Hello, Greece! Yia sas! Kalispera! [Good evening!] To the government and the people of Greece -- including Prime Minister Tsipras, who I thank for his partnership and for being here, along with so many young people, the future of Greece -- I want to thank you for your warm and generous welcome. 你好，希腊！你们好！晚上好！[晚上好！] 向希腊政府和人民——包括齐普拉斯总理，我感谢他的合作，也感谢他和众多年轻人、希腊的未来来到这里——我要感谢你们热情而慷慨的欢迎。
As many of you know, this is my final trip overseas as President of the United States, and I was determined, on my last trip, to come to Greece -- partly because I've heard about the legendary hospitality of the Greek people -- your philoxenia. Partly because I had to see the Acropolis and the Parthenon. But also because I came here with gratitude for all that Greece -- "this small, great world" -- has given to humanity through the ages. 正如你们许多人所知，这是我作为美国总统的最后一次外访，我决心在最后一次出访中来到希腊——部分是因为我听说过希腊人民传奇般的好客——你们的"宾至如归"精神。部分是因为我必须看看雅典卫城和帕特农神庙。但也因为我是怀着感激之情来到这里的，感谢希腊——"这个渺小而伟大的世界"——千百年来给予人类的一切。
Our hearts have been moved by the tragedies of Aeschylus and Euripides. Our minds have been opened by the histories of Herodotus and Thucydides. Our understanding of the world and our place in it has been expanded by Socrates and Aristotle. 埃斯库罗斯和欧里庇得斯的悲剧打动了我们的心灵。希罗多德和修昔底德的历史开阔了我们的思想。苏格拉底和亚里士多德拓展了我们对世界和我们在其中位置的理解。
In the United States, we're especially grateful for the friendship of so many proud Greek Americans. In my hometown of Chicago -- you can find them in Greektown, with their fustanellas. And together, we've celebrated Greek Independence Day at the White House. We've had some spanakopita and some ouzo. Greek Americans have worn the uniform to keep our country free. Greek Americans have marched with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. to make us more just. 在美国，我们特别感谢众多自豪的希腊裔美国人的友谊。在我的家乡芝加哥——你可以在希腊城找到他们，穿着他们的传统短裙。我们一起在白宫庆祝希腊独立日。我们吃过菠菜派，喝过茴香酒。希腊裔美国人穿上军装保卫我们的国家自由。希腊裔美国人和马丁·路德·金博士一起游行，让我们的社会更加公正。
Greek or American, we're all cheering for Giannis Antetokounmpo -- who seems to be getting better each year. And if anyone seeks an example of our shared spirit, our resilience, they need look no further than New York City, near Ground Zero, where the Greek Orthodox Church of St. Nicholas, once in ruins, is now rising again. 无论是希腊人还是美国人，我们都在为扬尼斯·阿德托昆博欢呼——他似乎一年比一年强。如果有人想寻找我们共同精神、我们韧性的榜样，他们只需看看纽约市，在世贸中心遗址附近，曾经沦为废墟的圣尼古拉希腊正教会现在正在重新崛起。
Most of all, we're indebted to Greece for the most precious of gifts -- the truth, the understanding that as individuals of free will, we have the right and the capacity to govern ourselves. For it was here, 25 centuries ago, in the rocky hills of this city, that a new idea emerged. Demokratia. Kratos -- the power, the right to rule -- comes from demos -- the people. 最重要的是，我们感激希腊赠予的最珍贵礼物——真理，即作为拥有自由意志的个体，我们有权利也有能力治理自己的认识。因为正是在这里，25个世纪前，在这座城市的岩石山丘上，一个新的思想诞生了。民主。统治——权力、统治的权利——来自人民。
The notion that we are citizens -- not servants, but stewards of our society. The concept of citizenship -- that we have both rights and responsibilities. The belief in equality before the law -- not just for a few, but for the many; not just for the majority, but also the minority. These are all concepts that grew out of this rocky soil. 我们是公民的观念——不是仆人，而是社会的管理者。公民的概念——我们既有权利也有责任。法律面前人人平等的信念——不只是少数人，而是多数人；不只是多数人，也包括少数人。这些都是从这片贫瘠的土壤中生长出来的概念。
Of course, the earliest forms of democracy here in Athens were far from perfect -- just as the early forms of democracy in the United States were far from perfect. The rights of ancient Athens were not extended to women or to slaves. But Pericles explained, "our constitution favors the many instead of the few...this is why it is called a democracy."1 当然，雅典最早的民主形式远非完美——正如美国早期的民主形式远非完美一样。古雅典的权利并没有扩展到妇女或奴隶。但伯里克利解释说："我们的宪法 favor 多数人而非少数人……这就是为什么它被称为民主。"
Athenians also knew that, however noble, ideas alone were not enough. To have meaning, principles must be enshrined in laws and protected by institutions, and advanced through civic participation. And so they gathered in a great assembly to debate and decide affairs of state, each citizen with the right to speak, casting their vote with a show of hands, or choosing a pebble -- white for yes, black for no. Laws were etched in stone for all to see and abide by. Courts, with citizen jurors, upheld that rule of law. 雅典人也知道，无论多么崇高，光有思想是不够的。要具有意义，原则必须载入法律，受制度保护，并通过公民参与来推进。因此，他们聚集在伟大的公民大会上辩论和决定国家事务，每个公民都有发言权，举手表决，或选择一颗卵石——白色代表赞成，黑色代表反对。法律被刻在石头上，让所有人都能看到并遵守。由公民陪审员组成的法庭维护着法治。
Politicians weren't always happy because sometimes the stones could be used to ostracize, banish those who did not behave themselves. 政客们并不总是高兴，因为有时这些石头会被用来排斥、放逐那些行为不端的人。
But across the millennia that followed, different views of power and governance have often prevailed. Throughout human history, there have been those who argue that people cannot handle democracy, that they cannot handle self-determination, they need to be told what to do. A ruler has to maintain order through violence or coercion or an iron fist. 但在随后的几千年里，不同的权力和治理观常常占据上风。纵观人类历史，总有人认为人民无法驾驭民主，无法掌控自决，他们需要被告知该做什么。统治者必须通过暴力、胁迫或铁腕来维持秩序。
There's been a different concept of government that says might makes right, or that unchecked power can be passed through bloodlines. There's been the belief that some are superior by virtue of race or faith or ethnicity, and those beliefs so often have been used to justify conquest and exploitation and war. 还有一种不同的政府观念认为强权即公理，或者不受制约的权力可以通过血统传承。还有一种信念认为有些人因种族、信仰或族裔而优越，而这些信念常常被用来为征服、剥削和战争辩护。
