Tonight, I'd like to update the American people on the international effort that we have led in Libya: what we've done, what we plan to do, and why this matters to us. 今晚，我想向美国人民通报我们主导的利比亚国际行动：我们做了什么，我们计划做什么，以及为什么这对我们很重要。
I want to begin by paying tribute to our men and women in uniform who, once again, have acted with courage, professionalism and patriotism. They have moved with incredible speed and strength. Because of them and our dedicated diplomats, a coalition has been forged and countless lives have been saved. 首先，我要向我们的男女军人致敬，他们再次展现了勇气、专业精神和爱国主义。他们以令人难以置信的速度和力量行动。因为他们和我们敬业的外交官，一个联盟已经形成，无数生命得到了拯救。
Meanwhile, as we speak, our troops are supporting our ally Japan, leaving Iraq to its people, stopping the Taliban's momentum in Afghanistan, and going after al Qaeda all across the globe. As Commander-in-Chief, I'm grateful to our soldiers, sailors, airmen, Marines, Coast Guardsmen, and to their families. And I know all Americans share in that sentiment. 与此同时，就在我们说话的时候，我们的部队正在支持我们的盟友日本，让伊拉克人民自己管理国家，阻止塔利班在阿富汗的势头，并在全球追捕基地组织。作为总司令，我感谢我们的陆军、海军、空军、海军陆战队、海岸警卫队官兵，以及他们的家人。我知道所有美国人都有同感。
For generations, the United States of America has played a unique role as an anchor of global security and as an advocate for human freedom. Mindful of the risks and costs of military action, we are naturally reluctant to use force to solve the world's many challenges. But when our interests and values are at stake, we have a responsibility to act. That's what happened in Libya over the course of these last six weeks. 几代人以来，美利坚合众国一直扮演着独特的角色，作为全球安全的锚点和人类自由的倡导者。考虑到军事行动的风险和代价，我们自然不愿意使用武力来解决世界上诸多挑战。但当我们的利益和价值观受到威胁时，我们有责任采取行动。这就是过去六周在利比亚发生的事情。
Libya sits directly between Tunisia and Egypt -- two nations that inspired the world when their people rose up to take control of their own destiny. For more than four decades, the Libyan people have been ruled by a tyrant -- Muammar Qaddafi. He has denied his people freedom, exploited their wealth, murdered opponents at home and abroad, and terrorized innocent people around the world -- including Americans who were killed by Libyan agents. 利比亚位于突尼斯和埃及之间——这两个国家的人民奋起掌控自己的命运，激励了世界。四十多年来，利比亚人民一直被暴君穆阿迈尔·卡扎菲统治。他剥夺了人民的自由，掠夺了他们的财富，在国内外谋杀对手，并在世界各地恐吓无辜人民——包括被利比亚特工杀害的美国人。
Last month, Qaddafi's grip of fear appeared to give way to the promise of freedom. In cities and towns across the country, Libyans took to the streets to claim their basic human rights. As one Libyan said, "For the first time we finally have hope that our nightmare of 40 years will soon be over." 上个月，卡扎菲的恐惧统治似乎让位于自由的希望。在全国各地的城镇，利比亚人走上街头，争取他们基本的人权。正如一位利比亚人所说："四十年来我们终于第一次有了希望，我们的噩梦即将结束。"
Faced with this opposition, Qaddafi began attacking his people. As President, my immediate concern was the safety of our citizens, so we evacuated our embassy and all Americans who sought our assistance. Then we took a series of swift steps in a matter of days to answer Qaddafi's aggression. We froze more than $33 billion of Qaddafi's regime's assets. 面对这种反抗，卡扎菲开始攻击他的人民。作为总统，我最关心的是我们公民的安全，所以我们疏散了大使馆和所有寻求援助的美国人。然后我们在几天内采取了一系列迅速措施来回应卡扎菲的侵略。我们冻结了卡扎菲政权超过330亿美元的资产。
Joining with other nations at the United Nations Security Council, we broadened our sanctions, imposed an arms embargo, and enabled Qaddafi and those around him to be held accountable for their crimes. I made it clear that Qaddafi had lost the confidence of his people and the legitimacy to lead, and I said that he needed to step down from power. 与其他国家在联合国安理会合作，我们扩大了制裁，实施了武器禁运，并使卡扎菲及其周围的人能够为其罪行承担责任。我明确表示，卡扎菲已经失去了人民的信任和执政的合法性，我说他需要下台。
