Thank you, so much. 非常感谢。
My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, my lords, and members of the House of Commons: 大法官阁下、议长先生、首相先生、各位上议院议员、以及下议院各位议员：
I have known few greater honors than the opportunity to address the Mother of Parliaments at Westminster Hall. I am told that the last three speakers here have been the Pope, Her Majesty the Queen, and Nelson Mandela -- which is either a very high bar or the beginning of a very funny joke. 在威斯敏斯特大厅向"议会之母"发表演讲，是我所知为数不多的巨大荣誉之一。我听说之前在这里演讲的三位分别是教皇、女王陛下和纳尔逊·曼德拉——这要么是一个非常高的标准，要么是一个非常有趣笑话的开头。
I come here today to reaffirm one of the oldest, one of the strongest alliances the world has ever known. It’s long been said that the United States and the United Kingdom share a special relationship. And since we also share an especially active press corps, that relationship is often analyzed and overanalyzed for the slightest hint of stress or strain. 我今天来到这里，是为了重申世界上最古老、最坚固的联盟之一。长期以来，人们都说美国和英国享有特殊关系。由于我们还共享一支格外活跃的新闻队伍，这种关系经常被反复分析、过度解读，只为寻找一丝紧张或裂痕的蛛丝马迹。
Of course, all relationships have their ups and downs. Admittedly, ours got off on the wrong foot with a small scrape about tea and taxes. There may also have been some hurt feelings when the White House was set on fire during the War of 1812. But fortunately, it’s been smooth sailing ever since. 当然，所有关系都有起有落。不可否认，我们的关系一开始就不太顺利——因为茶叶和税收发生了点小摩擦。1812年战争期间白宫被付之一炬，可能也伤了一些感情。但幸运的是，此后便一帆风顺了。
The reason for this close friendship doesn’t just have to do with our shared history, our shared heritage; our ties of language and culture; or even the strong partnership between our governments. Our relationship is special because of the values and beliefs that have united our people through the ages. 这种亲密友谊的原因不仅仅在于我们共同的历史、共同的遗产；我们的语言和文化纽带；甚至也不仅仅在于我们政府之间的强大伙伴关系。我们的关系之所以特殊，是因为那些穿越岁月将我们的人民团结在一起的价值观和信念。
Centuries ago, when kings, emperors, and warlords reigned over much of the world, it was the English who first spelled out the rights and liberties of man in the Magna Carta. It was here, in this very hall, where the rule of law first developed, courts were established, disputes were settled, and citizens came to petition their leaders. 数百年前，当国王、皇帝和军阀统治着世界大部分地区时，正是英国人率先在《大宪章》中阐明了人的权利与自由。正是在这里，就在这座大厅中，法治首次发展，法庭得以建立，争端得以解决，公民前来向他们的领袖请愿。
Over time, the people of this nation waged a long and sometimes bloody struggle to expand and secure their freedom from the crown. Propelled by the ideals of the Enlightenment, they would ultimately forge an English Bill of Rights, and invest the power to govern in an elected parliament that’s gathered here today. 随着时间的推移，这个国家的人民进行了漫长而有时血腥的斗争，以扩大和巩固他们脱离王权的自由。在启蒙运动理想的推动下，他们最终制定了《英国权利法案》，并将治理的权力赋予今天聚集于此的民选议会。
What began on this island would inspire millions throughout the continent of Europe and across the world. But perhaps no one drew greater inspiration from these notions of freedom than your rabble-rousing colonists on the other side of the Atlantic. As Winston Churchill said, the 发端于这座岛屿的理念激励了欧洲大陆乃至全世界的数百万人。但或许没有人比你们大西洋彼岸那些桀骜不驯的殖民者从这些自由理念中获得了更大的启发。正如温斯顿·丘吉尔所说，
…Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence. ……《大宪章》、《权利法案》、人身保护令、陪审团审判和英国普通法，在美国《独立宣言》中找到了最著名的表达。
For both of our nations, living up to the ideals enshrined in these founding documents has sometimes been difficult, has always been a work in progress. The path has never been perfect. But through the struggles of slaves and immigrants, women and ethnic minorities, former colonies and persecuted religions, we have learned better than most that the longing for freedom and human dignity is not English or American or Western -- it is universal, and it beats in every heart. 对我们两国而言，践行这些建国文献中所体现的理想有时很艰难，且始终是一个渐进的过程。这条道路从来不是完美的。但通过奴隶和移民、妇女和少数族裔、前殖民地和受迫害宗教群体的斗争，我们比大多数国家更深刻地认识到：对自由和人的尊严的渴望不是英国人的、美国人的或西方的——它是普世的，在每一颗心中跳动。
Perhaps that’s why there are few nations that stand firmer, speak louder, and fight harder to defend democratic values around the world than the United States and the United Kingdom. 也许正因如此，在捍卫全球民主价值方面，很少有国家比美国和英国站得更稳、发声更响、战斗更坚定。