But through all this history, the flame first lit here in Athens never died. It was ultimately nurtured by a great Enlightenment. It was fanned by America's founders, who declared that "We, the People" shall rule; "that all men are created equal" and "endowed by [their] Creator with certain inalienable rights."2 但纵观这全部历史，在雅典首次点燃的火焰从未熄灭。它最终被伟大的启蒙运动所滋养。它被美国的开国元勋们扇旺，他们宣告"我们，人民"应当统治；"人人生而平等"，"被造物主赋予了某些不可剥夺的权利"。
Now, at times, even today, those ideals are challenged. We've been told that these are Western ideals. We've been told that some cultures are not equipped for democratic governance and actually prefer authoritarian rule. And I will say that after eight years of being President of the United States, having traveled around the globe, it is absolutely true that every country travels its own path; every country has its own traditions. 如今，即使在今天，这些理想也时常受到挑战。有人告诉我们这些是西方的理想。有人告诉我们，有些文化不具备民主治理的条件，实际上更倾向于威权统治。我要说的是，在担任美国总统八年、走遍全球之后，每个国家都走自己的路，每个国家都有自己的传统，这是绝对正确的。
But what I also believe, after eight years, is that the basic longing to live with dignity, the fundamental desire to have control of our lives and our future, and to want to be a part of determining the course of our communities and our nations -- these yearnings are universal. They burn in every human heart. 但八年后我也相信，有尊严地生活的基本渴望、掌控自己生活和未来的根本愿望、以及参与决定我们社区和国家方向的意愿——这些渴望是普世的。它们在每个人的心中燃烧。
It's why a Greek bishop atop a mountain raised the flag of independence. It's why peoples from the Americas to Africa to Asia threw off the yoke of colonialism. It's why people behind an Iron Curtain marched in Solidarity, and tore down that wall, and joined you in a great union of democracies. It's why, today, we support the right of Ukrainians to choose their own destiny; why we partner with Tunisians and the people of Myanmar as they make historic transitions to democracy. 这就是为什么一位希腊主教在山顶举起独立旗帜。这就是为什么从美洲到非洲再到亚洲的人民挣脱了殖民主义的枷锁。这就是为什么铁幕后面的人们在团结中游行，推倒那堵墙，并与你们一起加入一个伟大的民主国家联盟。这就是为什么今天我们支持乌克兰人民选择自己命运的权利；为什么我们与突尼斯人和缅甸人民合作，因为他们正在实现向民主的历史性过渡。
This has been my foreign policy during my presidency. By necessity, we work with all countries, and many of them are not democracies. Some of them are democracies in the sense they have elections, but not democracies in the sense of actually permitting participation and dissent. But our trajectory as a country has been to support the efforts of those who believe in self-governance, who believe in those ideas that began here so many years ago. 这就是我总统任期内的外交政策。出于必要，我们与所有国家合作，其中许多国家不是民主国家。有些国家在有选举的意义上是民主的，但在实际允许参与和异见的意义上不是民主的。但我们作为一个国家的方向始终是支持那些相信自治、相信那些多年前在这里诞生的思想的人们的努力。
And it is not simply a matter of us being true to our values. It's not just a matter of idealism. I believe it is practical for the United States to support democracies. Because history shows us that countries with democratic governance tend to be more just, and more stable, and more successful. 这不仅仅是我们忠于自己价值观的问题。也不只是理想主义的问题。我认为美国支持民主是务实的。因为历史向我们表明，实行民主治理的国家往往更公正、更稳定、更成功。
Open, democratic societies can deliver more prosperity --because when people are free to think for themselves and share ideas and discover and create -- the young people who are here, what they're able to do through the Internet and technology, that's when innovation is unleashed, when economies truly flourish. 开放、民主的社会能够带来更多繁荣——因为当人们可以自由地独立思考、分享思想、发现和创造时——在座的年轻人，他们通过互联网和技术所能做的事情，就是创新被释放的时候，就是经济真正蓬勃发展的时候。
That's when new products, and new services, and new ideas wash through an economy. In contrast to regimes that rule by coercion, democracies are rooted in consent of the governed -- citizens know that there's a path for peaceful change, including the moral force of nonviolence. And that brings a stability that so often can facilitate economic growth. 那时新产品、新服务、新思想会席卷整个经济。与靠 coercion 统治的政权相比，民主植根于被统治者的同意——公民知道有和平变革的途径，包括非暴力的道德力量。这带来了一种稳定，往往能够促进经济增长。
The history of the past two centuries indicates that democracies are less likely to fight wars among themselves. So more democracy is good for the people of the world, but it's also good for our national security. Which is why America's closest friends are democracies -- like Greece. It's why we stand together in NATO -- an alliance of democracies. 过去两个世纪的历史表明，民主国家之间相互开战的可能性更小。所以更多的民主对世界人民有好处，对我们的国家安全也有好处。这就是为什么美国最亲密的朋友都是民主国家——比如希腊。这就是为什么我们在北约站在一起——一个民主国家的联盟。
In recent years, we've made historic investments in NATO, increased America's presence in Europe, and today's NATO -- the world's greatest alliance -- is as strong and as ready as it's ever been. And I am confident that just as America's commitment to the transatlantic alliance has endured for seven decades --whether it's been under a Democratic or Republican Administration -- that commitment will continue, including our pledge and our treaty obligation to defend every ally. 近年来，我们对北约进行了历史性投资，增加了美国在欧洲的存在，今天的北约——世界上最伟大的联盟——一如既往地强大和随时待命。我相信，正如美国对跨大西洋联盟的承诺七十年来始终如一——无论是民主党还是共和党政府——这一承诺将继续下去，包括我们保卫每一个盟友的承诺和条约义务。
Our democracies show that we're stronger than terrorists, and fundamentalists, and absolutists who can't tolerate difference, can't tolerate ideas that vary from their own, who try to change people's way of life through violence and would make us betray or shrink from our values. Democracy is stronger than organizations like ISIL. 我们的民主表明，我们比恐怖分子、原教旨主义者和专制主义者更强大，这些人不能容忍差异，不能容忍与自己不同的思想，试图通过暴力改变人们的生活方式，并想让我们背叛或退缩我们的价值观。民主比伊斯兰国这样的组织更强大。