In the face of the world's condemnation, Qaddafi chose to escalate his attacks, launching a military campaign against the Libyan people. Innocent people were targeted for killing. Hospitals and ambulances were attacked. Journalists were arrested, sexually assaulted, and killed. Supplies of food and fuel were choked off. Water for hundreds of thousands of people in Misurata was shut off. 面对世界的谴责，卡扎菲选择升级攻击，对利比亚人民发动军事行动。无辜的人被杀害。医院和救护车遭到攻击。记者被逮捕、性侵和杀害。食品和燃料供应被切断。米苏拉塔数十万人的水源被切断。
Cities and towns were shelled, mosques were destroyed, and apartment buildings reduced to rubble. Military jets and helicopter gunships were unleashed upon people who had no means to defend themselves against assaults from the air. 城镇遭到炮击，清真寺被摧毁，公寓楼变成废墟。军用飞机和武装直升机被释放到无力自卫的人民头上。
Confronted by this brutal repression and a looming humanitarian crisis, I ordered warships into the Mediterranean. European allies declared their willingness to commit resources to stop the killing. The Libyan opposition and the Arab League appealed to the world to save lives in Libya. And so at my direction, America led an effort with our allies at the United Nations Security Council to pass a historic resolution that authorized a no-fly zone to stop the regime's attacks from the air, and further authorized all necessary measures to protect the Libyan people. 面对这种残酷镇压和迫在眉睫的人道主义危机，我命令军舰进入地中海。欧洲盟国宣布愿意投入资源来阻止杀戮。利比亚反对派和阿拉伯联盟呼吁世界拯救利比亚的生命。因此，在我的指示下，美国与盟国在联合国安理会领导了一项历史性决议的通过，授权设立禁飞区以阻止政权的空中攻击，并进一步授权采取一切必要措施保护利比亚人民。
Ten days ago, having tried to end the violence without using force, the international community offered Qaddafi a final chance to stop his campaign of killing, or face the consequences. Rather than stand down, his forces continued their advance, bearing down on the city of Benghazi, home to nearly 700,000 men, women and children who sought their freedom from fear. 十天前，在不使用武力结束暴力的努力之后，国际社会给了卡扎菲最后一次机会，让他停止杀戮行动，否则将面临后果。他非但没有收手，他的部队反而继续推进，逼近班加西市，那里有近70万寻求免于恐惧的自由的男女老幼。
At this point, the United States and the world faced a choice. Qaddafi declared he would show "no mercy" to his own people. He compared them to rats, and threatened to go door to door to inflict punishment. In the past, we have seen him hang civilians in the streets, and kill over a thousand people in a single day. Now we saw regime forces on the outskirts of the city. We knew that if we wanted -- if we waited one more day, Benghazi, a city nearly the size of Charlotte, could suffer a massacre that would have reverberated across the region and stained the conscience of the world. 在这一点上，美国和世界面临一个选择。卡扎菲宣称他将对自己的人民"毫不留情"。他把他们比作老鼠，并威胁要挨家挨户进行惩罚。过去，我们看到他在街头绞死平民，一天之内杀害超过一千人。现在我们看到政权部队在城市郊区。我们知道——如果我们再等一天，班加西，一个规模接近夏洛特的城市，可能会遭受一场大屠杀，这场大屠杀将在整个地区引起反响，并玷污世界的良心。
It was not in our national interest to let that happen. I refused to let that happen. And so nine days ago, after consulting the bipartisan leadership of Congress, I authorized military action to stop the killing and enforce U.N. Security Council Resolution 1973. 让这一切发生不符合我们的国家利益。我拒绝让这一切发生。因此九天前，在与国会两党领导层协商后，我授权采取军事行动来阻止杀戮并执行联合国安理会第1973号决议。
We struck regime forces approaching Benghazi to save that city and the people within it. We hit Qaddafi's troops in neighboring Ajdabiya, allowing the opposition to drive them out. We hit Qaddafi's air defenses, which paved the way for a no-fly zone. We targeted tanks and military assets that had been choking off towns and cities, and we cut off much of their source of supply. And tonight, I can report that we have stopped Qaddafi's deadly advance. 我们打击了逼近班加西的政权部队，以拯救那座城市和其中的人民。我们打击了邻近阿杰达比亚的卡扎菲部队，使反对派能够将他们赶出去。我们打击了卡扎菲的防空系统，为禁飞区铺平了道路。我们瞄准了扼杀城镇的坦克和军事装备，切断了他们的大部分补给来源。今晚，我可以报告，我们已经阻止了卡扎菲致命的推进。