We are the allies who landed at Omaha and Gold, who sacrificed side by side to free a continent from the march of tyranny, and help prosperity flourish from the ruins of war. And with the founding of NATO -- a British idea -- we joined a transatlantic alliance that has ensured our security for over half a century. 我们是登陆奥马哈和金滩的盟友，并肩牺牲，将一个大陆从暴政的铁蹄下解放出来，并让繁荣从战争废墟中绽放。随着北约的成立——这是英国人的构想——我们加入了一个跨大西洋联盟，半个多世纪以来保障着我们的安全。
Together with our allies, we forged a lasting peace from a cold war. When the Iron Curtain lifted, we expanded our alliance to include the nations of Central and Eastern Europe, and built new bridges to Russia and the former states of the Soviet Union. And when there was strife in the Balkans, we worked together to keep the peace. 我们与盟友一起，从冷战中缔造了持久和平。当铁幕升起时，我们扩大联盟，将中东欧国家纳入其中，并与俄罗斯及前苏联各加盟共和国建立了新的桥梁。当巴尔干地区爆发冲突时，我们携手维护了和平。
Today, after a difficult decade that began with war and ended in recession, our nations have arrived at a pivotal moment once more. A global economy that once stood on the brink of depression is now stable and recovering. After years of conflict, the United States has removed 100,000 troops from Iraq, the United Kingdom has removed its forces, and our combat mission there has ended. 今天，在经历了以战争开始、以衰退收场的艰难十年之后，我们的国家再次来到了一个关键时刻。曾经濒临萧条的全球经济如今已趋于稳定并正在复苏。经过多年的冲突，美国已从伊拉克撤出十万驻军，英国也已撤军，我们在那里的战斗任务已经结束。
In Afghanistan, we’ve broken the Taliban’s momentum and will soon begin a transition to Afghan lead. And nearly 10 years after 9/11, we have disrupted terrorist networks and dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader -- Osama bin Laden. 在阿富汗，我们已经遏制了塔利班的势头，即将开始向阿富汗主导过渡。"9·11"事件将近十年后，我们瓦解了恐怖网络，并通过击毙其头目奥萨马·本·拉丹给予基地组织沉重打击。
Together, we have met great challenges. But as we enter this new chapter in our shared history, profound challenges stretch before us. In a world where the prosperity of all nations is now inextricably linked, a new era of cooperation is required to ensure the growth and stability of the global economy. As new threats spread across borders and oceans, we must dismantle terrorist networks and stop the spread of nuclear weapons, confront climate change and combat famine and disease. 我们共同应对了重大挑战。但当我们步入共同历史的新篇章时，深远的挑战摆在我们面前。在一个各国繁荣已经不可分割地联系在一起的世界里，需要一个合作的新时代来确保全球经济的增长与稳定。随着新威胁跨越国界和海洋蔓延，我们必须瓦解恐怖网络、阻止核武器扩散，应对气候变化并消除饥荒与疾病。
And as a revolution races through the streets of the Middle East and North Africa, the entire world has a stake in the aspirations of a generation that longs to determine its own destiny. 随着革命席卷中东和北非的街道，整个世界都与一代人渴望决定自身命运的期盼息息相关。
These challenges come at a time when the international order has already been reshaped for a new century. Countries like China, India, and Brazil are growing by leaps and bounds. We should welcome this development, for it has lifted hundreds of millions from poverty around the globe, and created new markets and opportunities for our own nations. 这些挑战出现之际，国际秩序已经为新世纪重塑。中国、印度和巴西等国正飞速发展。我们应当欢迎这一发展，因为它使全球数亿人摆脱了贫困，并为我国创造了新的市场和机遇。
And yet, as this rapid change has taken place, it’s become fashionable in some quarters to question whether the rise of these nations will accompany the decline of American and European influence around the world. Perhaps, the argument goes, these nations represent the future, and the time for our leadership has passed. 然而，随着这种快速变化的发生，一些圈子中流行起一种质疑：这些国家的崛起是否伴随着美国和欧洲全球影响力的衰落。有人说，或许这些国家代表着未来，而我们发挥领导力的时代已经过去了。
That argument is wrong. The time for our leadership is now. It was the United States and the United Kingdom and our democratic allies that shaped a world in which new nations could emerge and individuals could thrive. And even as more nations take on the responsibilities of global leadership, our alliance will remain indispensable to the goal of a century that is more peaceful, more prosperous and more just. 这种论调是错误的。我们发挥领导力的时代正是现在。正是美国、英国和我们的民主盟友塑造了一个新国家得以崛起、个人得以繁荣的世界。即使更多的国家承担起全球领导责任，我们的联盟对于建设一个更加和平、更加繁荣、更加公正的世纪这一目标而言，依然不可或缺。