Because our democracies are inclusive, we're able to welcome people and refugees in need to our countries. And nowhere have we seen that compassion more evident than here in Greece. The Greek people's generosity towards refugees arriving on your shores has inspired the world. 因为我们的民主是包容的，我们能够欢迎有需要的人民和难民来到我们的国家。没有什么地方比希腊更能体现这种同情心了。希腊人民对抵达你们海岸的难民的慷慨精神鼓舞了全世界。
That doesn't mean that you should be left on your own -- and only a truly collective response by Europe and the world can ensure that these desperate people receive the support that they need. Greece cannot be expected to bear the bulk of the burden alone -- but the fact that your democracy opens your heart to people in need in a way that might not otherwise be the case. 这并不意味着你们应该独自承担——只有欧洲和世界真正的集体回应才能确保这些绝望的人民得到他们需要的支持。不能指望希腊独自承担大部分负担——但你们的民主向有需要的人敞开心扉，这本身就是其他体制可能不会做到的。
Just as democracies are premised on the peaceful resolution of disagreements within our societies, we also believe that cooperation and dialogue is the best way to address challenges between nations. And so it is my belief that democracies are more likely to try to resolve conflicts between nations in a way that does not result in war. 正如民主以和平解决我们社会内部的分歧为前提一样，我们也相信合作与对话是应对国家间挑战的最佳方式。因此我相信，民主国家更有可能以不导致战争的方式尝试解决国家间的冲突。
That's how, with diplomacy, we were able to shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program without firing a shot. With diplomacy, the United States opened relations with Cuba. With diplomacy, we joined Greece and nearly 200 nations in the most ambitious agreement ever to save our planet from climate change. 正因为如此，通过外交，我们得以在不费一枪一弹的情况下终止了伊朗的核武器计划。通过外交，美国与古巴恢复了外交关系。通过外交，我们与希腊和近200个国家一道，加入了有史以来拯救地球免受气候变化影响的最宏伟协定。
And speaking of climate change, I would point out that there is a connection between democracy and science. The premise of science is that we observe and we test our hypotheses, our ideas. We base decisions on facts, not superstition; not what our ideology tells us, but rather what we can observe. And at a time when the globe is shrinking and more and more we're going to have to take collective action to deal with problems like climate change, the presence of a democratic debate allows the science to flourish and to shape our collective responses. 说到气候变化，我要指出，民主与科学之间存在联系。科学的前提是我们观察并检验我们的假设、我们的想法。我们基于事实做决策，而不是迷信；不是我们的意识形态告诉我们什么，而是我们能观察到什么。在一个地球越来越小、我们越来越需要采取集体行动来应对气候变化等问题的时代，民主辩论的存在使科学得以蓬勃发展，并塑造我们的集体回应。
Now, democracy, like all human institutions, is imperfect. It can be slow; it can be frustrating; it can be hard; it can be messy. Politicians tend to be unpopular in democracies, regardless of party, because, by definition, democracies require that you don't get a hundred percent of what you want. It requires compromise. Winston Churchill famously said "that democracy is the worst form of government" -- except for all the others.3 And in a multiethnic, multiracial, multicultural society, like the United States, democracy can be especially complicated. Believe me, I know. 民主如同所有人类制度一样，是不完美的。它可能很慢；可能令人沮丧；可能很艰难；可能很混乱。在民主国家，政客往往不受欢迎，无论属于哪个政党，因为根据定义，民主要求你不能得到百分之百你想要的。它需要妥协。温斯顿·丘吉尔有句名言："民主是最坏的政府形式"——除了所有其他形式之外。在一个多种族、多文化的社会中，比如美国，民主可能特别复杂。相信我，我知道。
But it is better than the alternatives because it allows us to peacefully work through our differences and move closer to our ideals. It allows us to test new ideas and it allows us to correct for mistakes. Any action by a President, or any result of an election, or any legislation that has proven flawed can be corrected through the process of democracy. 但它比其他选择都好，因为它允许我们和平地解决分歧，更接近我们的理想。它允许我们检验新思想，也允许我们纠正错误。总统的任何行动、选举的任何结果、任何被证明有缺陷的立法都可以通过民主程序来纠正。
And throughout our history, it's how we have come to see that all people are created equal -- even though, when we were founded, that was not the case. We could work to expand the rights that were established in our founding to African Americans, and to women, to Americans with disabilities, to Native Americans; why all Americans now have the freedom to marry the person they love. It's why we welcome people of all races and all religions and all backgrounds, and immigrants who strive to give their children a better life and who make our country stronger. 纵观我们的历史，正是通过这种方式，我们才逐渐认识到所有人都是生而平等的——尽管在我们建国时，情况并非如此。我们能够将建国时确立的权利扩展到非裔美国人、妇女、美国残疾人、美洲原住民；为什么所有美国人现在都有与所爱之人结婚的自由。这就是为什么我们欢迎所有种族、所有宗教、所有背景的人，以及那些努力让孩子过上更好生活、让我们国家更强大的移民。
And so here, where democracy was born, we affirm once more the rights and the ideals and the institutions upon which our way of life endures: freedom of speech and assembly -- because true legitimacy can only come from the people, who must never be silenced; a free press to expose injustice and corruption and hold leaders accountable; 因此，在这里，在民主诞生的地方，我们再次确认我们的生活方式赖以存续的权利、理想和制度：言论和集会自由——因为真正的合法性只能来自人民，他们永远不应被压制；自由的新闻界，揭露不公正和腐败，追究领导人的责任；
freedom of religion -- because we're all equal in the eyes of God; independent judiciaries to uphold rule of law and human rights; separation of powers to limit the reach of any one branch of government; free and fair elections -- because citizens must be able to choose their own leaders, even if your candidate doesn't always win. 宗教自由——因为在上帝眼中我们都是平等的；独立的司法机构，维护法治和人权；权力分立，限制任何一个政府部门的权力范围；自由公正的选举——因为公民必须能够选择自己的领导人，即使你的候选人并不总是获胜。
We compete hard in campaigns in America and here in Greece. But after the election, democracy depends on a peaceful transition of power, especially when you don't get the result you want. 在美国和希腊，我们在竞选中激烈竞争。但选举之后，民主取决于权力的和平过渡，尤其是当你没有得到想要的结果时。
