Good morning. It is a great honor for me to join you at the New Economic School. Michelle and I are so pleased to be in Moscow. And as somebody who was born in Hawaii, I'm glad to be here in July instead of January. 早上好。非常荣幸能来到新经济学院。米歇尔和我都很高兴能来到莫斯科。作为一个在夏威夷出生的人，我很高兴能在七月而不是一月来到这里。
I know that NES is a young school, but I speak to you today with deep respect for Russia's timeless heritage. Russian writers have helped us understand the complexity of the human experience, and recognize eternal truths. Russian painters, composers, and dancers have introduced us to new forms of beauty. Russian scientists have cured disease, sought new frontiers of progress, and helped us go to space. 我知道新经济学院是一所年轻的学校，但今天我怀着对俄罗斯永恒遗产的深深敬意来到这里。俄罗斯作家帮助我们理解了人类体验的复杂性，认识到永恒的真理。俄罗斯画家、作曲家和舞蹈家为我们介绍了新的美感形式。俄罗斯科学家治愈了疾病，开拓了进步的新前沿，帮助我们走向太空。
These are contributions that are not contained by Russia's borders, as vast as those borders are. Indeed, Russia's heritage has touched every corner of the world, and speaks to the humanity that we share. That includes my own country, which has been blessed with Russian immigrants for decades; we've been enriched by Russian culture, and enhanced by Russian cooperation. And as a resident of Washington, D.C., I continue to benefit from the contributions of Russians -- specifically, from Alexander Ovechkin. We're very pleased to have him in Washington, D.C. 这些贡献不受俄罗斯国界的限制，无论那些国界多么广阔。事实上，俄罗斯的遗产触及了世界的每一个角落，诉说着我们共同的人性。这包括我的国家，几十年来一直受益于俄罗斯移民；我们因俄罗斯文化而丰富，因俄罗斯合作而增强。作为华盛顿特区的居民，我继续受益于俄罗斯人的贡献——特别是亚历山大·奥维契金。我们非常高兴他能在华盛顿特区效力。
Here at NES, you have inherited this great cultural legacy, but your focus on economics is no less fundamental to the future of humanity. As Pushkin said, "Inspiration is needed in geometry just as much as poetry." And today, I want particularly to speak to those of you preparing to graduate. You're poised to be leaders in academia and industry; in finance and government. But before you move forward, it's worth reflecting on what has already taken place during your young lives. 在新经济学院，你们继承了这份伟大的文化遗产，但你们对经济学的关注对人类未来同样重要。正如普希金所说："灵感在几何学中和在诗歌中同样必要。"今天，我想特别对你们这些即将毕业的人说几句话。你们即将成为学术界和工业界的领袖；在金融界和政府中。但在你们前行之前，值得反思一下在你们年轻的生命中已经发生了什么。
Like President Medvedev and myself, you're not old enough to have witnessed the darkest hours of the Cold War, when hydrogen bombs were tested in the atmosphere, and children drilled in fallout shelters, and we reached the brink of nuclear catastrophe. 像梅德韦杰夫总统和我一样，你们还不够年长，没有亲眼目睹冷战最黑暗的时刻，那时氢弹在大气层中试验，孩子们在防空洞中演习，我们一度走到核灾难的边缘。但你们是在世界分裂时出生的最后一代人。
But you are the last generation born when the world was divided. At that time, the American and Soviet armies were still massed in Europe, trained and ready to fight. The ideological trenches of the last century were roughly in place. Competition in everything from astrophysics to athletics was treated as a zero-sum game. If one person won, then the other person had to lose. 那时，美国和苏联军队仍集结在欧洲，训练有素，随时准备战斗。上世纪的意识形态战壕大致就位。从天体物理学到体育运动的一切竞争都被视为零和博弈。如果一个人赢了，另一个人就必须输。
And then, within a few short years, the world as it was ceased to be. Now, make no mistake: This change did not come from any one nation. The Cold War reached a conclusion because of the actions of many nations over many years, and because the people of Russia and Eastern Europe stood up and decided that its end would be peaceful. 然后，在短短几年内，原来的世界不复存在了。现在，请明确：这一变化不是来自任何一个国家。冷战的结束是许多国家多年来行动的结果，也是俄罗斯和东欧人民站起来并决定以和平方式结束冷战的结果。
