Guten tag. It is -- It is wonderful to see all of you, and I want to begin by thanking Chancellor Merkel for being here. On behalf of the American people, I want to thank Angela for being a champion of our alliance. And on behalf of all of us, I want to thank you for your commitment to freedom, and equality, and human rights, which is a reflection of your inspiring life. 大家好。很高兴见到各位，首先我要感谢默克尔总理的出席。我谨代表美国人民，感谢安吉拉始终是我们联盟的坚定捍卫者。我还要代表我们所有人，感谢您对自由、平等和人权的坚守——这正是您令人敬仰的人生的真实写照。
I truly believe you've shown us the leadership of steady hands -- how do you call it? The Merkel-Raute. And over the last seven years, I have relied on your friendship and counsel, and your firm moral compass. So we very much appreciate your Chancellor, Angela Merkel. 我由衷地认为，您向我们展示了"稳如磐石"的领导力——你们怎么说来着？"默克尔菱形"。过去七年里，我一直仰赖您的友谊与建议，以及您坚定的道德准则。因此，我们非常感谢你们的总理——安吉拉·默克尔。
To the members of the Bundestag, Prime Minister Weil, Mayor Schostock, distinguished guests, people of Germany. And I'm especially pleased to see the young people here -- from Germany and across Europe. We also have some proud Americans here. 尊敬的联邦议院议员们、魏尔州长、肖斯托克市长，各位贵宾，德国人民。我特别高兴看到这里的年轻人——来自德国和欧洲各地的年轻人。今天也有一些自豪的美国人在场。
I have to admit that I have developed a special place in my heart for the German people. Back when I was a candidate for this office, you welcomed me with a small rally in Berlin, where I spoke of the change that's possible when the world stands as one. As President, you've treated me and Michelle and our daughters to wonderful hospitality. You've offered me excellent beer -- and weisswurst in Krun. You've now hosted our delegation here in Hannover. 我必须承认，德国人民在我心中占有特殊的位置。当年我还是总统候选人时，你们在柏林的一场小型集会上欢迎我，我在那里谈到了全世界团结一心所能带来的变革。就任总统后，你们盛情款待了我、米歇尔和我们的女儿。你们请我喝了上好的啤酒——还有克伦的白香肠。今天你们又在汉诺威接待了我们的代表团。
My only regret is that I have never been to Germany for Oktoberfest. So I will have to come back. And I suspect it's more fun when you're not President. So my timing will be good. 我唯一的遗憾是从未在十月节期间来过德国。所以我一定得再来一趟。而且我觉得不当总统的时候参加啤酒节会更有意思。到时候我的时机就对了。
And as always, I bring the friendship of the American people. We consider the German people, and all of our European allies, to be among our closest friends in the world -- because we share so much experience and so many of the same values. We believe that nations and peoples should live in security and peace. We believe in creating opportunity that lifts up not just the few but the many. And I'm proud to be the first American President to come to Europe and be able to say that, in the United States, health care is not a privilege, it is now a right for all. We share that as well. 一如既往，我带来了美国人民的友谊。我们视德国人民以及所有欧洲盟友为全世界最亲密的朋友——因为我们有着如此多的共同经历和相同的价值观。我们相信，国家和人民应当在安全与和平中生活。我们相信要创造机会，让多数人而非少数人受益。我很自豪能成为第一位来到欧洲并可以说"在美国，医疗保健不是特权，而是所有人的权利"的美国总统。这也是我们的共同之处。
Perhaps most importantly, we believe in the equality and inherent dignity of every human being. Today in America, people have the freedom to marry the person that they love. 也许最重要的是，我们坚信人人平等，坚信每个人与生俱来的尊严。今天的美国，人们拥有与所爱之人结婚的自由。
We believe in justice, that no child in the world should ever die from a mosquito bite; that no one should suffer from the ache of an empty stomach; that, together, we can save our planet and the world's most vulnerable people from the worst effects of climate change. These are things that we share. It's borne of common experience. 我们信仰正义，坚信世界上不应有孩子死于蚊虫叮咬；不应有人忍受饥饿的痛苦；坚信我们携起手来，就能拯救我们的星球，保护世界上最脆弱的人群免受气候变化的最恶劣影响。这些都是我们的共同信念，源自共同的经历。
And this is what I want to talk to you about today -- the future that we are building together -- not separately, but together. And that starts right here in Europe. 这就是我今天想和大家谈的——我们共同建设的未来——不是各自为战，而是携手并进。而这一切，始于欧洲。
And I want to begin with an observation that, given the challenges that we face in the world and the headlines we see every day, may seem improbable, but it's true. We are fortunate to be living in the most peaceful, most prosperous, most progressive era in human history. That may surprise young people who are watching TV or looking at your phones and it seems like only bad news comes through every day. 我想先提出一个看法，考虑到我们在世界上面临的挑战和每天看到的新闻头条，这个看法可能显得不太可能，但它是事实。我们有幸生活在人类历史上最和平、最繁荣、最进步的时代。这可能会让那些天天看电视、刷手机、似乎只看到坏消息的年轻人感到意外。