At a time when threats and challenges require nations to work in concert with one another, we remain the greatest catalysts for global action. In an era defined by the rapid flow of commerce and information, it is our free market tradition, our openness, fortified by our commitment to basic security for our citizens, that offers the best chance of prosperity that is both strong and shared. 在威胁与挑战需要各国协同行动的时代，我们仍然是全球行动最强大的催化剂。在一个以商业和信息快速流动为特征的时代，正是我们的自由市场传统、我们的开放性，加上我们对公民基本安全的承诺，为实现既强劲又共享的繁荣提供了最佳机会。
As millions are still denied their basic human rights because of who they are, or what they believe, or the kind of government that they live under, we are the nations most willing to stand up for the values of tolerance and self-determination that lead to peace and dignity. 当数百万人因其身份、信仰或所处的政府类型而被剥夺基本人权时，我们是最愿意捍卫宽容和自决价值观的国家——这些价值观通向和平与尊严。
Now, this doesn’t mean we can afford to stand still. The nature of our leadership will need to change with the times. As I said the first time I came to London as President, for the G20 summit, the days are gone when Roosevelt and Churchill could sit in a room and solve the world’s problems over a glass of brandy -- although I’m sure that Prime Minister Cameron would agree that some days we could both use a stiff drink. In this century, our joint leadership will require building new partnerships, adapting to new circumstances, and remaking ourselves to meet the demands of a new era. 当然，这不意味着我们可以停滞不前。我们领导力的本质需要与时俱进。正如我作为总统首次来伦敦出席二十国集团峰会时所说，罗斯福和丘吉尔坐在一起、喝着白兰地解决世界问题的时代已经一去不复返了——尽管我相信卡梅伦首相会同意，有些日子我们俩都确实想喝上一杯烈酒。在本世纪，我们的共同领导力将需要建立新的伙伴关系，适应新的环境，并重塑自我以迎接新时代的要求。
That begins with our economic leadership. 这首先体现在我们的经济领导力上。
Adam Smith’s central insight remains true today: There is no greater generator of wealth and innovation than a system of free enterprise that unleashes the full potential of individual men and women. That’s what led to the Industrial Revolution that began in the factories of Manchester. That is what led to the dawn of the Information Age that arose from the office parks of Silicon Valley. 亚当·斯密的核心洞见至今依然成立：没有什么比自由企业制度更能创造财富和创新，因为它释放了每一个男女的全部潜能。正是这催生了始于曼彻斯特工厂的工业革命。也正是这引领了从硅谷办公园区兴起的信息时代的曙光。
That’s why countries like China, India and Brazil are growing so rapidly -- because in fits and starts, they are moving toward market-based principles that the United States and the United Kingdom have always embraced. 这就是中国、印度和巴西等国增长如此迅速的原因——因为它们正在断断续续地、逐步走向美国和英国始终拥抱的市场原则。
In other words, we live in a global economy that is largely of our own making. And today, the competition for the best jobs and industries favors countries that are free-thinking and forward-looking; countries with the most creative and innovative and entrepreneurial citizens. 换句话说，我们生活在一个很大程度上由我们自己塑造的全球经济中。而今天，对最好的就业岗位和产业的竞争有利于那些思想自由、目光前瞻的国家；拥有最具创造力、创新精神和企业家精神公民的国家。
That gives nations like the United States and the United Kingdom an inherent advantage. For from Newton and Darwin to Edison and Einstein, from Alan Turing to Steve Jobs, we have led the world in our commitment to science and cutting-edge research, the discovery of new medicines and technologies. We educate our citizens and train our workers in the best colleges and universities on Earth. 这赋予了美国和英国这样的国家一种天然优势。从牛顿和达尔文到爱迪生和爱因斯坦，从艾伦·图灵到史蒂夫·乔布斯，我们凭借对科学和前沿研究的承诺、对新药物和新技术的发现，引领了世界。我们在地球上最好的学院和大学中教育公民、培训工人。
But to maintain this advantage in a world that’s more competitive than ever, we will have to redouble our investments in science and engineering, and renew our national commitments to educating our workforces. 但要在这个竞争空前激烈的世界中保持这一优势，我们必须加倍投资科学和工程，并重新确立国家对教育劳动力的承诺。
We’ve also been reminded in the last few years that markets can sometimes fail. In the last century, both our nations put in place regulatory frameworks to deal with such market failures -- safeguards to protect the banking system after the Great Depression, for example; regulations that were established to prevent the pollution of our air and water during the 1970s. 近年来我们也被提醒，市场有时会失灵。在上个世纪，我们两国都建立了监管框架来应对此类市场失灵——例如大萧条后保护银行体系的保障措施，以及20世纪70年代为防止空气和水污染而制定的法规。