With the end of the Cold War, there were extraordinary expectations -- for peace and for prosperity; for new arrangements among nations, and new opportunities for individuals. Like all periods of great change, it was a time of ambitious plans and endless possibilities. But, of course, things don't always work out exactly as planned. Back in 1993, shortly after this school opened, one NES student summed up the difficulty of change when he told a reporter, and I quote him: "The real world is not so rational as on paper." The real world is not so rational as on paper. 随着冷战的结束，人们有着非凡的期待——期待和平与繁荣；期待国家间的新安排，期待个人的新机会。像所有伟大变革的时期一样，那是一个充满雄心勃勃的计划和无限可能的时代。但是，当然，事情并不总是像计划的那样发展。早在1993年，也就是这所学校成立后不久，一位新经济学院的学生向一位记者总结了变革的困难，我引用他的话："现实世界并不像纸上那样理性。"现实世界并不像纸上那样理性。
Over two tumultuous decades, that truth has been borne out around the world. Great wealth has been created, but it has not eliminated vast pockets of crushing poverty. 在动荡的二十年里，这个真理在全世界得到了验证。巨大的财富被创造出来了，但它并没有消除广大地区的赤贫。贫穷在这里存在，在美国存在，在全世界都存在。更多的人参加了投票，但太多的政府仍然未能保护其人民的权利。
Poverty exists here, it exists in the United States, and it exists all around the world. More people have gone to the ballot box, but too many governments still fail to protect the rights of their people. Ideological struggles have diminished, but they've been replaced by conflicts over tribe and ethnicity and religion. A human being with a computer can hold the same amount of information stored in the Russian State Library, but that technology can also be used to do great harm. 意识形态的斗争减弱了，但取而代之的是部落、种族和宗教冲突。一个拥有电脑的人可以存储与俄罗斯国家图书馆相同数量的信息，但这项技术也可以被用来造成巨大的伤害。
In a new Russia, the disappearance of old political and economic restrictions after the end of the Soviet Union brought both opportunity and hardship. A few prospered, but many more did not. There were tough times. But the Russian people showed strength and made sacrifices, and you achieved hard-earned progress through a growing economy and greater confidence. And despite painful times, many in Eastern Europe and Russia are much better off today than 20 years ago. 在新的俄罗斯，苏联解体后旧的政治和经济限制的消失带来了机遇和困难。少数人繁荣了，但更多的人没有。有过艰难的时期。但俄罗斯人民展现了力量，做出了牺牲，你们通过不断增长的经济和更大的信心取得了来之不易的进步。尽管有痛苦的时期，东欧和俄罗斯的许多人今天比20年前的生活要好得多。
We see that progress here at NES -- a school founded with Western support that is now distinctly Russian; a place of learning and inquiry where the test of an idea is not whether it is Russian or American or European, but whether it works. Above all, we see that progress in all of you -- young people with a young century to shape as you see fit. 我们在新经济学院看到了这种进步——一所由西方支持创办、现在已明显俄罗斯化的学校；一个学习和探究的地方，在那里，检验一个想法的标准不是它是俄罗斯的、美国的还是欧洲的，而是它是否有效。最重要的是，我们在你们所有人身上看到了这种进步——年轻人，拥有一个等待你们去塑造的新世纪。
Your lifetime coincides with this era of transition. But think about the fundamental questions asked when this school was founded. What kind of future is Russia going to have? What kind of future are Russia and America going to have together? What world order will replace the Cold War? Those questions still don't have clear answers, and so now they must be answered by you -- by your generation in Russia, in America, and around the world. You get to decide. And while I cannot answer those questions for you, I can speak plainly about the future that America is seeking. 你们的一生恰好与这个过渡时期重合。但想想这所学校成立时提出的基本问题。俄罗斯将拥有什么样的未来？俄罗斯和美国将拥有什么样的共同未来？什么样的世界秩序将取代冷战？这些问题仍然没有明确的答案，所以现在必须由你们来回答——由你们这一代在俄罗斯、在美国和全世界的人来回答。你们来决定。虽然我不能为你们回答这些问题，但我可以坦率地谈谈美国所寻求的未来。
To begin with, let me be clear: America wants a strong, peaceful, and prosperous Russia. This belief is rooted in our respect for the Russian people, and a shared history between our nations that goes beyond competition. Despite our past rivalry, our people were allies in the greatest struggle of the last century. 首先，让我明确：美国希望看到一个强大、和平、繁荣的俄罗斯。这一信念植根于我们对俄罗斯人民的尊重，以及我们两国之间超越竞争的共同历史。尽管我们过去有过对抗，但我们的人民在上个世纪最伟大的斗争中是盟友。
