活动时，我们予以抵制，而且我们将永远拒绝"犹太复国主义即种族主义"的说法。
When one-sided resolutions are brought up at the Human Rights Council, we oppose them. When Israeli diplomats feared for their lives in Cairo, we intervened to save them. When there are efforts to boycott or divest from Israel, we will stand against them. And whenever an effort is made to de-legitimize the state of Israel, my administration has opposed them. So there should not be a shred of doubt by now -- when the chips are down, I have Israel’s back. 当人权理事会提出片面的决议时，我们表示反对。当以色列外交官在开罗生命受到威胁时，我们出手相救。当有人试图抵制或撤资以色列时，我们将站出来反对。每当有人试图质疑以色列国的合法性，本届政府都予以反对。所以现在不应有任何一丝怀疑——当关键时刻到来，我站在以色列一边。
Which is why, if during this political season -- you hear some questions regarding my administration’s support for Israel, remember that it’s not backed up by the facts. And remember that the U.S.-Israel relationship is simply too important to be distorted by partisan politics. America’s national security is too important. Israel’s security is too important. 正因如此，如果在这次政治季中——你听到有人质疑本届政府对以色列的支持，请记住那并不符合事实。请记住美以关系太过重要，不容被党派政治所扭曲。美国国家安全太过重要。以色列的安全太过重要。
Of course, there are those who question not my security and diplomatic commitments, but rather my administration’s ongoing pursuit of peace between Israelis and Palestinians. So let me say this: I make no apologies for pursuing peace. Israel’s own leaders understand the necessity of peace. Prime Minister Netanyahu, Defense Minister Barak, President Peres -- each of them have called for two states, a secure Israel that lives side by side with an independent Palestinian state. I believe that peace is profoundly in Israel’s security interest. 当然，也有人质疑的不是我的安全和外交承诺，而是本届政府推动以色列与巴勒斯坦之间和平进程的努力。那么让我这样说：我为追求和平不感歉意。以色列自身的领导人也理解和平的必要性。内塔尼亚胡总理、巴拉克国防部长、佩雷斯总统——他们每个人都呼吁建立两个国家，一个安全的以色列与一个独立的巴勒斯坦国比邻而居。我相信和平深深符合以色列的安全利益。
The reality that Israel faces -- from shifting demographics, to emerging technologies, to an extremely difficult international environment -- demands a resolution of this issue. And I believe that peace with the Palestinians is consistent with Israel’s founding values -- because of our shared belief in self-determination, and because Israel’s place as a Jewish and democratic state must be protected. 以色列所面对的现实——从人口结构的变化，到新兴技术，再到极其严峻的国际环境——要求解决这个问题。我相信与巴勒斯坦的和平与以色列的建国价值一致——因为我们共同信奉民族自决，也因为以色列作为犹太民主国家的地位必须得到保护。
Of course, peace is hard to achieve. There’s a reason why it's remained elusive for six decades. The upheaval and uncertainty in Israel’s neighborhood makes it that much harder -- from the horrific violence raging in Syria, to the transition in Egypt. And the division within the Palestinian leadership makes it harder still -- most notably, with Hamas’s continued rejection of Israel’s very right to exist. 当然，和平难以实现。它六十年来一直难以企及是有原因的。以色列周边的动荡和不确定性使之更加困难——从叙利亚肆虐的骇人暴力，到埃及的转型。巴勒斯坦领导层内部的分裂使之更添困难——最突出的是哈马斯持续拒绝以色列的生存权。
But as hard as it may be, we should not, and cannot, give in to cynicism or despair. The changes taking place in the region make peace more important, not less. And I've made it clear that there will be no lasting peace unless Israel’s security concerns are met. That's why we continue to press Arab leaders to reach out to Israel, and will continue to support the peace treaty with Egypt. 但无论多么困难，我们不应也不能向犬儒或绝望屈服。该地区正在发生的变化使和平变得更加重要，而非更少。我已经明确表示，除非以色列的安全关切得到满足，否则不会有持久和平。这就是我们继续敦促阿拉伯领导人向以色列伸出援手的原因，也是我们将继续支持与埃及和平条约的原因。