In this effort, the United States has not acted alone. Instead, we have been joined by a strong and growing coalition. This includes our closest allies -- nations like the United Kingdom, France, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Italy, Spain, Greece, and Turkey -- all of whom have fought by our sides for decades. And it includes Arab partners like Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, who have chosen to meet their responsibilities to defend the Libyan people. 在这次行动中，美国并非独自行动。相反，我们得到了一个强大且不断壮大的联盟的支持。这包括我们最亲密的盟友——英国、法国、加拿大、丹麦、挪威、意大利、西班牙、希腊和土耳其等国——他们几十年来一直与我们并肩作战。还包括卡塔尔和阿联酋等阿拉伯伙伴，他们选择承担起保卫利比亚人民的责任。
To summarize, then: In just one month, the United States has worked with our international partners to mobilize a broad coalition, secure an international mandate to protect civilians, stop an advancing army, prevent a massacre, and establish a no-fly zone with our allies and partners. To lend some perspective on how rapidly this military and diplomatic response came together, when people were being brutalized in Bosnia in the 1990s, it took the international community more than a year to intervene with air power to protect civilians. It took us 31 days. 总而言之：在仅仅一个月内，美国与国际伙伴合作，动员了一个广泛的联盟，获得了保护平民的国际授权，阻止了一支推进中的军队，防止了一场大屠杀，并与盟友和伙伴建立了禁飞区。为了让大家了解这次军事和外交反应的速度有多快，当人们在1990年代的波斯尼亚遭受暴行时，国际社会花了一年多时间才介入空中力量保护平民。我们只用了31天。
Moreover, we've accomplished these objectives consistent with the pledge that I made to the American people at the outset of our military operations. I said that America's role would be limited; that we would not put ground troops into Libya; that we would focus our unique capabilities on the front end of the operation and that we would transfer responsibility to our allies and partners. Tonight, we are fulfilling that pledge. 此外，我们实现这些目标的同时，遵守了我在军事行动开始时对美国人民做出的承诺。我说过美国的角色将是有限的；我们不会在利比亚部署地面部队；我们将把我们独特的能力集中在行动的前端，然后将责任移交给我们的盟友和伙伴。今晚，我们正在履行这一承诺。
Our most effective alliance, NATO, has taken command of the enforcement of the arms embargo and the no-fly zone. Last night, NATO decided to take on the additional responsibility of protecting Libyan civilians. This transfer from the United States to NATO will take place on Wednesday. Going forward, the lead in enforcing the no-fly zone and protecting civilians on the ground will transition to our allies and partners, and I am fully confident that our coalition will keep the pressure on Qaddafi's remaining forces. 我们最有效的联盟——北约——已经接管了武器禁运和禁飞区的执行指挥权。昨晚，北约决定承担起保护利比亚平民的额外责任。从美国到北约的移交将在周三进行。今后，执行禁飞区和保护地面平民的领导权将移交给我们的盟友和伙伴，我完全有信心我们的联盟将继续对卡扎菲的残余部队施加压力。
In that effort, the United States will play a supporting role -- including intelligence, logistical support, search and rescue assistance, and capabilities to jam regime communications. Because of this transition to a broader, NATO-based coalition, the risk and cost of this operation -- to our military and to American taxpayers -- will be reduced significantly. 在这一努力中，美国将扮演辅助角色——包括情报、后勤支持、搜救援助以及干扰政权通讯的能力。由于向更广泛的、以北约为基础的联盟过渡，这次行动的风险和成本——对我们的军队和美国纳税人来说——将显著降低。
So for those who doubted our capacity to carry out this operation, I want to be clear: The United States of America has done what we said we would do. 对于那些怀疑我们执行这次行动能力的人，我想说清楚：美利坚合众国已经做了我们说过要做的事。
That's not to say that our work is complete. In addition to our NATO responsibilities, we will work with the international community to provide assistance to the people of Libya, who need food for the hungry and medical care for the wounded. We will safeguard the more than $33 billion that was frozen from the Qaddafi regime so that it's available to rebuild Libya. After all, the money doesn't belong to Qaddafi or to us -- it belongs to the Libyan people. And we'll make sure they receive it. 这并不是说我们的工作已经完成。除了我们的北约责任外，我们将与国际社会合作，向利比亚人民提供援助，他们需要食物和伤员的医疗护理。我们将保护从卡扎菲政权冻结的超过330亿美元，以便用于重建利比亚。毕竟，这笔钱不属于卡扎菲，也不属于我们——它属于利比亚人民。我们将确保他们收到它。