But in today’s economy, such threats of market failure can no longer be contained within the borders of any one country. Market failures can go global, and go viral, and demand international responses. 但在当今的经济中，市场失灵的威胁不再局限于任何一个国家的边界之内。市场失灵可以全球化、可以像病毒一样蔓延，需要国际社会的应对。
A financial crisis that began on Wall Street infected nearly every continent, which is why we must keep working through forums like the G20 to put in place global rules of the road to prevent future excesses and abuse. No country can hide from the dangers of carbon pollution, which is why we must build on what was achieved at Copenhagen and Cancun to leave our children a planet that is safer and cleaner. 始于华尔街的金融危机几乎感染了每一个大陆，这正是我们必须继续通过二十国集团等论坛制定全球行为准则以防止未来的过度和滥用的原因。没有哪个国家能够逃避碳污染的危险，因此我们必须在哥本哈根和坎昆会议成果的基础上继续努力，为我们的孩子留下一个更安全、更清洁的星球。
Moreover, even when the free market works as it should, both our countries recognize that no matter how responsibly we live in our lives, hard times or bad luck, a crippling illness or a layoff may strike any one of us. And so part of our common tradition has expressed itself in a conviction that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security -- health care if you get sick, unemployment insurance if you lose your job, a dignified retirement after a lifetime of hard work. That commitment to our citizens has also been the reason for our leadership in the world. 此外，即便自由市场正常运转，我们两国都认识到，无论我们生活得多负责任，困难时期或厄运、致残的疾病或失业都可能降临到任何人身上。因此，我们共同传统的一部分体现为一种信念：每个公民都应获得基本的安全保障——生病时有医疗保障，失业时有失业保险，一生辛劳后有体面的退休生活。这种对公民的承诺也是我们在世界上发挥领导力的原因。
And now, having come through a terrible recession, our challenge is to meet these obligations while ensuring that we’re not consuming -- and hence consumed with -- a level of debt that could sap the strength and vitality of our economies. And that will require difficult choices and it will require different paths for both of our countries. But we have faced such challenges before, and have always been able to balance the need for fiscal responsibility with the responsibilities we have to one another. 如今，在经历了一场可怕的衰退之后，我们的挑战是在履行这些义务的同时，确保我们不会被可能侵蚀经济实力和活力的债务水平所吞噬。这需要做出艰难的抉择，也需要我们两国走不同的道路。但我们以前曾面对过这样的挑战，且始终能够在财政责任的需要与我们对彼此的责任之间取得平衡。
And I believe we can do this again. As we do, the successes and failures of our own past can serve as an example for emerging economies -- that it’s possible to grow without polluting; that lasting prosperity comes not from what a nation consumes, but from what it produces, and from the investments it makes in its people and its infrastructure. 我相信我们能再次做到。在此过程中，我们过去的成功和失败可以为新兴经济体提供借鉴——增长不一定以污染为代价；持久的繁荣不来自一个国家消费了什么，而来自它生产了什么，以及它在人民和基础设施上做了多少投资。
And just as we must lead on behalf of the prosperity of our citizens, so we must safeguard their security. Our two nations know what it is to confront evil in the world. Hitler’s armies would not have stopped their killing had we not fought them on the beaches and on the landing grounds, in the fields and on the streets. We must never forget that there was nothing inevitable about our victory in that terrible war. It was won through the courage and character of our people. 正如我们必须为公民的繁荣而引领一样，我们也必须保障他们的安全。我们两国深知对抗世间邪恶意味着什么。如果我们没有在海滩上、在登陆场上、在田野里、在街道上与希特勒的军队作战，他们就不会停止杀戮。我们永远不应忘记，在那场可怕的战争中我们的胜利绝非必然。它凭借的是我国人民的勇气和品格。
Precisely because we are willing to bear its burden, we know well the cost of war. And that is why we built an alliance that was strong enough to defend this continent while deterring our enemies. At its core, NATO is rooted in the simple concept of Article Five: that no NATO nation will have to fend on its own; that allies will stand by one another, always. And for six decades, NATO has been the most successful alliance in human history. 正因为我们愿意承担其重负，我们深知战争的代价。正因如此，我们建立了一个足够强大的联盟来保卫这片大陆同时威慑我们的敌人。北约的核心根植于第五条的简单理念：没有任何北约国家需要独自应对；盟友将永远彼此支持。六十年来，北约一直是人类历史上最成功的联盟。