That’s why -- just as we encourage Israel to be resolute in the pursuit of peace -- we have continued to insist that any Palestinian partner must recognize Israel’s right to exist, and reject violence, and adhere to existing agreements. And that is why my administration has consistently rejected any efforts to short-cut negotiations or impose an agreement on the parties. 正因如此——正如我们鼓励以色列在追求和平时保持坚定——我们始终坚持，任何巴勒斯坦伙伴都必须承认以色列的生存权，拒绝暴力，并遵守现有协议。这也是本届政府一贯拒绝任何绕过谈判或在各方之间强加协议的企图的原因。
As Rosy noted, last year, I stood before you and pledged that, "the United States will stand up against efforts to single Israel out at the United Nations." As you know, that pledge has been kept. Last September, I stood before the United Nations General Assembly and reaffirmed that any lasting peace must acknowledge the fundamental legitimacy of Israel and its security concerns. I said that America’s commitment to Israel’s security is unshakeable, our friendship with Israel is enduring, and that Israel must be recognized. 正如罗西所说，去年我站在你们面前承诺："美国将站出来反对在联合国单独针对以色列的企图。"如你们所知，这一承诺已经兑现。去年九月，我站在联合国大会面前，重申任何持久和平都必须承认以色列的根本合法性及其安全关切。我说美国对以色列安全的承诺不可动摇，我们与以色列的友谊历久弥新，以色列必须得到承认。
No American President has made such a clear statement about our support for Israel at the United Nations at such a difficult time. People usually give those speeches before audiences like this one -- not before the General Assembly. 没有哪位美国总统在如此艰难的时刻，就美国对以色列的支持在联合国发表过如此明确的声明。人们通常是在像今天这样的听众面前发表这类演讲——而不是在联合国大会上。
And I must say, there was not a lot of applause. But it was the right thing to do. And as a result, today there is no doubt -- anywhere in the world -- that the United States will insist upon Israel’s security and legitimacy. That will be true as we continue our efforts to pursue -- in the pursuit of peace. And that will be true when it comes to the issue that is such a focus for all of us today: Iran’s nuclear program -- a threat that has the potential to bring together the worst rhetoric about Israel’s destruction with the world’s most dangerous weapons. 我必须说，当时并没有多少掌声。但那是正确的做法。因此，如今全世界任何地方都不再怀疑——美国将坚持维护以色列的安全与合法性。在我们继续追求和平的努力中，这一点将始终成立。在谈到今天所有人都高度关注的议题——伊朗核计划时，这一点同样适用。这一威胁有可能将毁灭以色列的最恶劣言辞与世界上最危险的武器结合在一起。
Let’s begin with a basic truth that you all understand: No Israeli government can tolerate a nuclear weapon in the hands of a regime that denies the Holocaust, threatens to wipe Israel off the map, and sponsors terrorist groups committed to Israel’s destruction. And so I understand the profound historical obligation that weighs on the shoulders of Bibi Netanyahu and Ehud Barak, and all of Israel’s leaders. 让我们从一个你们都理解的基本事实开始：任何以色列政府都无法容忍一个否认大屠杀、威胁将以色列从地图上抹去、并资助致力于毁灭以色列的恐怖组织的政权掌握核武器。因此，我理解这份沉重的历史责任压在比比·内塔尼亚胡、埃胡德·巴拉克以及所有以色列领导人肩上。
A nuclear-armed Iran is completely counter to Israel’s security interests. But it is also counter to the national security interests of the United States. 拥有核武器的伊朗完全违背以色列的安全利益。但它同样违背美国的国家安全利益。
Indeed, the entire world has an interest in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon. A nuclear-armed Iran would thoroughly undermine the non-proliferation regime that we've done so much to build. There are risks that an Iranian nuclear weapon could fall into the hands of a terrorist organization. It is almost certain that others in the region would feel compelled to get their own nuclear weapon, triggering an arms race in one of the world's most volatile regions. 事实上，全世界都有利益阻止伊朗获得核武器。拥有核武器的伊朗将彻底破坏我们苦心建立的不扩散体系。存在伊朗核武器落入恐怖组织之手的风险。几乎可以确定，该地区的其他国家将被迫谋求自己的核武器，从而在世界最动荡的地区之一引发军备竞赛。