Tomorrow, Secretary Clinton will go to London, where she will meet with the Libyan opposition and consult with more than 30 nations. These discussions will focus on what kind of political effort is necessary to pressure Qaddafi, while also supporting a transition to the future that the Libyan people deserve -- because while our military mission is narrowly focused on saving lives, we continue to pursue the broader goal of a Libya that belongs not to a dictator, but to its people. 明天，克林顿国务卿将前往伦敦，在那里她将会见利比亚反对派，并与30多个国家进行磋商。这些讨论将集中于需要什么样的政治努力来向卡扎菲施压，同时支持向利比亚人民应得的未来过渡——因为虽然我们的军事任务专注于拯救生命，但我们继续追求更广泛的目标：一个不属于独裁者，而属于其人民的利比亚。
Now, despite the success of our efforts over the past week, I know that some Americans continue to have questions about our efforts in Libya. Qaddafi has not yet stepped down from power, and until he does, Libya will remain dangerous. Moreover, even after Qaddafi does leave power, 40 years of tyranny has left Libya fractured and without strong civil institutions. 现在，尽管我们过去一周的努力取得了成功，我知道一些美国人继续对我们在利比亚的行动有疑问。卡扎菲尚未下台，在他下台之前，利比亚仍然危险。此外，即使卡扎菲下台后，40年的暴政已经使利比亚四分五裂，缺乏强大的民间机构。
The transition to a legitimate government that is responsive to the Libyan people will be a difficult task. And while the United States will do our part to help, it will be a task for the international community and -- more importantly -- a task for the Libyan people themselves. 向一个响应利比亚人民的合法政府过渡将是一项艰巨的任务。虽然美国将尽自己的一份力量来帮助，但这将是国际社会的任务，更重要的是利比亚人民自己的任务。
In fact, much of the debate in Washington has put forward a false choice when it comes to Libya. On the one hand, some question why America should intervene at all -- even in limited ways -- in this distant land. They argue that there are many places in the world where innocent civilians face brutal violence at the hands of their government, and America should not be expected to police the world, particularly when we have so many pressing needs here at home. 事实上，华盛顿关于利比亚的许多辩论提出了一个错误的选择。一方面，一些人质疑美国为什么要在这个遥远的土地上进行干预——即使是有限的方式。他们认为世界上有许多地方无辜平民面临政府的暴力，美国不应该被期望充当世界警察，特别是当我们在国内有这么多紧迫需求时。
It's true that America cannot use our military wherever repression occurs. And given the costs and risks of intervention, we must always measure our interests against the need for action. But that cannot be an argument for never acting on behalf of what's right. In this particular country -- Libya -- at this particular moment, we were faced with the prospect of violence on a horrific scale. 确实，美国不能在发生镇压的地方都使用我们的军事力量。考虑到干预的成本和风险，我们必须始终权衡我们的利益与行动的需要。但这不能成为永远不为正义行事的理由。在这个特定的国家——利比亚——在这个特定的时刻，我们面临着大规模暴力的可能性。
We had a unique ability to stop that violence: an international mandate for action, a broad coalition prepared to join us, the support of Arab countries, and a plea for help from the Libyan people themselves. We also had the ability to stop Qaddafi's forces in their tracks without putting American troops on the ground. 我们有独特的能力来阻止这种暴力：国际行动授权、准备加入我们的广泛联盟、阿拉伯国家的支持，以及利比亚人民自己的求助。我们还有能力在不部署美国地面部队的情况下阻止卡扎菲部队的前进。
To brush aside America's responsibility as a leader and -- more profoundly -- our responsibilities to our fellow human beings under such circumstances would have been a betrayal of who we are. Some nations may be able to turn a blind eye to atrocities in other countries. The United States of America is different. And as President, I refused to wait for the images of slaughter and mass graves before taking action. 在这种情况下，无视美国作为领导者的责任——更深刻地说——无视我们对人类同胞的责任，将是对我们身份的背叛。有些国家也许能够对其他国家的暴行视而不见。美利坚合众国不同。作为总统，我拒绝等待屠杀和万人坑的画面出现后再采取行动。