Today, we confront a different enemy. Terrorists have taken the lives of our citizens in New York and in London. And while al Qaeda seeks a religious war with the West, we must remember that they have killed thousands of Muslims -- men, women and children -- around the globe. Our nations are not and will never be at war with Islam. Our fight is focused on defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies. 今天，我们面对的是不同的敌人。恐怖分子在纽约和伦敦夺走了我们公民的生命。虽然基地组织试图与西方发动宗教战争，但我们必须记住，他们在全球范围内杀害了数以千计的穆斯林——男人、女人和儿童。我们的国家不是、也永远不会与伊斯兰教为敌。我们的战斗集中于击败基地组织及其极端主义盟友。
In that effort, we will not relent, as Osama bin Laden and his followers have learned. And as we fight an enemy that respects no law of war, we will continue to hold ourselves to a higher standard -- by living up to the values, the rule of law and due process that we so ardently defend. 在这一努力中，我们不会松懈，奥萨马·本·拉丹及其追随者已经领教了这一点。在与一个不尊重任何战争法则的敌人作战时，我们将继续以更高的标准要求自己——践行我们如此热切捍卫的价值观、法治和正当程序。
For almost a decade, Afghanistan has been a central front of these efforts. Throughout those years, you, the British people, have been a stalwart ally, along with so many others who fight by our side. 近十年来，阿富汗一直是这些努力的核心前线。在这些年里，你们英国人民一直是最坚定的盟友，与许多并肩作战的人一起站在我们身旁。
Together, let us pay tribute to all of our men and women who have served and sacrificed over the last several years -- for they are part of an unbroken line of heroes who have borne the heaviest burden for the freedoms that we enjoy. Because of them, we have broken the Taliban’s momentum. Because of them, we have built the capacity of Afghan security forces. And because of them, we are now preparing to turn a corner in Afghanistan by transitioning to Afghan lead. 让我们共同向过去几年中服役和牺牲的所有男女致敬——因为他们是英雄不朽传承的一部分，他们为我们享有的自由承担了最重的责任。因为他们，我们遏制了塔利班的势头。因为他们，我们建设了阿富汗安全部队的能力。也因为他们，我们现在正准备在阿富汗迎来转折，向阿富汗主导过渡。
And during this transition, we will pursue a lasting peace with those who break free of al Qaeda and respect the Afghan constitution and lay down arms. And we will ensure that Afghanistan is never a safe haven for terror, but is instead a country that is strong, sovereign, and able to stand on its own two feet. 在此过渡期间，我们将与那些脱离基地组织、尊重阿富汗宪法并放下武器的人追求持久和平。我们将确保阿富汗永远不再是恐怖主义的避风港，而是一个强大、主权独立、能够自立的国家。
Indeed, our efforts in this young century have led us to a new concept for NATO that will give us the capabilities needed to meet new threats -- threats like terrorism and piracy, cyber attacks and ballistic missiles. But a revitalized NATO will continue to hew to that original vision of its founders, allowing us to rally collective action for the defense of our people, while building upon the broader belief of Roosevelt and Churchill that all nations have both rights and responsibilities, and all nations share a common interest in an international architecture that maintains the peace. 事实上，我们在本世纪早期的努力促成了北约新概念的诞生，赋予我们应对新型威胁的能力——如恐怖主义和海盗、网络攻击和弹道导弹。但一个焕发新生的北约将继续秉持其创始人的最初愿景，使我们能够为保卫人民而集结集体行动，同时在罗斯福和丘吉尔更宏大的信念之上继续前行——即所有国家都既享有权利又承担义务，所有国家都共同致力于维护和平的国际架构。
We also share a common interest in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Across the globe, nations are locking down nuclear materials so they never fall into the wrong hands -- because of our leadership. 我们还在阻止核武器扩散方面享有共同利益。在全球范围内，各国正在锁定核材料，确保它们永不落入不法之徒手中——这源于我们的领导力。
From North Korea to Iran, we’ve sent a message that those who flaunt their obligations will face consequences -- which is why America and the European Union just recently strengthened our sanctions on Iran, in large part because of the leadership of the United Kingdom and the United States. And while we hold others to account, we will meet our own obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and strive for a world without nuclear weapons. 从朝鲜到伊朗，我们传递了一个信息：那些无视自身义务的人将面临后果——这正是美国和欧盟最近加强对伊朗制裁的原因，这在很大程度上归功于英国和美国的领导。在追究他国责任的同时，我们将履行自己在《不扩散核武器条约》下的义务，并努力追求一个没有核武器的世界。