It would embolden a regime that has brutalized its own people, and it would embolden Iran’s proxies, who have carried out terrorist attacks from the Levant to southwest Asia. 它将使一个残酷对待自己人民的政权更加肆无忌惮，也将增强伊朗代理人的力量——他们已经从黎凡特到西南亚制造了多起恐怖袭击。
And that is why, four years ago, I made a commitment to the American people, and said that we would use all elements of American power to pressure Iran and prevent it from acquiring a nuclear weapon. And that is what we have done. 正因如此，四年前我向美国人民做出承诺，表示我们将运用美国力量的所有要素向伊朗施压，阻止其获得核武器。这正是我们所做的。
When I took office, the efforts to apply pressure on Iran were in tatters. Iran had gone from zero centrifuges spinning to thousands, without facing broad pushback from the world. In the region, Iran was ascendant -- increasingly popular, and extending its reach. In other words, the Iranian leadership was united and on the move, and the international community was divided about how to go forward. 我就任时，对伊朗施压的努力已经支离破碎。伊朗的离心机从零台增加到数千台，却没有面对来自世界的广泛反制。在该地区，伊朗势头正盛——日益受欢迎，影响范围不断扩大。换言之，伊朗领导层团结一心、步步紧逼，而国际社会在如何应对上意见分歧。
And so from my very first months in office, we put forward a very clear choice to the Iranian regime: a path that would allow them to rejoin the community of nations if they meet their international obligations, or a path that leads to an escalating series of consequences if they don't. In fact, our policy of engagement -- quickly rebuffed by the Iranian regime -- allowed us to rally the international community as never before, to expose Iran’s intransigence, and to apply pressure that goes far beyond anything that the United States could do on our own. 因此，从我执政的头几个月起，我们就向伊朗政权提出了一个非常明确的选择：一条如果他们履行国际义务就能重新加入国际社会的道路，或者一条如果他们不这样做将面临日益严重后果的道路。事实上，我们的接触政策——很快被伊朗政权拒绝——使我们以前所未有的方式动员国际社会，揭露伊朗的不妥协态度，并施加远超美国自身所能做到的压力。
Because of our efforts, Iran is under greater pressure than ever before. Some of you will recall, people predicted that Russia and China wouldn’t join us to move toward pressure. They did. And in 2010 the U.N. Security Council overwhelmingly supported a comprehensive sanctions effort. Few thought that sanctions could have an immediate bite on the Iranian regime. They have, slowing the Iranian nuclear program and virtually grinding the Iranian economy to a halt in 2011. Many questioned whether we could hold our coalition together as we moved against Iran’s Central Bank and oil exports. 由于我们的努力，伊朗承受的压力前所未有。你们中一些人可能记得，有人预测俄罗斯和中国不会加入我们的施压行动。他们加入了。2010年，联合国安理会以压倒性多数支持了一项全面的制裁方案。很少有人认为制裁能立刻对伊朗政权产生痛击。但确实如此，制裁减缓了伊朗核计划，并在2011年几乎使伊朗经济陷入停顿。许多人质疑，在我们对伊朗央行和石油出口采取行动时，能否维持联盟的团结。
But our friends in Europe and Asia and elsewhere are joining us. And in 2012, the Iranian government faces the prospect of even more crippling sanctions. 但我们在欧洲、亚洲和其他地区的朋友正在加入我们。在2012年，伊朗政府面临更加严厉的制裁前景。
That is where we are today -- because of our work. Iran is isolated, its leadership divided and under pressure. And by the way, the Arab Spring has only increased these trends, as the hypocrisy of the Iranian regime is exposed, and its ally -- the Assad regime -- is crumbling. 这就是我们今天所处的局面——这是我们努力的结果。伊朗被孤立，其领导层分裂并承受压力。顺便说一句，阿拉伯之春只是加剧了这些趋势，随着伊朗政权的虚伪被揭露，其盟友——阿萨德政权——正在土崩瓦解。
Of course, so long as Iran fails to meet its obligations, this problem remains unresolved. The effective implementation of our policy is not enough -- we must accomplish our objective. And in that effort, I firmly believe that an opportunity still remains for diplomacy -- backed by pressure -- to succeed. 当然，只要伊朗不履行其义务，这个问题就仍未解决。我们的政策得到有效执行并不够——我们必须实现我们的目标。在这方面，我坚信外交——以压力为后盾——仍有成功的机会。