Moreover, America has an important strategic interest in preventing Qaddafi from overrunning those who oppose him. A massacre would have driven thousands of additional refugees across Libya's borders, putting enormous strains on the peaceful -- yet fragile -- transitions in Egypt and Tunisia. The democratic impulses that are dawning across the region would be eclipsed by the darkest form of dictatorship, as repressive leaders concluded that violence is the best strategy to cling to power. 此外，美国在防止卡扎菲镇压反对者方面有重要的战略利益。一场大屠杀将驱使成千上万的额外难民越过利比亚边界，给埃及和突尼斯和平但脆弱的过渡带来巨大压力。整个地区萌发的民主冲动将被最黑暗的独裁形式所掩盖，因为镇压领导人得出结论：暴力是维护权力的最佳策略。
The writ of the United Nations Security Council would have been shown to be little more than empty words, crippling that institution's future credibility to uphold global peace and security. So while I will never minimize the costs involved in military action, I am convinced that a failure to act in Libya would have carried a far greater price for America. 联合国安理会的权威将被证明不过是空话，削弱了该机构未来维护全球和平和安全的信誉。因此，虽然我永远不会低估军事行动涉及的成本，但我确信，在利比亚不采取行动将给美国带来更大的代价。
Now, just as there are those who have argued against intervention in Libya, there are others who have suggested that we broaden our military mission beyond the task of protecting the Libyan people, and do whatever it takes to bring down Qaddafi and usher in a new government. 现在，正如有人反对干预利比亚一样，也有人建议我们扩大军事任务，超越保护利比亚人民的范围，尽一切努力推翻卡扎菲并引入新政府。
Of course, there is no question that Libya -- and the world -- would be better off with Qaddafi out of power. I, along with many other world leaders, have embraced that goal, and will actively pursue it through non-military means. But broadening our military mission to include regime change would be a mistake. 当然，毫无疑问，利比亚——和世界——在卡扎菲下台后会更好。我和其他许多世界领导人都接受了这一目标，并将通过非军事手段积极追求。但将我们的军事任务扩大到包括政权更迭将是一个错误。
The task that I assigned our forces -- to protect the Libyan people from immediate danger, and to establish a no-fly zone -- carries with it a U.N. mandate and international support. It's also what the Libyan opposition asked us to do. If we tried to overthrow Qaddafi by force, our coalition would splinter. We would likely have to put U.S. troops on the ground to accomplish that mission, or risk killing many civilians from the air. The dangers faced by our men and women in uniform would be far greater. So would the costs and our share of the responsibility for what comes next. 我分配给我们部队的任务——保护利比亚人民免受直接危险，并建立禁飞区——带有联合国授权和国际支持。这也是利比亚反对派要求我们做的。如果我们试图用武力推翻卡扎菲，我们的联盟将分裂。我们可能不得不部署美国地面部队来完成这一任务，或者冒着从空中杀害许多平民的风险。我们的男女军人面临的危险将大得多。成本和我们对后续事务的责任份额也会如此。
To be blunt, we went down that road in Iraq. Thanks to the extraordinary sacrifices of our troops and the determination of our diplomats, we are hopeful about Iraq's future. But regime change there took eight years, thousands of American and Iraqi lives, and nearly a trillion dollars. That is not something we can afford to repeat in Libya. 坦率地说，我们在伊拉克走过那条路。多亏了我们部队的非凡牺牲和我们外交官的决心，我们对伊拉克的未来充满希望。但那里的政权更迭花了八年时间，数千名美国人和伊拉克人的生命，以及近一万亿美元。这不是我们能在利比亚重复的事情。
As the bulk of our military effort ratchets down, what we can do -- and will do -- is support the aspirations of the Libyan people. We have intervened to stop a massacre, and we will work with our allies and partners to maintain the safety of civilians. We will deny the regime arms, cut off its supplies of cash, assist the opposition, and work with other nations to hasten the day when Qaddafi leaves power. 随着我们军事努力的大部分减少，我们能够做——也将要做——的是支持利比亚人民的愿望。我们进行了干预以阻止一场大屠杀，我们将与盟友和伙伴合作维护平民的安全。我们将拒绝向政权提供武器，切断其现金供应，援助反对派，并与其他国家合作加速卡扎菲下台。