And as you may have noticed, the next American President and I could not be more different. We have very different points of view, but American democracy is bigger than any one person. That's why we have a tradition of the outgoing President welcoming the new one in -- as I did last week. And why, in the coming weeks, my Administration will do everything we can to support the smoothest transition possible -- because that's how democracy has to work. 正如你们可能已经注意到的，下一位美国总统和我截然不同。我们的观点非常不同，但美国民主比任何一个人都更伟大。这就是为什么我们有卸任总统迎接新总统的传统——就像我上周所做的那样。这就是为什么在未来几周，我的政府将尽我们所能支持最平稳的过渡——因为民主必须这样运作。
And that's why, as hard as it can be sometimes, it's important for young people, in particular, who are just now becoming involved in the lives of their countries, to understand that progress follows a winding path -- sometimes forward, sometimes back -- but as long as we retain our faith in democracy, as long as we retain our faith in the people, as long as we don't waver from those central principles that ensure a lively, open debate, then our future will be okay, because it remains the most effective form of government ever devised by man. 这就是为什么，尽管有时可能很困难，对于那些刚刚开始参与国家生活的年轻人来说，尤其重要的是要明白，进步走的是一条曲折的道路——有时前进，有时后退——但只要我们保持对民主的信念，只要我们保持对人民的信念，只要我们不偏离那些确保活跃、公开辩论的核心原则，那么我们的未来就会好的，因为民主仍然是人类有史以来设计的最有效的政府形式。
It is true, of course, over the last several years that we've seen democracies faced with serious challenges. And I want to mention two that have an impact here in Greece, haven an impact in the United States, and are having an impact around the world. 当然，在过去几年里，我们确实看到民主国家面临着严峻挑战。我想提到两个对希腊有影响、对美国有影响、对全世界都有影响的挑战。
The first involves the paradox of a modern, global economy. The same forces of globalization and technology and integration that have delivered so much progress, have created so much wealth, have also revealed deep fault lines. Around the world, integration and closer cooperation, and greater trade and commerce, and the Internet -- all have improved the lives of billions of people -- lifted families from extreme poverty, cured diseases, helped people live longer, gave them more access to education and opportunity than at any time in human history. 第一个涉及现代全球经济的悖论。全球化、技术和一体化的同样力量带来了如此多的进步，创造了如此多的财富，也暴露了深深的裂痕。在世界各地，一体化与更紧密的合作、更多的贸易与商业、以及互联网——所有这些都改善了数十亿人的生活——使家庭摆脱极端贫困，治愈疾病，帮助人们更长寿，比人类历史上任何时候都让他们有更多接受教育和机会的途径。
I've often said to young people in the United States, if you had to choose a moment in history to be born, and you did not know ahead of time who you would be -- you didn't know whether you were going to be born into a wealthy family or a poor family, what country you'd be born, whether you were going to be a man or a woman -- if you had to choose blindly what moment you'd want to be born: You'd choose now. 我经常对美国的年轻人说，如果你必须选择出生在历史上的某个时刻，而你事先不知道自己会是谁——你不知道自己会出生在富裕家庭还是贫困家庭，你会出生在哪个国家，你会是男人还是女人——如果你不得不盲目选择你想出生的时刻：你会选择现在。
Because the world has never, collectively, been wealthier, better educated, healthier, less violent than it is today. That's hard to imagine, given what we see in the news, but it's true. And a lot of that has to do with the developments of a integrated, global economy. 因为总体而言，世界从未像今天这样富裕、教育程度更高、更健康、更少暴力。考虑到我们在新闻中看到的情况，这很难想象，但这是真的。这在很大程度上与一体化全球经济的发展有关。
But trends underway for decades have meant that in many countries and in many communities there have been enormous disruptions. Technology and automation mean that goods can be produced with fewer workers. It means jobs and manufacturing can move across borders where wages are lower or rights are less protected. And that means that workers and unions oftentimes have less leverage to bargain for better wages, better benefits, have more difficulty competing in the global marketplace. Hardworking families worry their kids may not be better off than they were because of this global competition. 但几十年来的趋势意味着，在许多国家和许多社区，出现了巨大的颠覆。技术和自动化意味着可以用更少的工人生产商品。这意味着工作和制造业可以跨越国界转移到工资更低或权利更少的地方。这意味着工人和工会往往没有更多的筹码来争取更好的工资、更好的福利，在全球市场上更难竞争。勤劳的家庭担心，由于这种全球竞争，他们的孩子可能不会比他们过得更好。
What we've also seen is that this global integration is increasing the tendencies towards inequality, both between nations and within nations, at an accelerated pace. And when we see people -- global elites, wealthy corporations -- seemingly living by a different set of rules, avoiding taxes, manipulating loopholes -- when the rich and the powerful appear to game the system and accumulate vast wealth while middle and working-class families struggle to make ends meet, this feeds a profound sense of injustice and a feeling that our economies are increasingly unfair. 我们还看到，这种全球一体化正在以加速的步伐加剧国家之间和国家内部的不平等趋势。当我们看到人们——全球精英、富裕公司——似乎按照一套不同的规则生活，逃税、钻漏洞——当富人和权贵似乎在操纵体制，积累巨额财富，而中产阶级和工薪家庭难以维持生计时，这滋生了一种深深的不公正感，以及我们的经济越来越不公平的感觉。
This inequality now constitutes one of the greatest challenges to our economies and to our democracies. An inequality that was once tolerated because people didn't know how unequal things were now won't be tolerated because everybody has a cellphone and can see how unequal things are. 这种不平等现在构成了对我们的经济和我们的民主的最大挑战之一。一种曾经因为人们不知道有多不平等而被容忍的不平等，现在不会再被容忍，因为每个人都有手机，都能看到事情有多么不平等。
The awareness that people have in the smallest African village, they can see how people in London or New York are living. The poorest child in any of our countries now has a sense of what other people have that they don't. So not only is there increasing inequality, but also there is greater awareness of inequality. And that's a volatile mix for our democracies. 最小的非洲村庄里的人们也能看到伦敦或纽约的人们是如何生活的。我们任何国家最贫穷的孩子现在都知道别人有什么而他们没有。所以不仅不平等在加剧，对不平等的认知也在提高。这对我们的民主来说是一种不稳定的混合。