Recently, I noted this when I was in Normandy -- for just as men from Boston and Birmingham risked all that they had to storm those beaches and scale those cliffs, Soviet soldiers from places like Kazan and Kiev endured unimaginable hardships to repeal -- to repel an invasion, and turn the tide in the east. As President John Kennedy said, "No nation in history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War." 最近，我在诺曼底时注意到这一点——正如波士顿和伯明翰的人们冒着一切风险冲上那些海滩、攀上那些悬崖，来自喀山和基辅等地的苏联士兵也忍受着难以想象的苦难，击退了入侵，在东线扭转了战局。正如约翰·肯尼迪总统所说："在战争史上，没有哪个国家像苏联那样在第二次世界大战中遭受过那么多苦难。"
So as we honor this past, we also recognize the future benefit that will come from a strong and vibrant Russia. Think of the issues that will define your lives: security from nuclear weapons and extremism; access to markets and opportunity; health and the environment; an international system that protects sovereignty and human rights, while promoting stability and prosperity. These challenges demand global partnership, and that partnership will be stronger if Russia occupies its rightful place as a great power. 因此，当我们致敬这段过去时，我们也认识到一个强大而充满活力的俄罗斯将带来的未来利益。想想那些将决定你们生活的问题：免受核武器和极端主义的安全；市场和机会的获得；健康与环境；一个保护主权和人权、同时促进稳定与繁荣的国际体系。这些挑战需要全球伙伴关系，而如果俄罗斯在其中作为一个大国占据其应有地位，这种伙伴关系将更加强大。
Yet unfortunately, there is sometimes a sense that old assumptions must prevail, old ways of thinking; a conception of power that is rooted in the past rather than in the future. There is the 20th century view that the United States and Russia are destined to be antagonists, and that a strong Russia or a strong America can only assert themselves in opposition to one another. And there is a 19th century view that we are destined to vie for spheres of influence, and that great powers must forge competing blocs to balance one another. 然而不幸的是，有时人们觉得旧的假设必须占上风，旧的思维方式必须延续；一种植根于过去而非未来的权力概念。有一种20世纪的观点认为，美国和俄罗斯注定是对手，一个强大的俄罗斯或一个强大的美国只能通过相互对立来彰显自己。还有一种19世纪的观点认为，我们注定要争夺势力范围，大国必须组建对立的阵营来相互制衡。
These assumptions are wrong. In 2009, a great power does not show strength by dominating or demonizing other countries. The days when empires could treat sovereign states as pieces on a chess board are over. As I said in Cairo, given our independence, any world order that -- given our interdependence, any world order that tries to elevate one nation or one group of people over another will inevitably fail. The pursuit of power is no longer a zero-sum game -- progress must be shared. 这些假设是错误的。在2009年，一个大国不会通过支配或妖魔化其他国家来展示实力。帝国可以把主权国家当作棋盘上的棋子的时代已经结束了。正如我在开罗所说的，鉴于我们的独立性，任何试图将一个国家或一群人凌驾于另一个国家之上的世界秩序都将不可避免地失败。对权力的追求不再是零和博弈——进步必须是共享的。
That's why I have called for a "reset" in relations between the United States and Russia. This must be more than a fresh start between the Kremlin and the White House -- though that is important and I've had excellent discussions with both your President and your Prime Minister. It must be a sustained effort among the American and Russian people to identify mutual interests, and expand dialogue and cooperation that can pave the way to progress. 这就是为什么我呼吁美俄关系的"重启"。这必须不仅仅是克里姆林宫和白宫之间的一个新起点——尽管这很重要，我已经与你们的总统和总理进行了很好的讨论。这必须是美俄两国人民之间的持续努力，以找出共同利益，扩大对话与合作，为进步铺平道路。
This will not be easy. It's difficult to forge a lasting partnership between former adversaries, it's hard to change habits that have been ingrained in our governments and our bureaucracies for decades. But I believe that on the fundamental issues that will shape this century, Americans and Russians share common interests that form a basis for cooperation. It is not for me to define Russia's national interests, but I can tell you about America's national interests, and I believe that you will see that we share common ground. 这并不容易。在昔日的对手之间建立持久的伙伴关系很困难，改变在我们的政府和官僚机构中根深蒂固数十年的习惯也很困难。但我相信，在将塑造这个世纪的根本问题上，美国人和俄罗斯人有着形成合作基础的共同利益。我不想定义俄罗斯的国家利益，但我可以告诉你们美国的国家利益，我相信你们会看到我们有共同点。