It may not happen overnight, as a badly weakened Qaddafi tries desperately to hang on to power. But it should be clear to those around Qaddafi, and to every Libyan, that history is not on Qaddafi's side. With the time and space that we have provided for the Libyan people, they will be able to determine their own destiny, and that is how it should be. 这可能不会在一夜之间发生，因为严重削弱的卡扎菲拼命试图抓住权力。但对卡扎菲周围的人，对每个利比亚人来说，应该清楚的是，历史不在卡扎菲一边。有了我们为利比亚人民提供的时间和空间，他们将能够决定自己的命运，这才是应有的方式。
Let me close by addressing what this action says about the use of America's military power, and America's broader leadership in the world, under my presidency. 让我最后谈谈这次行动对美国军事力量的使用，以及在我的总统任期内美国在世界上的更广泛领导力意味着什么。
As Commander-in-Chief, I have no greater responsibility than keeping this country safe. And no decision weighs on me more than when to deploy our men and women in uniform. I've made it clear that I will never hesitate to use our military swiftly, decisively, and unilaterally when necessary to defend our people, our homeland, our allies and our core interests. That's why we're going after al Qaeda wherever they seek a foothold. That is why we continue to fight in Afghanistan, even as we have ended our combat mission in Iraq and removed more than 100,000 troops from that country. 作为总司令，我没有比保护这个国家安全更大的责任。没有哪个决定比何时部署我们的男女军人更让我感到压力。我已经明确表示，在必要时保卫我们的人民、我们的家园、我们的盟友和我们的核心利益时，我将毫不犹豫地迅速、果断、单方面地使用我们的军事力量。这就是为什么我们在基地组织寻求立足点的任何地方追捕他们。这就是为什么我们继续在阿富汗作战，即使我们已经结束了在伊拉克的作战任务并从该国撤出了10万多名部队。
There will be times, though, when our safety is not directly threatened, but our interests and our values are. Sometimes, the course of history poses challenges that threaten our common humanity and our common security -- responding to natural disasters, for example; or preventing genocide and keeping the peace; ensuring regional security, and maintaining the flow of commerce. 不过，会有这样的时候，我们的安全没有直接受到威胁，但我们的利益和价值观受到了威胁。有时，历史进程会提出挑战，威胁到我们共同的人性和共同安全——例如应对自然灾害；或防止种族灭绝和维护和平；确保地区安全，维持商业流通。
These may not be America's problems alone, but they are important to us. They're problems worth solving. And in these circumstances, we know that the United States, as the world's most powerful nation, will often be called upon to help. 这些可能不是美国独有的问题，但它们对我们很重要。它们是值得解决的问题。在这些情况下，我们知道美国作为世界上最强大的国家，经常会被要求提供帮助。
In such cases, we should not be afraid to act -- but the burden of action should not be America's alone. As we have in Libya, our task is instead to mobilize the international community for collective action. Because contrary to the claims of some, American leadership is not simply a matter of going it alone and bearing all of the burden ourselves. 在这种情况下，我们不应该害怕采取行动——但行动的负担不应该只由美国承担。就像我们在利比亚所做的那样，我们的任务是动员国际社会采取集体行动。因为与某些人的说法相反，美国的领导力不仅仅是独自承担所有负担。
Real leadership creates the conditions and coalitions for others to step up as well; to work with allies and partners so that they bear their share of the burden and pay their share of the costs; and to see that the principles of justice and human dignity are upheld by all. 真正的领导力创造条件和联盟，让其他人也能挺身而出；与盟友和伙伴合作，让他们承担自己的份额，支付自己的份额；确保正义和人类尊严的原则得到所有人的维护。
That's the kind of leadership we've shown in Libya. Of course, even when we act as part of a coalition, the risks of any military action will be high. Those risks were realized when one of our planes malfunctioned over Libya. 这就是我们在利比亚展示的那种领导力。当然，即使我们作为联盟的一部分行动，任何军事行动的风险都很高。当我们的飞机在利比亚上空出现故障时，这些风险就显现出来了。
Yet when one of our airmen parachuted to the ground, in a country whose leader has so often demonized the United States -- in a region that has such a difficult history with our country -- this American did not find enemies. Instead, he was met by people who embraced him. One young Libyan who came to his aid said, "We are your friends. We are so grateful to those men who are protecting the skies." 然而，当我们的飞行员降落到地面时，在一个领导人经常妖魔化美国的国家——在一个与我们国家有如此艰难历史的地区——这位美国人没有遇到敌人。相反，他遇到了拥抱他的人。一位帮助他的年轻利比亚人说："我们是你们的朋友。我们非常感谢那些保护天空的人。"