And this is why addressing inequality has been one of the key areas of focus for my economic policy. In our countries, in America and in most advanced market economies, we want people to be rewarded for their achievement. We think that people should be rewarded if they come up with a new product or a new service that is popular and helps a lot of people. 这就是为什么解决不平等一直是我经济政策的重点领域之一。在我们的国家，在美国和大多数发达市场经济体，我们希望人们的成就得到回报。我们认为，如果人们想出了受欢迎的、帮助了很多人的新产品或新服务，他们应该得到回报。
But when a CEO of a company now makes more money in a single day than a typical worker does in an entire year, when it's harder for workers to climb their way up the economic ladder, when they see a factory close that used to support an entire city or town, fuels the feeling that globalization only benefits those at the top. 但当一家公司的首席执行官现在一天赚的钱比普通工人一整年赚的还多，当工人更难攀登经济阶梯，当他们看到曾经支撑整个城镇的工厂关闭时，这助长了全球化只让顶层人士受益的感觉。
And the reaction can drag down a country's growth and make recessions more likely. It can also lead to politics that create an unhealthy competition between countries. Rather than a win-win situation, people perceive that if you're winning, I'm losing, and barriers come up and walls come up. 这种反应会拖累一个国家的增长，使经济衰退更有可能发生。它还可能导致一种政治，在国家之间制造不健康的竞争。人们不是认为双赢，而是觉得如果你赢了，我就输了，于是壁垒出现了，围墙建起来了。
And in advanced economies, there are at times movements from both the left and the right to put a stop to integration, and to push back against technology, and to try to bring back jobs and industries that have been disappearing for decades. So this impulse to pull back from a globalized world is understandable. If people feel that they're losing control of their future, they will push back. We have seen it here in Greece. We've seen it across Europe. We've seen it in the United States. We saw it in the vote in Britain to leave the EU. 在发达经济体中，有时左翼和右翼都有运动想要停止一体化，抵制技术，试图找回已经消失了几十年的工作和产业。所以这种从全球化世界退缩的冲动是可以理解的。如果人们觉得他们正在失去对未来的控制，他们就会退缩。我们在希腊看到了。我们在整个欧洲看到了。我们在美国看到了。我们在英国脱欧公投中看到了。
But given the nature of technology, it is my assertion that it's not possible to cut ourselves off from one another. We now are living in a global supply chain. Our growth comes through innovation and ideas that are crossing borders all the time. The jobs of tomorrow will inevitably be different from the jobs of the past. So we can't look backwards for answers, we have to look forward. 但考虑到技术的本质，我的断言是，我们不可能把自己与彼此隔绝开来。我们现在生活在一个全球供应链中。我们的增长来自不断跨越国界的创新和思想。明天的工作将不可避免地与过去的工作不同。所以我们不能向后看寻找答案，我们必须向前看。
We cannot sever the connections that have enabled so much progress and so much wealth. For when competition for resources is perceived as zero-sum, we put ourselves on a path to conflict both within countries and between countries. So I firmly believe that the best hope for human progress remains open markets combined with democracy and human rights. 我们不能切断那些促成了如此多进步和如此多财富的联系。因为当对资源的竞争被视为零和时，我们就走上了国内和国与国之间冲突的道路。因此我坚信，人类进步的最大希望仍然是开放市场与民主和人权相结合。
But I have argued that the current path of globalization demands a course correction. In the years and decades ahead, our countries have to make sure that the benefits of an integrated global economy are more broadly shared by more people, and that the negative impacts are squarely addressed. 但我一直认为，当前的全球化道路需要路线修正。在未来的岁月和几十年里，我们的国家必须确保一体化全球经济的好处被更多人更广泛地分享，负面影响得到切实解决。
And we actually know the path to building more inclusive economies. It's just we too often don't have the political will or desire to get it done. We know we need bold policies that spur growth and support jobs. We know that we need to give workers more leverage and better wages, and that, in fact, if you give workers better wages businesses do better, too, because their customers now have money to spend. 我们实际上知道建设更具包容性经济的路径。只是我们常常没有政治意愿或愿望去完成它。我们知道我们需要大胆的政策来刺激增长和支持就业。我们知道我们需要给工人更多的筹码和更好的工资，事实上，如果你给工人更好的工资，企业也会做得更好，因为他们的顾客现在有钱消费了。
We know that we have to invest more in our people -- the education of our young people, the skills and training to compete in the global economy. We have to make sure that it is easy for young people who are eager to learn and eager to work to get the education that they need, the training that they need, without taking on huge amounts of debt. 我们知道我们必须更多地投资于我们的人民——年轻人的教育、在全球经济中竞争所需的技能和培训。我们必须确保渴望学习和渴望工作的年轻人能够轻松获得他们需要的教育、他们需要的培训，而不必背负巨额债务。
We know that we have to encourage entrepreneurship so that it's easier to start a business and do business. We know that we have to strengthen the social compact so that the safety net that is available for people, including quality health care and retirement benefits, are there even if people aren't working in the same job for 30 years, or 40 years, or 50 years. 我们知道我们必须鼓励创业，这样创业和做生意就更容易了。我们知道我们必须加强社会契约，以便人们可用的安全网，包括优质医疗保健和退休福利，即使人们不是在同一份工作上干30年、40年或50年也能得到保障。
We have to modernize our infrastructure, which will put people back to work. We have to commit to the science and research and development that sparks new industries. 我们必须使我们的基础设施现代化，这将让人们重返工作岗位。我们必须致力于催生新产业的科学和研发。
In our trading relationships, we have to make sure that trade works for us, and not against us. And that means insisting on high standards in all countries to support jobs, strong protections for workers, strong protections for the environment, so that even as we freely trade, people and workers in all countries see the benefits of trade in their own lives, not just benefits for the bottom line of large, multinational corporations. 在我们的贸易关系中，我们必须确保贸易对我们有利，而不是有害。这意味着在所有国家坚持高标准以支持就业，强有力的工人保护，强有力的环境保护，这样即使我们自由贸易，所有国家的人民和工人都能在自己的生活中看到贸易的好处，而不仅仅是大型跨国公司的利润受益。