First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use. 首先，美国有兴趣阻止核武器的扩散并防止其使用。
In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction. In 2009, our inheritance is different. You and I don't have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror -- we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries. 在上个世纪，几代美国人和俄罗斯人继承了摧毁国家的力量，以及使用这种力量将带来我们自身毁灭的认识。在2009年，我们的遗产不同了。你和我不必问美国和俄罗斯领导人是否会尊重恐怖平衡——我们理解两国之间任何战争的可怕后果。
But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint. We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them. 但我们确实必须问这个问题：我们必须问，在纽约和莫斯科杀害无辜平民的极端分子是否会表现出同样的克制。我们必须问，10个、20个或50个拥有核武器的国家是否会保护其武库并避免使用它们。
This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century. The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion. In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we've already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests. Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons? 这是21世纪核挑战的核心。声望来自于拥有这些武器，或者我们可以通过挑选哪些国家可以拥有这些武器来保护自己的观念，是一种幻觉。在冷战结束后的短短时间里，我们已经看到印度、巴基斯坦和朝鲜进行了核试验。如果没有根本性的改变，我们当中有谁真的相信未来二十年不会带来这些核武器的进一步扩散吗？
That's why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons. That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That is our responsibility as the world's two leading nuclear powers. And while I know this goal won't be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons. 这就是为什么美国承诺阻止核扩散，并最终寻求一个没有核武器的世界。这符合我们在《不扩散核武器条约》下的承诺。这是我们作为世界两个领先核大国的责任。虽然我知道这个目标不会很快实现，但追求它为防止核扩散和最终使用核武器提供了法律和道德基础。
We're already taking important steps to build this foundation. Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems. We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT. And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years. 我们已经在采取重要步骤来建立这个基础。昨天，梅德韦杰夫总统和我就一项新条约进行了进展，该条约将大幅削减我们的弹头和运载系统。我们重申了对清洁、安全和和平核能的承诺，这必须是所有履行其不扩散核武器条约责任的国家的权利。我们同意加强核安全合作，这对实现在四年内确保所有脆弱核材料安全的目标至关重要。
As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs. Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East. That's why we should be united in opposing North Korea's efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran's efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon. And I'm pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges -- ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea. 在我们履行自己承诺的同时，我们必须追究其他国家的责任。无论是美国还是俄罗斯，我们都不会从东亚或中东的核军备竞赛中受益。这就是为什么我们应该团结一致，反对朝鲜成为核大国的努力，反对伊朗获取核武器的努力。我很高兴梅德韦杰夫总统和我同意对21世纪的弹道导弹挑战——包括来自伊朗和朝鲜的挑战——进行联合威胁评估。
This is not about singling out individual nations -- it's about the responsibilities of all nations. If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle. And that benefits no one. As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something. 这不是针对个别国家——这是关于所有国家的责任。如果我们不能站在一起，那么不扩散核武器条约和安全理事会将失去信誉，国际法将让位于弱肉强食的法则。这对任何人都没有好处。正如我在布拉格所说的，规则必须具有约束力，违反行为必须受到惩罚，话语必须有意义。
The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement. I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe. And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world. 成功执行这些规则将消除分歧的根源。我知道俄罗斯反对欧洲导弹防御的计划配置。我的政府正在审查这些计划，以加强美国、欧洲和世界的安全。我已明确表示，这个系统旨在防止来自伊朗的潜在攻击。
And I've made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran. It has nothing to do with Russia. In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer. But if the threat from Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests. 它与俄罗斯无关。事实上，我希望与俄罗斯合作，建立一个使我们都更安全的导弹防御架构。但如果伊朗的核计划和弹道导弹计划的威胁被消除，欧洲导弹防御的驱动力也将被消除，这符合我们的共同利益。
Now, in addition to securing the world's most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists. 现在，除了确保世界上最危险的武器之外，美国的第二个关键国家利益是孤立和击败暴力极端分子。