The United States and Israel both assess that Iran does not yet have a nuclear weapon, and we are exceedingly vigilant in monitoring their program. Now, the international community has a responsibility to use the time and space that exists. Sanctions are continuing to increase, and this July -- thanks to our diplomatic coordination -- a European ban on Iranian oil imports will take hold. Faced with these increasingly dire consequences, Iran’s leaders still have the opportunity to make the right decision. 美国和以色列都评估认为伊朗目前还没有核武器，我们在监控其计划方面极为警觉。现在，国际社会有责任利用现有时间和空间。制裁持续加码，今年七月——多亏我们的外交协调——欧洲对伊朗石油进口的禁令将正式生效。面对这些日益严峻的后果，伊朗领导人仍有机会做出正确的决定。
They can choose a path that brings them back into the community of nations, or they can continue down a dead end. 他们可以选择一条重回国际社会的道路，也可以继续走向死胡同。
And given their history, there are, of course, no guarantees that the Iranian regime will make the right choice. But both Israel and the United States have an interest in seeing this challenge resolved diplomatically. After all, the only way to truly solve this problem is for the Iranian government to make a decision to forsake nuclear weapons. That’s what history tells us. 鉴于他们的历史，当然无法保证伊朗政权会做出正确的选择。但以色列和美国都有通过外交途径解决这一挑战的利益。毕竟，真正解决这个问题的唯一途径是伊朗政府做出放弃核武器的决定。这是历史告诉我们的。
Moreover, as President and Commander-in-Chief, I have a deeply held preference for peace over war. I have sent men and women into harm’s way. I've seen the consequences of those decisions in the eyes of those I meet who've come back gravely wounded, and the absence of those who don’t make it home. Long after I leave this office, I will remember those moments as the most searing of my presidency. And for this reason, as part of my solemn obligation to the American people, I will only use force when the time and circumstances demand it. 此外，作为总统和三军统帅，我内心深处更倾向于和平而非战争。我曾派遣男女军人赴前线作战。我曾在那些身负重伤归来的人的眼中、在那些未能生还者的缺席中看到这些决定的后果。在我离开这个办公室很久之后，那些时刻仍将是我总统任期内最刻骨铭心的记忆。正因如此，作为对美国人民的庄严义务的一部分，我只在时机和形势需要时才会动用武力。
And I know that Israeli leaders also know all too well the costs and consequences of war, even as they recognize their obligation to defend their country. 我知道以色列领导人对战争的代价和后果也了然于胸，即便他们承认自己有保卫国家的义务。
We all prefer to resolve this issue diplomatically. Having said that, Iran’s leaders should have no doubt about the resolve of the United States -- just as they should not doubt Israel’s sovereign right to make its own decisions about what is required to meet its security needs. 我们都更希望通过外交途径解决这个问题。话虽如此，伊朗领导人不应怀疑美国的决心——正如他们不应怀疑以色列为满足自身安全需求而做出自主决定的主权权利。
I have said that when it comes to preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, I will take no options off the table, and I mean what I say. That includes all elements of American power: A political effort aimed at isolating Iran; a diplomatic effort to sustain our coalition and ensure that the Iranian program is monitored; an economic effort that imposes crippling sanctions; and, yes, a military effort to be prepared for any contingency. 我曾说过，在阻止伊朗获得核武器这一问题上，我不会排除任何选项，而且我言出必行。这包括美国力量的所有要素：旨在孤立伊朗的政治努力；维持联盟并确保伊朗计划受到监控的外交努力；施加严厉制裁的经济努力；以及，是的，为应对任何不测做好准备的军事努力。
Iran’s leaders should understand that I do not have a policy of containment; I have a policy to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. And as I have made clear time and again during the course of my presidency, I will not hesitate to use force when it is necessary to defend the United States and its interests. 伊朗领导人应该明白，我的政策不是遏制；我的政策是阻止伊朗获得核武器。正如我在总统任期内反复明确表示的那样，当有必要保卫美国及其利益时，我将毫不犹豫地使用武力。