We share a common interest in resolving conflicts that prolong human suffering and threaten to tear whole regions asunder. In Sudan, after years of war and thousands of deaths, we call on both North and South to pull back from the brink of violence and choose the path of peace. And in the Middle East, we stand united in our support for a secure Israel and a sovereign Palestine. 我们在解决加剧人类苦难、威胁撕裂整个地区的冲突方面享有共同利益。在苏丹，经过多年战争和数以千计的死亡，我们呼吁南北双方从暴力边缘后退，选择和平之路。在中东，我们坚定团结，支持一个安全的以色列和一个主权的巴勒斯坦。
And we share a common interest in development that advances dignity and security. To succeed, we must cast aside the impulse to look at impoverished parts of the globe as a place for charity. Instead, we should empower the same forces that have allowed our own people to thrive: We should help the hungry to feed themselves, the doctors who care for the sick. We should support countries that confront corruption, and allow their people to innovate. And we should advance the truth that nations prosper when they allow women and girls to reach their full potential. 我们还在推动促进尊严和安全的发展方面享有共同利益。要取得成功，我们必须摒弃将全球贫困地区视为慈善对象的冲动。相反，我们应赋能那些让我们自己人民得以繁荣的力量：帮助饥饿者自食其力，支持照治病患的医生。我们应支持打击腐败的国家，让其人民得以创新。我们还应推进这一真理：当国家允许妇女和女童充分发挥潜力时，国家才会繁荣。
We do these things because we believe not simply in the rights of nations; we believe in the rights of citizens. That is the beacon that guided us through our fight against fascism and our twilight struggle against communism. And today, that idea is being put to the test in the Middle East and North Africa. In country after country, people are mobilizing to free themselves from the grip of an iron fist. And while these movements for change are just six months old, we have seen them play out before -- from Eastern Europe to the Americas, from South Africa to Southeast Asia. 我们这样做，是因为我们不仅相信国家的权利，更相信公民的权利。这正是引领我们穿越抗击法西斯主义之战和与共产主义暮色之争的明灯。而今天，这一理念正在中东和北非接受考验。在一个又一个国家，人民正在动员起来，挣脱铁拳的桎梏。虽然这些变革运动仅有六个月的历史，但我们之前曾见过类似的一幕——从东欧到美洲，从南非到东南亚。
History tells us that democracy is not easy. It will be years before these revolutions reach their conclusion, and there will be difficult days along the way. Power rarely gives up without a fight -- particularly in places where there are divisions of tribe and divisions of sect. We also know that populism can take dangerous turns -- from the extremism of those who would use democracy to deny minority rights, to the nationalism that left so many scars on this continent in the 20th century. 历史告诉我们，民主来之不易。这些革命需要数年才能尘埃落定，沿途将有艰难的日子。权力很少会不经争斗就放弃——特别是在存在部落和教派分歧的地方。我们也知道，民粹主义可能走上危险的道路——从利用民主来剥夺少数群体权利的极端主义，到20世纪在这片大陆上留下无数伤痕的民族主义。
But make no mistake: What we saw, what we are seeing in Tehran, in Tunis, in Tahrir Square, is a longing for the same freedoms that we take for granted here at home. It was a rejection of the notion that people in certain parts of the world don’t want to be free, or need to have democracy imposed upon them. It was a rebuke to the worldview of al Qaeda, which smothers the rights of individuals, and would thereby subject them to perpetual poverty and violence. 但请不要误解：我们在德黑兰、在突尼斯、在解放广场所看到和正在看到的，是对我们在家乡习以为常的那些自由的渴望。这是对一种观念的否定——那种认为世界某些地区的人民不想获得自由、或需要别人把民主强加于他们的观念。这是对基地组织世界观的回击——它压制个人权利，从而将人们置于永久的贫困和暴力之中。
Let there be no doubt: The United States and United Kingdom stand squarely on the side of those who long to be free. And now, we must show that we will back up those words with deeds. That means investing in the future of those nations that transition to democracy, starting with Tunisia and Egypt -- by deepening ties of trade and commerce; by helping them demonstrate that freedom brings prosperity. And that means standing up for universal rights -- by sanctioning those who pursue repression, strengthening civil society, supporting the rights of minorities. 毫无疑问：美国和英国坚定地站在渴望自由的人一边。现在，我们必须用行动证明我们的言辞。这意味着投资于那些向民主过渡的国家的未来，从突尼斯和埃及开始——通过深化贸易和商业纽带；通过帮助他们证明自由带来繁荣。这也意味着捍卫普世权利——通过制裁那些推行镇压的人、加强公民社会、支持少数群体的权利。