These are the kinds of policies, this is the work that I've pursued throughout my time as President. Keep in mind I took office in the midst of the worst crisis since the Great Depression. And we pursued a recovery that has been shared now by the vast majority of Americans. 这些就是我在总统任期内一直推行的政策和工作。请记住，我就职时正值大萧条以来最严重的危机之中。我们推行了一场现在绝大多数美国人都分享到的复苏。
We put people back to work building bridges and roads. We passed tax cuts for the middle class. We asked the wealthiest Americans to pay a little more taxes -- their fair share. We intervened to save our auto industry, but insisted that the auto industry become more energy efficient, produce better cars that reduce pollution. 我们让人们重返工作岗位，修建桥梁和道路。我们为中产阶级减税。我们要求最富有的美国人多缴一点税——他们应得的份额。我们出手拯救了我们的汽车工业，但坚持要求汽车工业提高能效，生产更好、污染更少的汽车。
We put in place policies to help students with loans and protect consumers from fraud. We passed the strongest Wall Street reforms in history so that the excesses and abuses that triggered the global financial crisis never happen again -- or at least don't start on Wall Street. 我们出台了帮助学生贷款和保护消费者免受欺诈的政策。我们通过了有史以来最强有力的华尔街改革，以便引发全球金融危机的过度行为和滥用永远不会再发生——或者至少不会从华尔街开始。
And today, our businesses have created more than 15 million new jobs. Incomes last year in America rose faster than any time since 1968. Poverty fell at the fastest rate since 1968. Inequality is being narrowed. And we've also begun to close the pay gap between men and women. 今天，我们的企业创造了超过1500万个新工作岗位。去年美国的收入增长速度是1968年以来最快的。贫困率以1968年以来最快的速度下降。不平等正在缩小。我们也开始缩小男女之间的薪酬差距。
We declared that health care in America is a privilege not for the few, but a right for everybody. Today our uninsured rate is at the lowest levels on record. And we've done all this while doubling our production of clean energy, lowering our carbon pollution faster than any advanced nation. So we've proven that you can grow the economy and reduce the carbon emissions that cause climate change at the same time. 我们宣布，美国的医疗保健不是少数人的特权，而是每个人的权利。今天我们的参保率处于有记录以来的最低水平。我们在做这一切的同时，将清洁能源产量翻了一番，比任何发达国家都更快地降低了碳排放。所以我们证明了，你可以在发展经济的同时减少导致气候变化的碳排放。
Now, I say all this not because we've solved every problem. Our work is far from complete. There are still too many people in America who are worried about their futures. Still too many people who are working at wages that don't get them above the poverty line. Still too many young people who don't see opportunity. 我所说的这一切，并不是因为我们已经解决了所有问题。我们的工作还远未完成。美国仍有太多人为自己的未来担忧。仍有太多人的工资不足以摆脱贫困。仍有太多年轻人看不到机会。
But the policies I describe point the direction for where we need to go in building inclusive economies. And that's how democracies can deliver the prosperity and hope that our people need. And when people have opportunity and they feel confidence the future, they are less likely to turn on each other and they're less likely to appeal to some of the darker forces that exist in all our societies -- those that can tear us apart. 但我所描述的政策为我们建设包容性经济指明了方向。这就是民主如何能够提供我们人民所需的繁荣和希望。当人们有机会、对未来有信心时，他们就不太可能互相攻击，也不太可能诉诸我们所有社会中存在的一些黑暗势力——那些可能撕裂我们的势力。
Here in Greece, you're undergoing similar transformations. The first step has been to build a foundation that allows you to return to robust economic growth. And we don't need to recount all the causes of the economic crisis here in Greece. If we're honest, we can acknowledge that it was a mix of both internal and external forces. 在希腊，你们正在经历类似的转型。第一步是建立一个基础，让你们能够恢复强劲的经济增长。我们不需要重述希腊经济危机的所有原因。如果我们诚实，我们可以承认这是内部和外部力量的混合作用。
The Greek economy and the level of debt had become unsustainable. And in this global economy, investment and jobs flow to countries where governments are efficient, not bloated, where the rules are clear. To stay competitive, to attract investment that creates jobs, Greece had to start a reform process. 希腊经济和债务水平已经变得不可持续。在这个全球经济中，投资和就业流向政府高效而非臃肿、规则明确的国家。为了保持竞争力，吸引创造就业的投资，希腊必须启动改革进程。
Of course, the world, I don't think, fully appreciates the extraordinary pain these reforms have involved, or the tremendous sacrifices that you, the Greek people, have made. I've been aware of it, and I've been proud of all that my Administration has done to try to support Greece in these efforts. And part of the purpose of my visit is to highlight for the world the important steps that have been taken here in Greece. 当然，我认为世界并没有完全意识到这些改革带来的非凡痛苦，也没有完全意识到你们——希腊人民——做出的巨大牺牲。我一直意识到这一点，我为我的政府为支持希腊的这些努力所做的一切感到自豪。我这次访问的部分目的是向世界强调希腊已经采取的重要步骤。
Today, the budget is back in surplus. Parliament passed reforms to make the economy more competitive. Yes, there is still much more work to do. I want to commend Prime Minister Tsipras for the very difficult reforms his government is pursuing to put the economy on a firmer footing. Now, as Greece works to attract more investment, and to prevent old imbalances from re-emerging, and to put your economy on a stronger foundation, you'll continue to have the full support of the United States. 今天，预算恢复了盈余。议会通过了改革，使经济更具竞争力。是的，还有更多的工作要做。我要赞扬齐普拉斯总理，他的政府正在推行非常困难的改革，以使经济站稳脚跟。现在，随着希腊努力吸引更多投资、防止旧的失衡重新出现、使经济基础更加稳固，你们将继续得到美国的全力支持。
At the same time, I will continue to urge creditors to take the steps needed to put Greece on a path towards sustained economic recovery. As Greece continues to implement reforms, the IMF has said that debt relief will be crucial to get Greece back to growth. They are right. 同时，我将继续敦促债权国采取必要步骤，使希腊走上持续经济复苏的道路。随着希腊继续推行改革，国际货币基金组织表示，债务减免对于让希腊恢复增长至关重要。他们是对的。