For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of all nationalities and faiths. Indeed, above all, they have murdered Muslims. And these extremists have killed in Amman and Bali; Islamabad and Kabul; and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands. They're plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from safe havens that allow them to train and operate -- particularly along the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan. 多年来，基地组织及其附属机构玷污了一个伟大的和平与正义宗教，并残忍地杀害了所有国籍和信仰的男人、女人和儿童。事实上，最重要的是，他们杀害了穆斯林。这些极端分子在安曼和巴厘岛杀戮；在伊斯兰堡和喀布尔杀戮；他们手上沾着美国人和俄罗斯人的血。他们在策划杀害更多我们的人民，他们受益于允许他们训练和行动的安全避难所——特别是在巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境沿线。
And that's why America has a clear goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan. 这就是为什么美国有一个明确的目标：在阿富汗和巴基斯坦击溃、瓦解并击败基地组织及其盟友。我们不寻求基地，也不想控制这些国家。
We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations. Instead, we want to work with international partners, including Russia, to help Afghans and Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity. 相反，我们希望与包括俄罗斯在内的国际伙伴合作，帮助阿富汗人和巴基斯坦人推进他们自己的安全与繁荣。我很高兴俄罗斯同意允许美国通过你们的领土向我们的联军供应物资。
And that's why I'm pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our coalition forces through your territory. Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or Pakistan governed by the Taliban. It's time to work together on behalf of a different future -- a future in which we leave behind the great game of the past and the conflict of the present; a future in which all of us contribute to the security of Central Asia. 无论是美国还是俄罗斯，都没有兴趣让阿富汗或巴基斯坦由塔利班统治。现在是代表不同的未来共同努力的时候了——一个我们告别过去的大博弈和现在的冲突的未来；一个我们所有人都为中亚的安全做出贡献的未来。
Now, beyond Afghanistan, America is committed to promoting the opportunity that will isolate extremists. We are helping the Iraqi people build a better future, and leaving Iraq to the Iraqis. We're pursuing the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living in peace and security. We're partnering with Muslim communities around the world to advance education, health, and economic development. In each of these endeavors, I believe that the Russian people share our goals, and will benefit from success -- and we need to partner together. 现在，在阿富汗之外，美国致力于促进将孤立极端分子的机会。我们正在帮助伊拉克人民建设更美好的未来，将伊拉克交给伊拉克人。我们正在寻求以色列和巴勒斯坦两国和平共处的目标。我们正在与世界各地的穆斯林社区合作，推进教育、健康和经济发展。在每一项努力中，我相信俄罗斯人民与我们有共同的目标，并将从成功中受益——我们需要合作。
Now, in addition to these security concerns, the third area that I will discuss is America's interest in global prosperity. And since we have so many economists and future businessmen and women in the room, I know this is of great interest to you. 现在，除了这些安全问题之外，我要讨论的第三个领域是美国对全球繁荣的利益。鉴于在座有这么多经济学家和未来的商界人士，我知道这对你们来说非常重要。
We meet in the midst of the worst global recession in a generation. I believe that the free market is the greatest force for creating and distributing wealth that the world has known. But wherever the market is allowed to run rampant -- through excessive risk-taking, a lack of regulation, or corruption -- then all are endangered, whether we live on the Mississippi or on the Volga. 我们正处于一代人中最严重的全球经济衰退之中。我相信自由市场是世界已知的创造和分配财富的最大力量。但无论何时，只要市场被允许肆意横行——通过过度冒险、缺乏监管或腐败——那么所有人都面临危险，无论我们生活在密西西比河还是伏尔加河。
In America, we're now taking unprecedented steps to jumpstart our economy and reform our system of regulation. But just as no nation can wall itself off from the consequences of a global crisis, no one can serve as the sole engine of global growth. You see, during your lives, something fundamental has changed. And while this crisis has shown us the risks that come with change, that risk is overwhelmed by opportunity. 在美国，我们正在采取前所未有的措施来启动我们的经济并改革我们的监管体系。但正如没有任何国家能将自己与全球危机的后果隔离开来一样，也没有任何国家能成为全球增长的唯一引擎。你们知道，在你们的一生中，一些根本性的东西已经改变了。虽然这场危机向我们展示了变革带来的风险，但这种风险被机遇所压倒。