We do this knowing that the West must overcome suspicion and mistrust among many in the Middle East and North Africa -- a mistrust that is rooted in a difficult past. For years, we’ve faced charges of hypocrisy from those who do not enjoy the freedoms that they hear us espouse. And so to them, we must squarely acknowledge that, yes, we have enduring interests in the region -- to fight terror, sometimes with partners who may not be perfect; to protect against disruptions of the world’s energy supply. 我们这样做时深知，西方必须克服中东和北非许多人心中的疑虑和不信任——这种不信任根植于一段艰难的历史。多年来，我们一直面临那些不享有我们口中宣扬的自由的人对虚伪的指控。因此，对他们，我们必须坦诚承认：是的，我们在该地区有持久的利益——打击恐怖主义，有时与可能并不完美的伙伴合作；防止世界能源供应的中断。
But we must also insist that we reject as false the choice between our interests and our ideals; between stability and democracy. For our idealism is rooted in the realities of history -- that repression offers only the false promise of stability, that societies are more successful when their citizens are free, and that democracies are the closest allies we have. 但我们也必须坚持，我们拒绝在利益与理想之间、在稳定与民主之间做出虚假的选择。因为我们的理想主义根植于历史的现实——镇压只提供稳定的虚假承诺，社会在公民自由时更加成功，而民主国家是我们最亲密的盟友。
It is that truth that guides our action in Libya. It would have been easy at the outset of the crackdown in Libya to say that none of this was our business -- that a nation’s sovereignty is more important than the slaughter of civilians within its borders. That argument carries weight with some. 正是这一真理指引着我们在利比亚的行动。在利比亚镇压之初，本可以轻而易举地说这不关我们的事——一个国家的主权比其境内平民遭屠杀更重要。这种论调对一些人来说是有分量的。
But we are different. We embrace a broader responsibility. And while we cannot stop every injustice, there are circumstances that cut through our caution -- when a leader is threatening to massacre his people, and the international community is calling for action. That’s why we stopped a massacre in Libya. And we will not relent until the people of Libya are protected and the shadow of tyranny is lifted. 但我们与众不同。我们承担更广泛的责任。虽然我们无法阻止每一桩不义之事，但有些情况足以让我们克服谨慎——当一个领导人威胁要屠杀他的人民，而国际社会呼吁采取行动时。这就是我们阻止了利比亚一场屠杀的原因。我们不会松懈，直到利比亚人民得到保护、暴政的阴影被驱散。
We will proceed with humility, and the knowledge that we cannot dictate every outcome abroad. Ultimately, freedom must be won by the people themselves, not imposed from without. But we can and must stand with those who so struggle. 我们将以谦卑的态度前行，深知我们无法左右海外的每一个结果。归根结底，自由必须由人民自己去争取，而非从外部强加。但我们能够也必须与那些为此奋斗的人站在一起。
Because we have always believed that the future of our children and grandchildren will be better if other people’s children and grandchildren are more prosperous and more free -- from the beaches of Normandy to the Balkans to Benghazi. That is our interests and our ideals. And if we fail to meet that responsibility, who would take our place, and what kind of world would we pass on? 因为我们始终相信，如果他人的子孙更加繁荣、更加自由，我们自己的子孙的未来就会更好——从诺曼底的海滩到巴尔干，再到班加西。这就是我们的利益和我们的理想。如果我们未能履行这一责任，谁会取代我们的位置，我们又将传承一个怎样的世界？
Our action -- our leadership -- is essential to the cause of human dignity. And so we must act -- and lead -- with confidence in our ideals, and an abiding faith in the character of our people, who sent us all here today. 我们的行动——我们的领导力——对人类尊严的事业至关重要。因此，我们必须怀着对理想的信心和对我国人民品格的坚定信念而行动和引领，正是人民让我们所有人今天来到这里。
For there is one final quality that I believe makes the United States and the United Kingdom indispensable to this moment in history. And that is how we define ourselves as nations. 因为还有一个最终的品质，我认为它使美国和英国在这一历史时刻不可或缺。那就是我们如何定义自己作为国家。
Unlike most countries in the world, we do not define citizenship based on race or ethnicity. 与世界上大多数国家不同，我们不以种族或族裔来定义公民身份。
Being American or British is not about belonging to a certain group; it’s about believing in a certain set of ideals -- the rights of individuals, the rule of law. That is why we hold incredible diversity within our borders. That’s why there are people around the world right now who believe that if they come to America, if they come to New York, if they come to London, if they work hard, they can pledge allegiance to our flag and call themselves Americans; if they come to England, they can make a new life for themselves and can sing God Save The Queen just like any other citizen. 作为美国人或英国人，不在于属于某个特定的群体，而在于信奉一套特定的理念——个人权利和法治。这就是为什么我们国境内拥有令人难以置信的多样性。这就是为什么当今世界各地的人们相信，如果他们来到美国、来到纽约、来到伦敦，只要努力工作，他们就可以向我们的国旗效忠并自称为美国人；如果他们来到英格兰，他们可以为自己开创新的生活，可以像任何其他公民一样高唱《天佑女王》。