It is important because if reforms here are going to be sustained, people need to see hope, and they need to see progress. And the young people who are in attendance here today and all across the country need to know there is a future -- there is an education and jobs that are worthy of your incredible potential. You don't have to travel overseas, you can put roots right here in your home, in Greece, and succeed. 这很重要，因为如果这里的改革要持续下去，人们需要看到希望，需要看到进步。今天在座的年轻人以及全国各地的年轻人需要知道未来是存在的——有值得你们惊人潜力的教育和工作。你们不必远赴海外，你们可以在自己的家乡、在希腊扎下根来并取得成功。
And I'm confident that if you stay the course, as hard as it has been, Greece will see brighter days. Because, in this magnificent hall and center -- this symbol of the Greek culture and resilience -- we're reminded that just as your strength and resolve have allowed you to overcome great odds throughout your history, nothing can break the spirit of the Greek people. You will overcome this period of challenge just as you have other challenges in the past. 我相信，如果你们坚持下去，尽管一直很艰难，希腊会迎来更光明的日子。因为在这座宏伟的大厅和中心——这个希腊文化和韧性的象征——我们被提醒，正如你们的力量和决心让你们在整个历史中战胜了巨大的困难一样，没有什么能打破希腊人民的精神。你们将像过去克服其他挑战一样，克服这段挑战时期。
So economics is something that will be central to preserving our democracies. When our economies don't work, our democracies become distorted and, in some cases, break down. But this brings me to another pressing challenge that our democracies face -- how do we ensure that our diverse, multicultural, multiracial, multi-religious world and our diverse nations uphold both the rights of individuals and a fundamental civic adherence to a common creed that binds us together. 因此，经济问题将是维护我们民主的核心。当我们的经济不起作用时，我们的民主就会扭曲，在某些情况下还会崩溃。但这让我想到我们的民主面临的另一个紧迫挑战——我们如何确保我们多元化、多文化、多种族、多宗教的世界和我们多样化的国家，既维护个人权利，又维护将我们凝聚在一起的共同信条的基本公民 adherence。
Democracy is simplest where everybody thinks alike, looks alike, eats the same food, worships the same God. Democracy becomes more difficult when there are people coming from a variety of backgrounds and trying to live together. In our globalized world, with the migration of people and the rapid movement of ideas and cultures and traditions, we see increasingly this blend of forces mixing together in ways that often enrich our societies but also cause tensions. 在每个人想法相同、长相相同、吃同样的食物、信奉同一个上帝的地方，民主最简单。当有来自不同背景的人们试图共同生活时，民主就变得更加困难。在我们这个全球化的世界里，随着人口的迁移以及思想、文化和传统的快速流动，我们越来越多地看到各种力量以通常丰富我们社会但也造成紧张的方式混合在一起。
In the Information Age, the unprecedented exchange of information can always accentuate differences, or seem to threaten cherished ways of life. It used to be that you might not know how people in another part of your country, or in the cities versus the countryside, were living. Now everybody knows how everybody is living, and everybody can feel threatened sometimes if people don't do things exactly the way they do things. And they start asking themselves questions about their own identity. And it can create a volatile politics. 在信息时代，前所未有的信息交流总是会加剧分歧，或者似乎威胁到珍贵的生活方式。过去，你可能不知道你国家另一个地区的人是如何生活的，或者城市和农村的人是如何生活的。现在每个人都知道每个人是怎么生活的，每个人有时都会感到受到威胁，如果人们做事方式与他们不完全一样。他们开始质疑自己的身份。这可能造成一种动荡的政治。
Faced with this new reality where cultures clash, it's inevitable that some will seek a comfort in nationalism or tribe or ethnicity or sect. In countries that are held together by borders that were drawn by colonial powers, including many countries in the Middle East and in Africa, it can be tempting to fall back on perceived safety of enclaves and tribal divisions. 面对这种文化冲突的新现实，一些人不可避免地会在民族主义、部落、种族或教派中寻求慰藉。在那些由殖民列强划定边界维系在一起的国家，包括中东和非洲的许多国家，人们很容易退缩到飞地和部落分裂的所谓安全感中。
In a world of widening inequality, there's a growing suspicion -- or even disdain -- for elites and institutions that seem remote from the daily lives of ordinary people. What an irony it is, at a time when we can reach out to people in the most remote corners of the planet, so many citizens feel disconnected from their own governments. 在一个不平等日益加剧的世界里，人们对精英和似乎远离普通人日常生活的机构的怀疑——甚至蔑视——与日俱增。具有讽刺意味的是，在我们可以接触到地球最偏远角落人们的时代，这么多公民却感到与自己的政府脱节。
So, just as we have to have an inclusive economic strategy, we have to have an exclusive political and cultural strategy. In all of our capitals, we have to keep making government more efficient, more effective in responding to the daily needs to citizens. Governing institutions, whether in Athens, Brussels, London, Washington, have to be responsive to the concerns of citizens. People have to know that they're being heard. 因此，正如我们必须有包容性经济战略一样，我们也必须有包容性的政治和文化战略。在我们所有的首都，我们必须不断提高政府的效率，更有效地回应公民的日常需求。治理机构，无论是在雅典、布鲁塞尔、伦敦还是华盛顿，都必须对公民的关切作出回应。人们必须知道他们的声音被听到了。
Here in Europe, even with today's challenges, I believe that by virtue of the progress it has delivered over the decades -- the stability it has provided, the security it's reinforced -- that European integration and the European Union remains one of the great political and economic achievements of human history. And today more than ever, the world needs a Europe that is strong and prosperous and democratic. 在欧洲，即使面对今天的挑战，我相信，凭借几十年来取得的进步——它提供的稳定，它加强的安全——欧洲一体化和欧盟仍然是人类历史上最伟大的政治和经济成就之一。今天比以往任何时候都更需要一个强大、繁荣和民主的欧洲。
But I think all institutions in Europe have to ask themselves: How can we make sure that people within individual countries feel as if their voices are still being heard, that their identities are being affirmed, that the decisions that are being made that will have a critical impact on their lives are not so remote that they have no ability to impact them? 但我认为欧洲的所有机构都必须扪心自问：我们如何确保各个国家的人民仍然觉得他们的声音被听到，他们的身份得到肯定，那些将对他们生活产生关键影响的决定并不遥远到他们无力影响？