Moving forward, I would ask that we all remember the weightiness of these issues; the stakes involved for Israel, for America, and for the world. Already, there is too much loose talk of war. Over the last few weeks, such talk has only benefited the Iranian government, by driving up the price of oil, which they depend on to fund their nuclear program. For the sake of Israel’s security, America’s security, and the peace and security of the world, now is not the time for bluster. 展望未来，我希望我们所有人都铭记这些议题的分量——它们对以色列、对美国、对世界意味着什么。已经有太多关于战争的轻率言论了。在过去几周里，这类言论只让伊朗政府获益——推高了它赖以资助核计划的石油价格。为了以色列的安全、美国的安全以及世界的和平与安全，现在不是虚张声势的时候。
Now is the time to let our increased pressure sink in, and to sustain the broad international coalition we have built. Now is the time to heed the timeless advice from Teddy Roosevelt: Speak softly; carry a big stick. And as we do, rest assured that the Iranian government will know our resolve, and that our coordination with Israel will continue. 现在是时候让我们加大的压力发挥作用，并维持我们建立的广泛国际联盟。现在是时候听从西奥多·罗斯福那句永恒的忠告：轻声说话，手持大棒。当我们这样做时，请放心，伊朗政府会知道我们的决心，我们与以色列的协调也将继续。
These are challenging times. But we've been through challenging times before, and the United States and Israel have come through them together. Because of our cooperation, citizens in both our countries have benefited from the bonds that bring us together. I'm proud to be one of those people. 这是充满挑战的时期。但我们曾一起经历过充满挑战的时期，美国和以色列共同走过了那些艰难岁月。因为我们的合作，两国人民都从将我们联系在一起的纽带中受益。我很骄傲自己是其中之一。
In the past, I've shared in this forum just why those bonds are so personal for me: the stories of a great uncle who helped liberate Buchenwald, to my memories of returning there with Elie Wiesel; from sharing books with President Peres to sharing seders with my young staff in a tradition that started on the campaign trail and continues in the White House; from the countless friends I know in this room to the concept of "tikkun olam" that has enriched and guided my life. 过去，我曾在这个论坛上分享过为什么这些纽带对我来说如此个人化：从一位曾帮助解放布痕瓦尔德集中营的伯父的故事，到我与埃利·维瑟尔回到那里的记忆；从与佩雷斯总统分享书籍，到与我的年轻团队共度逾越节家宴——这一传统始于竞选之路，延续至白宫；从我在这个房间里认识的无数朋友，到丰富并指引了我一生的"修补世界"理念。
As Harry Truman understood, Israel’s story is one of hope. We may not agree on every single issue -- no two nations do, and our democracies contain a vibrant diversity of views. But we agree on the big things -- the things that matter. And together, we are working to build a better world -- one where our people can live free from fear; one where peace is founded upon justice; one where our children can know a future that is more hopeful than the present. 正如杜鲁门所理解的那样，以色列的故事是一个关于希望的故事。我们也许不会在每一个问题上都达成一致——没有任何两个国家能做到，我们的民主制度包含活跃多元的观点。但我们在重大问题上——在重要的事情上——立场一致。我们正共同努力建设一个更美好的世界——一个我们的人民可以免于恐惧地生活的世界；一个和平建立在正义之上的世界；一个我们的孩子可以拥有比当下更有希望的未来的世界。
There is no shortage of speeches on the friendship between the United States and Israel. But I'm also mindful of the proverb, "A man is judged by his deeds, not his words." So if you want to know where my heart lies, look no further than what I have done -- to stand up for Israel; to secure both of our countries; and to see that the rough waters of our time lead to a peaceful and prosperous shore. 关于美以友谊的演讲已经够多了。但我也记得那句箴言："评判一个人要看他的行为，而非他的言辞。"所以如果你想知道我的心之所向，只需看看我所做的一切——挺身支持以色列；保障我们两国的安全；并看到我们这个时代的惊涛骇浪最终通向和平与繁荣的彼岸。
Thank you very much, everybody. God bless you. God bless the people of Israel. God bless the United States of America. 非常感谢大家。愿上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑以色列人民。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。