Think of what's possible today that was unthinkable two decades ago. A young woman with an Internet connection in Bangalore, India can compete with anybody anywhere in the world. An entrepreneur with a start-up company in Beijing can take his business global. An NES professor in Moscow can collaborate with colleagues at Harvard or Stanford. That's good for all of us, because when prosperity is created in India, that's a new market for our goods; when new ideas take hold in China, that pushes our businesses to innovate; when new connections are forged among people, all of us are enriched. 想想今天可能的事情，那在二十年前是不可想象的。一个在印度班加罗尔的年轻女子，只要有网络连接，就能与世界上任何地方的任何人竞争。一个在北京的初创企业创业者可以把他的业务推向全球。一个在莫斯科的新经济学院教授可以与哈佛或斯坦福的同事合作。这对我们所有人都有好处，因为当在印度创造了繁荣，那就是我们商品的新市场；当新思想在中国扎根，那就推动我们的企业创新；当人们之间建立了新的联系，我们所有人都变得更丰富。
There is extraordinary potential for increased cooperation between Americans and Russians. We can pursue trade that is free and fair and integrated with the wider world. We can boost investment that creates jobs in both our countries, we can forge partnerships on energy that tap not only traditional resources, like oil and gas, but new sources of energy that will drive growth and combat climate change. All of that, Americans and Russians can do together. 美国人和俄罗斯人之间有增加合作的非凡潜力。我们可以追求自由、公平并与世界其他地区一体化的贸易。我们可以促进在两国创造就业的投资，我们可以在能源领域建立伙伴关系，不仅开发传统资源如石油和天然气，还开发将推动增长和对抗气候变化的新能源。所有这些，美国人和俄罗斯人可以一起完成。
Now, government can promote this cooperation, but ultimately individuals must advance this cooperation, because the greatest resource of any nation in the 21st century is you. It's people; it's young people especially. And the country which taps that resource will be the country that will succeed. 现在，政府可以促进这种合作，但最终个人必须推进这种合作，因为21世纪任何国家最伟大的资源是你们。是人；特别是年轻人。而开发这种资源的国家将是成功的国家。这种成功取决于在法治框架内运作的经济。
That success depends upon economies that function within the rule of law. As President Medvedev has rightly said, a mature and effective legal system is a condition for sustained economic development. People everywhere should have the right to do business or get an education without paying a bribe. Whether they are in America or Russia or Africa or Latin America, that's not a American idea or a Russian idea -- that's how people and countries will succeed in the 21st century. 正如梅德韦杰夫总统正确指出的，一个成熟而有效的法律体系是可持续经济发展的条件。各地的人民应该有权在不行贿的情况下做生意或接受教育。无论他们在美洲、俄罗斯、非洲还是拉丁美洲，这不是美国的想法或俄罗斯的想法——这就是21世纪人民和国家成功的方式。
And this brings me to the fourth issue that I will discuss -- America's interest in democratic governments that protect the rights of their people. 这让我想到我要讨论的第四个问题——美国对保护其人民权利的民主政府的利益。
By no means is America perfect. But it is our commitment to certain universal values which allows us to correct our imperfections, to improve constantly, and to grow stronger over time. Freedom of speech and assembly has allowed women, and minorities, and workers to protest for full and equal rights at a time when they were denied. The rule of law and equal administration of justice has busted monopolies, shut down political machines that were corrupt, ended abuses of power. Independent media have exposed corruption at all levels of business and government. 美国远非完美。但正是我们对某些普遍价值观的承诺，使我们能够纠正自己的缺陷，不断改进，并随着时间的推移变得更加强大。言论和集会自由使妇女、少数群体和工人在权利被剥夺时能够为争取充分和平等的权利而抗议。法治和公正的司法管理打破了垄断，关闭了腐败的政治机器，制止了权力滥用。独立媒体揭露了各级商业和政府的腐败。
Competitive elections allow us to change course and hold our leaders accountable. If our democracy did not advance those rights, then I, as a person of African ancestry, wouldn't be able to address you as an American citizen, much less a President. Because at the time of our founding, I had no rights -- people who looked like me. But it is because of that process that I can now stand before you as President of the United States. 竞争性选举使我们能够改变方向并追究领导人的责任。如果我们的民主没有推进这些权利，那么作为一个非洲裔美国人，我就不能作为美国公民向你们讲话，更不用说作为总统了。因为在我们建国的时候，我没有权利——像我这样的人没有权利。但正是由于这个过程，我现在才能作为美国总统站在你们面前。