We have to make clear that governments exist to serve the interest of citizens, and not the other way around. And so this is why, as President of the United States, I've pursued initiatives like the Open Government Partnership that promotes transparency and accountability so that ordinary people know more about the decisions that affect their lives. That's why both at home and around the world, we have taken steps to fight corruption that can rot a society from within. 我们必须明确，政府的存在是为了服务于公民的利益，而不是相反。这就是为什么作为美国总统，我推行了开放政府伙伴关系等倡议，以促进透明度和问责制，让普通民众更多地了解影响他们生活的决定。这就是为什么在国内和世界各地，我们都采取措施打击可能从内部腐蚀社会的腐败。
As authoritarian governments work to close space that citizens depend upon to organize and have their voices heard, we've begun the work of empowering civil society to defend democratic values and promote solutions to the problems within our communities. And as so many people around the world sometimes are tempted by cynicism and not being involved because they think that politicians and government don't care about them, we've created networks for young leaders and invested in young entrepreneurs, because we believe that the hope and renewal of our societies begins with the voices of youth. 随着威权政府努力缩小公民赖以组织和表达意见的空间，我们已经开始赋能公民社会，捍卫民主价值观，推动解决我们社区内部问题的方案。当世界各地这么多人有时被犬儒主义诱惑，觉得政客和政府不关心他们而不愿参与时，我们创建了青年领袖网络，投资于年轻企业家，因为我们相信我们社会的希望和复兴始于青年的声音。
In closing, our globalized world is passing through a time of profound change. Yes, there is uncertainty and there is unease, and none of us can know the future. History does not move in a straight line. Civil rights in America did not move in a straight line. Democracy in Greece did not move in a straight line. The evolution of a unified Europe certainly has not moved in a straight line. And progress is never a guarantee. Progress has to be earned by every generation. But I believe history gives us hope. 最后，我们这个全球化的世界正在经历一个深刻变革的时期。是的，存在不确定性和不安，我们谁也不知道未来。历史不是直线前进的。美国的民权运动不是直线前进的。希腊的民主不是直线前进的。统一欧洲的演变当然也不是直线前进的。进步从来不是保证。进步必须由每一代人争取。但我相信历史给了我们希望。
Twenty-five centuries after Athens first pointed the way, 250 years after the beginning of the great American journey, my faith and my confidence, my certainty in our democratic ideals and universal values remain undiminished. I believe more strongly than ever that Dr. King was right when he said that, "The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice."4 在雅典首次指明方向二十五个世纪后，在伟大美国旅程开始250年后，我对我们的民主理想和普世价值的信念、信心和确定性丝毫未减。我比以往任何时候都更坚信金博士的话是对的："道德宇宙的弧线很长，但它终将弯向正义。"
But it bends towards justice not because it is inevitable, but because we bend it towards justice; not because there are not going to be barriers to achieving justice, but because there will be people, generation after generation, who have the vision and the courage and the will to bend the arc of our lives in the direction of a better future. 但它弯向正义不是因为这是必然的，而是因为我们把它弯向正义；不是因为实现正义不会有障碍，而是因为会有一代又一代的人，有远见、有勇气、有意志，将我们生命的弧线弯向更美好的未来。
In the United States, and in every place I have visited these last eight years, I have met citizens, especially young people, who have chosen hope over fear, who believe that they can shape their own destiny, who refuse to accept the world as it is and are determined to remake it as it should be. They have inspired me. 在美国，以及我过去八年访问过的每一个地方，我都遇到了公民，尤其是年轻人，他们选择了希望而非恐惧，他们相信自己可以掌握自己的命运，他们拒绝接受世界的现状，决心将其改造成应有的样子。他们激励了我。
In every corner of the world, I have met people who, in their daily lives, demonstrate that despite differences of race or religion or creed or color, we have the capacity to see each other in ourselves. Like the woman here in Greece who said of the refugees arriving on these shores, "We live under the same sun. We fall in love under the same moon. We are all human -- we have to help these people."5 Women like that give me hope. 在世界的每一个角落，我都遇到了在日常生活中证明，尽管种族、宗教、信仰或肤色不同，我们有能力在他人身上看到自己的人。就像希腊的这位女士，在谈到抵达这些海岸的难民时说："我们生活在同一片阳光下。我们在同一个月亮下坠入爱河。我们都是人——我们必须帮助这些人。" 这样的女性给了我希望。
In all of our communities, in all of our countries, I still believe there's more of what Greeks call philotimo -- love and respect and kindness for family and community and country, and a sense that we're all in this together, with obligations to each other. Philotimo -- I see it every day -- and that gives me hope. 在我们所有的社区，在我们所有的国家，我仍然相信有更多希腊人所谓的"philotimo"——对家庭、社区和国家的爱、尊重和善意，以及我们都在同一条船上、对彼此负有义务的感觉。"菲洛蒂莫"——我每天都能看到它——这给了我希望。
Because in the end, it is up to us. It's not somebody else's job, it's not somebody else's responsibility, but it's the citizens of our countries and citizens of the world to bend that arc of history towards justice. 因为最终，这取决于我们。这不是别人的工作，不是别人的责任，而是我们国家的公民和世界的公民来将历史的弧线弯向正义。
And that's what democracy allows us to do. That's why the most important office in any country is not President or Prime Minister. The most important title is "citizen." 这就是民主允许我们做的。这就是为什么任何国家最重要的职位不是总统或总理。最重要的头衔是"公民"。
And in all of our nations, it will always be our citizens who decide the kind of countries we will be, the ideals that we will reach for, and the values that will define us. In this great, imperfect, but necessary system of self-government, power and progress will always come from the demos -- from "We, the people." And I'm confident that as long as we are true to that system of self-government, that our futures will be bright. 在我们所有的国家，永远是我们的公民来决定我们将成为什么样的国家，我们将追求什么样的理想，以及什么样的价值观将定义我们。在这个伟大、不完美但必要的自治制度中，权力和进步将永远来自人民——来自"我们，人民"。我相信，只要我们忠于自治制度，我们的未来就会光明。
Thank you very much. Zito e ellas. [Long live Greece.] 非常感谢。希腊万岁。[希腊万岁。]