But consider that it's been decades since the last war between major powers. More people live in democracies. We're wealthier and healthier and better educated, with a global economy that has lifted up more than a billion people from extreme poverty, and created new middle classes from the Americas to Africa to Asia. Think about the health of the average person in the world -- tens of millions of lives that we now save from disease and infant mortality, and people now living longer lives. 但想一想，距离上一次大国之间的战争已经过去了几十年。更多的人生活在民主制度下。我们更加富裕、更加健康、受到更好的教育；全球经济已让超过十亿人摆脱了极端贫困，从美洲到非洲再到亚洲，催生了新的中产阶层。想想世界上普通人的健康状况——我们现在从疾病和婴儿死亡中拯救了数千万人的生命，人们的寿命也更长了。
Around the world, we're more tolerant -- with more opportunity for women, and gays and lesbians, as we push back on bigotry and prejudice. And around the world, there's a new generation of young people -- like you -- that are connected by technology, and driven by your idealism and your imagination, and you're working together to start new ventures, and to hold governments more accountable, and advance human dignity. 在世界各地，我们更加包容——随着我们抵制偏执与偏见，女性、男女同性恋者拥有了更多机会。在世界各地，有像你们这样的新一代年轻人，通过科技联系在一起，被你们的理想主义和想象力所驱动，你们携手合作，创办新企业，推动政府更加负责，促进人类尊严。
If you had to choose a moment in time to be born, any time in human history, and you didn't know ahead of time what nationality you were or what gender or what your economic status might be, you'd choose today -- which isn't to say that there is not still enormous suffering and enormous tragedy and so much work for us to do. It is to remember that the trajectory of our history over the last 50, 100 years has been remarkable. And we can't take that for granted, and we should take confidence in our ability to be able to shape our own destiny. 如果你必须选择一个出生的时代——人类历史上的任何时代——而且你事先不知道自己的国籍、性别或经济状况，你会选择今天——这并不是说现在就没有巨大的苦难和悲剧，也不是说我们还有很多工作要做。而是要记住，过去五十年、一百年的历史轨迹是非凡的。我们不能把这视为理所当然，我们应该对自己塑造命运的能力抱有信心。
Now, that doesn't mean that we can be complacent because today dangerous forces do threaten to pull the world backward, and our progress is not inevitable. These challenges threaten Europe and they threaten our transatlantic community. We're not immune from the forces of change around the world. As they have elsewhere, barbaric terrorists have slaughtered innocent people in Paris and Brussels, and Istanbul and San Bernardino, California. 然而，这并不意味着我们可以自满，因为当今危险的势力确实在威胁着世界的倒退，我们的进步并非必然。这些挑战威胁着欧洲，也威胁着我们的跨大西洋共同体。我们无法免受世界各地变革力量的影响。野蛮的恐怖分子在巴黎、布鲁塞尔、伊斯坦布尔和加利福尼亚州圣贝纳迪诺屠杀了无辜的人民，就像他们在其他地方所做的那样。
And we see these tragedies in places central to our daily lives -- an airport or café, a workplace or a theater -- and it unsettles us. It makes us unsure in our day-to-day lives -- fearful not just for ourselves but those that we love. 我们在日常生活的中心场所看到这些悲剧——机场、咖啡馆、工作场所或剧院——这让我们感到不安。它让我们在日常生活中感到不确定——不仅为自己担心，也为我们所爱的人担心。
Conflicts from South Sudan to Syria to Afghanistan have sent millions fleeing, seeking the relative safety of Europe's shores, but that puts new strains on countries and local communities, and threatens to distort our politics. 从南苏丹到叙利亚再到阿富汗，冲突已导致数百万人逃离，涌向欧洲海岸寻求相对的安全，但这给各国和地方社区带来了新的压力，并且有可能扭曲我们的政治。
Russian aggression has flagrantly violated the sovereignty and territory of an independent European nation, Ukraine, and that unnerves our allies in Eastern Europe, threatening our vision of a Europe that is whole, free and at peace. And it seems to threaten the progress that's been made since the end of the Cold War. 俄罗斯的悍然侵略侵犯了一个独立的欧洲国家乌克兰的主权和领土，这让我们的东欧盟友感到不安，威胁着我们建立一个完整、自由、和平的欧洲的愿景。这似乎也在威胁着冷战结束以来所取得的进展。
Slow economic growth in Europe, especially in the south, has left millions unemployed, including a generation of young people without jobs and who may look to the future with diminishing hopes. And all these persistent challenges have led some to question whether European integration can long endure; whether you might be better off separating off, redrawing some of the barriers and the laws between nations that existed in the 20th century. 欧洲经济增长缓慢，尤其是在南部，已导致数百万人失业，包括一代没有工作的年轻人，他们对未来的希望可能日益渺茫。所有这些持续的挑战让一些人质疑欧洲一体化能否长久维持；你们是不是分开过会更好，重新竖起二十世纪时国与国之间的某些壁垒和法规。