So around the world, America supports these values because they are moral, but also because they work. 因此，美国在世界各地支持这些价值观，因为它们是道德的，但也因为它们有效。历史的弧线表明，为自己人民服务的国家能够生存和繁荣；只服务于自己权力的国家则不然。
The arc of history shows that governments which serve their own people survive and thrive; governments which serve only their own power do not. 代表人民意愿的政府远不那么可能陷入失败国家的境地，不会恐吓其公民，也不会对其他国家发动战争。促进法治、对其行动进行监督、允许独立机构存在的政府是更可靠的贸易伙伴。
Governments that represent the will of their people are far less likely to descend into failed states, to terrorize their citizens, or to wage war on others. Governments that promote the rule of law, subject their actions to oversight, and allow for independent institutions are more dependable trading partners. And in our own history, democracies have been America's most enduring allies, including those we once waged war with in Europe and Asia -- nations that today live with great security and prosperity. 在我们自己的历史中，民主国家一直是美国最持久的盟友，包括那些我们曾经在欧洲和亚洲与之作战的国家——这些国家今天享有极大的安全与繁荣。
Now let me be clear: America cannot and should not seek to impose any system of government on any other country, nor would we presume to choose which party or individual should run a country. 现在让我明确：美国不能也不应该寻求将任何政府制度强加给任何其他国家，我们也不会自以为是地选择哪个政党或个人来管理一个国家。而且我们在这方面并不总是做我们应该做的事。
And we haven't always done what we should have on that front. Even as we meet here today, America supports now the restoration of the democratically-elected President of Honduras, even though he has strongly opposed American policies. We do so not because we agree with him. We do so because we respect the universal principle that people should choose their own leaders, whether they are leaders we agree with or not. 就在我们今天开会的时候，美国现在支持恢复洪都拉斯的民选总统，尽管他强烈反对美国的政策。我们这样做不是因为我们同意他。我们这样做是因为我们尊重人民应该选择自己领导人的普遍原则，无论他们是我们同意的领导人还是不同意的领导人。
And that leads me to the final area that I will discuss, which is America's interest in an international system that advances cooperation while respecting the sovereignty of all nations. 这让我想到我要讨论的最后一个领域，那就是美国对一种在尊重所有国家主权的同时促进合作的国际体系的利益。
State sovereignty must be a cornerstone of international order. 国家主权必须是国际秩序的基石。正如所有国家应该有权选择自己的领导人一样，国家也必须拥有安全边界和自己外交政策的权利。这对俄罗斯来说是正确的，正如对美国来说也是正确的。
Just as all states should have the right to choose their leaders, states must have the right to borders that are secure, and to their own foreign policies. That is true for Russia, just as it is true for the United States. Any system that cedes those rights will lead to anarchy. 任何放弃这些权利的体系都将导致无政府状态。这就是为什么我们必须将这一原则应用于所有国家——这包括格鲁吉亚和乌克兰等国家。美国永远不会向另一个国家强加安全安排。
That's why we must apply this principle to all nations -- and that includes nations like Georgia and Ukraine. America will never impose a security arrangement on another country. For any country to become a member of an organization like NATO, for example, a majority of its people must choose to; they must undertake reforms; they must be able to contribute to the Alliance's mission. And let me be clear: NATO should be seeking collaboration with Russia, not confrontation. 例如，任何国家要成为像北约这样的组织的成员，必须由其大多数人民选择；它们必须进行改革；它们必须能够为联盟的使命做出贡献。让我明确：北约应该寻求与俄罗斯合作，而不是对抗。
And more broadly, we need to foster cooperation and respect among all nations and peoples. 更广泛地说，我们需要在所有国家和人民之间培养合作与尊重。作为美国总统，我将不懈努力保护美国的安全并推进我们的利益。但没有任何一个国家能独自应对21世纪的挑战，也不能向世界发号施令。
As President of the United States, I will work tirelessly to protect America's security and to advance our interests. But no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor dictate its terms to the world. That is something that America now understands, just as Russia understands. 这是美国现在理解的，正如俄罗斯理解的那样。这就是为什么美国寻求一个让各国和平追求其利益的国际体系，特别是当这些利益出现分歧时；一