Yes, our diversity can lead to tension. And throughout our history there have been heated debates about immigration and assimilation in both of our countries. But even as these debates can be difficult, we fundamentally recognize that our patchwork heritage is an enormous strength -- that in a world which will only grow smaller and more interconnected, the example of our two nations says it is possible for people to be united by their ideals, instead of divided by their differences; 是的，我们的多样性可能引发紧张。在我们的历史中，两国都曾就移民和同化问题进行过激烈的辩论。但即使这些辩论可能很艰难，我们从根本上认识到，我们拼缀而成的文化遗产是一种巨大的优势——在一个只会变得更小、更紧密相连的世界里，我们两国的范例表明，人们可以因理想而团结，而非因差异而分裂；
that it’s possible for hearts to change and old hatreds to pass; that it’s possible for the sons and daughters of former colonies to sit here as members of this great Parliament, and for the grandson of a Kenyan who served as a cook in the British Army to stand before you as President of the United States. 人心可以改变，旧日的仇恨可以消散；前殖民地的儿女可以坐在这里成为这个伟大议会的议员，一个曾在英军中当厨师的肯尼亚人的孙子可以站在你们面前，作为美国总统。
That is what defines us. That is why the young men and women in the streets of Damascus and Cairo still reach for the rights our citizens enjoy, even if they sometimes differ with our policies. 这就是定义我们的东西。这就是为什么大马士革和开罗街头的年轻男女仍在争取我们公民所享有的权利，即使他们有时不认同我们的政策。
As two of the most powerful nations in the history of the world, we must always remember that the true source of our influence hasn’t just been the size of our economies, or the reach of our militaries, or the land that we’ve claimed. It has been the values that we must never waver in defending around the world -- the idea that all beings are endowed by our Creator with certain rights that cannot be denied. 作为世界历史上最强大的两个国家，我们必须始终铭记，我们影响力的真正源泉不仅仅是经济规模、军事投射范围或我们所占领的领土。而是那些我们在世界各地绝不动摇地捍卫的价值观——即造物主赋予所有生命某些不可剥夺的权利这一理念。
That is what forged our bond in the fire of war -- a bond made manifest by the friendship between two of our greatest leaders. Churchill and Roosevelt had their differences. They were keen observers of each other’s blind spots and shortcomings, if not always their own, and they were hard-headed about their ability to remake the world. 这就是在战火中铸就我们纽带的根基——这一纽带由我们两位最伟大领袖之间的友谊所彰显。丘吉尔和罗斯福之间有分歧。他们是彼此盲点和短处的敏锐观察者（尽管不一定总是看到自己的），他们对自己重塑世界的能力有着清醒的认知。
But what joined the fates of these two men at that particular moment in history was not simply a shared interest in victory on the battlefield. It was a shared belief in the ultimate triumph of human freedom and human dignity -- a conviction that we have a say in how this story ends. 但将这两个人在那一特定历史时刻的命运联系在一起的，不仅仅是战场上胜利的共同利益。而是对人类自由和人的尊严最终胜利的共同信念——一种我们能够决定这个故事如何收场的信念。
This conviction lives on in their people today. The challenges we face are great. The work before us is hard. But we have come through a difficult decade, and whenever the tests and trials ahead may seem too big or too many, let us turn to their example, and the words that Churchill spoke on the day that Europe was freed: 这一信念今天仍在他们的人民心中延续。我们面临的挑战是巨大的。面前的工作是艰巨的。但我们已经走过了艰难的十年，无论前方的考验看起来多么巨大或繁多，让我们以他们为榜样，回顾丘吉尔在欧洲解放之日所说的话：
In the long years to come, not only will the people of this island but…the world, wherever the bird of freedom chirps in [the] human heart, look back to what we’ve done, and they will say ‘do not despair, do not yield…march straightforward’. 在未来的漫长岁月中，不仅这座岛屿上的人民……全世界，无论自由之鸟在人类心中何处鸣唱，都将回顾我们所做的一切，他们将会说"不要绝望，不要屈服……坚定前行"。
With courage and purpose, with humility and with hope, with faith in the promise of tomorrow, let us march straightforward together, enduring allies in the cause of a world that is more peaceful, more prosperous, and more just. 带着勇气和目标，带着谦卑和希望，带着对明日承诺的信念，让我们坚定前行，携手并肩，作为持久的盟友，为一个更加和平、更加繁荣、更加公正的世界而奋斗。
Thank you very much. 非常感谢。