This voice is just one of many in a region where a new generation is refusing to be denied their rights and opportunities any longer. 这个声音只是一个地区众多声音中的一个，在那里，新一代拒绝再被剥夺他们的权利和机会。
Yes, this change will make the world more complicated for a time. Progress will be uneven, and change will come differently to different countries. There are places, like Egypt, where this change will inspire us and raise our hopes. And then there will be places, like Iran, where change is fiercely suppressed. The dark forces of civil conflict and sectarian war will have to be averted, and difficult political and economic concerns will have to be addressed. 是的，这种变化会使世界在一段时间内变得更加复杂。进展将是不均衡的，变化将以不同方式降临不同国家。有些地方，比如埃及，这种变化会激励我们，提高我们的希望。也有些地方，比如伊朗，变化被残酷压制。内战和宗派冲突的黑暗势力必须避免，困难的政治和经济问题必须解决。
The United States will not be able to dictate the pace and scope of this change. Only the people of the region can do that. But we can make a difference. 美国将无法决定这种变化的速度和范围。只有该地区的人民才能做到。但我们可以有所作为。
I believe that this movement of change cannot be turned back, and that we must stand alongside those who believe in the same core principles that have guided us through many storms: our opposition to violence directed at one's own people; our support for a set of universal rights, including the freedom for people to express themselves and choose their leaders; our support for governments that are ultimately responsive to the aspirations of the people. 我相信这种变革运动无法逆转，我们必须与那些相信与我们相同核心原则的人站在一起，这些原则在许多风暴中指引着我们：我们反对针对本国人民的暴力；我们支持一套普遍权利，包括人民表达自己和选择领导人的自由；我们支持最终响应人民愿望的政府。
Born, as we are, out of a revolution by those who longed to be free, we welcome the fact that history is on the move in the Middle East and North Africa, and that young people are leading the way. Because wherever people long to be free, they will find a friend in the United States. Ultimately, it is that faith -- those ideals -- that are the true measure of American leadership. 我们生来就是一场渴望自由的人的革命的产物，我们欢迎历史在中东和北非前进的事实，年轻人正在引领方向。因为无论哪里的人们渴望自由，他们都会在美国找到朋友。归根结底，正是这种信念——那些理想——是衡量美国领导力的真正标准。
My fellow Americans, I know that at a time of upheaval overseas -- when the news is filled with conflict and change -- it can be tempting to turn away from the world. And as I've said before, our strength abroad is anchored in our strength here at home. That must always be our North Star -- the ability of our people to reach their potential, to make wise choices with our resources, to enlarge the prosperity that serves as a wellspring for our power, and to live the values that we hold so dear. 我的美国同胞们，我知道在海外动荡的时期——当新闻充斥着冲突和变化——远离世界的诱惑是存在的。正如我之前所说，我们在国外的力量植根于我们在国内的力量。这必须永远是我们的北极星——我们的人民发挥潜力的能力，明智地使用我们的资源，扩大作为我们力量源泉的繁荣，并践行我们珍视的价值观。
But let us also remember that for generations, we have done the hard work of protecting our own people, as well as millions around the globe. We have done so because we know that our own future is safer, our own future is brighter, if more of mankind can live with the bright light of freedom and dignity. 但我们也应该记住，几代人以来，我们一直在努力保护我们自己的人民，以及全球数百万人。我们这样做是因为我们知道，如果更多的人类能够在自由和尊严的光芒下生活，我们自己的未来就更安全，我们自己的未来就更光明。
Tonight, let us give thanks for the Americans who are serving through these trying times, and the coalition that is carrying our effort forward. And let us look to the future with confidence and hope not only for our own country, but for all those yearning for freedom around the world. 今晚，让我们感谢在这些艰难时期服务的美国人，以及推动我们努力前进的联盟。让我们满怀信心和希望展望未来，不仅为我们自己的国家，也为世界各地所有渴望自由的人们。
Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America. 谢谢。上帝保佑你们，上帝保佑美利坚合众国。