That's why America seeks an international system that lets nations pursue their interests peacefully, especially when those interests diverge; a system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed; a system where we hold ourselves to the same standards that we apply to other nations, with clear rights and responsibilities for all. 个人权得到尊重、侵犯人权的行为遭到反对的体系；一个我们以我们应用于其他国家的相同标准要求自己的体系，对所有人都有明确的权利和责任。
There was a time when Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin could shape the world in one meeting. 曾经，罗斯福、丘吉尔和斯大林可以在一次会议上塑造世界。那些日子已经过去了。今天的世界更加复杂。数十亿人找到了自己的声音，在地球的每一个角落寻求自己的繁荣和自决。
Those days are over. The world is more complex today. Billions of people have found their voice, and seek their own measure of prosperity and self-determination in every corner of the planet. 在过去的二十年里，我们目睹了市场增长、财富扩散、技术被用于建设——而不是破坏。
Over the past two decades, we've witnessed markets grow, wealth spread, and technology used to build -- not destroy. We've seen old hatreds pass, illusions of differences between people lift and fade away; we've seen the human destiny in the hands of more and more human beings who can shape their own destinies. 我们看到了旧的仇恨消逝，人民之间差异的幻象消散；我们看到人类命运掌握在越来越多的能够塑造自己命运的人类手中。
Now, we must see that the period of transition which you have lived through ushers in a new era in which nations live in peace, and people realize their aspirations for dignity, security, and a better life for their children. That is America's interest, and I believe that it is Russia's interest as well. 现在，我们必须看到，你们所经历的过渡时期迎来了一个新时代，在这个新时代里，各国和平共处，人民实现尊严、安全和为子女创造更美好生活的愿望。这是美国的利益，我相信这也是俄罗斯的利益。
I know that this future can seem distant. Change is hard. In the words of that NES student back in 1993, the real world is not so rational as on paper. But think of the change that has unfolded with the passing of time. One hundred years ago, a czar ruled Russia, and Europe was a place of empire. When I was born, segregation was still the law of the land in parts of America, and my father's Kenya was still a colony. When you were born, a school like this would have been impossible, and the Internet was only known to a privileged few. 我知道这个未来可能看起来很遥远。改变是困难的。用1993年那位新经济学院学生的话来说，现实世界并不像纸上那样理性。但想想随着时间的推移而展开的变化。一百年前，沙皇统治着俄罗斯，欧洲是一个帝国林立的地方。当我出生时，美国部分地区仍然实行种族隔离，我父亲的肯尼亚仍然是一个殖民地。当你们出生时，像这样的学校是不可能的，互联网只有少数特权人士知道。
You get to decide what comes next. You get to choose where change will take us, because the future does not belong to those who gather armies on a field of battle or bury missiles in the ground; the future belongs to young people with an education and the imagination to create. That is the source of power in this century. And given all that has happened in your two decades on Earth, just imagine what you can create in the years to come. 你们来决定接下来会发生什么。你们来选择变革将把我们带向何方，因为未来不属于那些在战场上集结军队或在地下埋藏导弹的人；未来属于受过教育并有创造力想象力的年轻人。这是这个世纪的力量源泉。鉴于你们在地球上已经经历的二十年，想象一下你们在未来几年能创造出什么。
Every country charts its own course. Russia has cut its way through time like a mighty river through a canyon, leaving an indelible mark on human history as it goes. As you move this story forward, look to the future that can be built if we refuse to be burdened by the old obstacles and old suspicions; look to the future that can be built if we partner on behalf of the aspirations we hold in common. Together, we can build a world where people are protected, prosperity is enlarged, and our power truly serves progress. And it is all in your hands. Good luck to all of you. 每个国家都有自己的发展道路。俄罗斯像一条穿越峡谷的壮丽河流一样穿越时间，在人类历史上留下了不可磨灭的印记。当你们推进这个故事时，展望未来——如果我们拒绝被旧的障碍和旧的猜疑所束缚；展望未来——如果我们代表我们共同持有的抱负进行合作。共同努力，我们可以建设一个人民受保护、繁荣扩大、我们的权力真正为进步服务的世界。这一切都在你们手中。祝你们大家好运。
Thank you very much. 非常感谢你们。