Across our countries, including in the United States, a lot of workers and families are still struggling to recover from the worst economic crisis in generations. And that trauma of millions who lost their jobs and their homes and their savings is still felt. 在我们各国，包括美国，许多工人和家庭仍在努力从几代人以来最严重的经济危机中恢复。数百万人失去工作、家园和积蓄的创伤至今仍未消散。
And meanwhile, there are profound trends underway that have been going on for decades -- globalization, automation that -- in some cases, of depressed wages, and made workers in a weaker position to bargain for better working conditions. Wages have stagnated in many advanced countries while other costs have gone up. Inequality has increased. And for many people, it's harder than ever just to hold on. 与此同时，几十年来一直在发生的深刻趋势——全球化、自动化——在某些情况下压低了工资，让工人在争取更好工作条件的谈判中处于更弱势的地位。许多发达国家的工资停滞不前，而其他成本却在上升。不平等加剧了。对许多人来说，维持生计比以往任何时候都难。
This is happening in Europe; we see some of these trends in the United States and across the advanced economies. And these concerns and anxieties are real. They are legitimate. They cannot be ignored, and they deserve solutions from those in power. 欧洲正在经历这些；在美国和所有发达经济体中，我们也看到了其中一些趋势。这些担忧和焦虑是真实的。它们是合理的。不能被忽视，当权者理应拿出解决方案。
Unfortunately, in the vacuum, if we do not solve these problems, you start seeing those who would try to exploit these fears and frustrations and channel them in a destructive way. A creeping emergence of the kind of politics that the European project was founded to reject -- an "us" versus "them" mentality that tries to blame our problems on the other, somebody who doesn't look like us or doesn't pray like us -- whether it's immigrants, or Muslims, or somebody who is deemed different than us. 不幸的是，如果我们不解决这些问题，真空中就会出现试图利用这些恐惧和挫折、将其引向破坏性方向的人。一种欧洲一体化事业本要摒弃的政治正在悄然抬头——一种"我们"对抗"他们"的心态，试图把我们的问题归咎于他人，归咎于那些长得不像我们或信仰不同的人——无论是移民、穆斯林，还是任何被认为与我们不同的人。
And you see increasing intolerance in our politics. And loud voices get the most attention. This reminds me of the poem by the great Irish poet W.B. Yeats, where the best lack all conviction, and the worst are full of passionate intensity. 我们的政治中不宽容日益严重。声音最大的人获得最多关注。这让我想起伟大的爱尔兰诗人叶芝的诗句：优秀的人缺乏信念，而卑劣的人却充满狂热的激情。
So this is a defining moment. And what happens on this continent has consequences for people around the globe. If a unified, peaceful, liberal, pluralistic, free-market Europe begins to doubt itself, begins to question the progress that's been made over the last several decades, then we can't expect the progress that is just now taking hold in many places around the world will continue. 因此，这是一个决定性的时刻。这片大陆上发生的事情会影响到全球各地的人们。如果一个统一、和平、自由、多元、奉行自由市场的欧洲开始自我怀疑，开始质疑过去几十年取得的进步，那么我们就不能指望刚刚在世界许多地方站稳脚跟的进步会继续下去。
Instead, we will be empowering those who argue that democracy can't work, that intolerance and tribalism and organizing ourselves along ethnic lines, and authoritarianism and restrictions on the press -- that those are the things that the challenges of today demand. 相反，我们会助长那些声称民主行不通的人的气焰，他们认为不容忍、部落主义、按种族划分阵营、威权主义和新闻管制——这些才是应对当今挑战所需的东西。
So I've come here today, to the heart of Europe, to say that the United States, and the entire world, needs a strong and prosperous and democratic and united Europe. 因此，我今天来到这里，来到欧洲的心脏地带，要说的是：美国乃至整个世界，都需要一个强大、繁荣、民主、统一的欧洲。
Perhaps you need an outsider, somebody who is not European, to remind you of the magnitude of what you have achieved. The progress that I described was made possible in large measure by ideals that originated on this continent in a great Enlightenment and the founding of new republics. Of course, that progress didn't travel a straight line. In the last century -- twice in just 30 years -- the forces of empire and intolerance and extreme nationalism consumed this continent. And cities like this one were largely reduced to rubble. Tens of millions of men and women and children were killed. 也许你们需要一个局外人，一个不是欧洲人的人，来提醒你们所取得的成就是多么伟大。我所描述的进步在很大程度上要归功于起源于这片大陆的理想——伟大的启蒙运动和新共和国的建立。当然，这一进步并非一帆风顺。在上个世纪——仅仅三十年间就发生了两次——帝国、不容忍和极端民族主义的力量吞噬了这片大陆。像这座城市一样的许多城市几乎化为废墟。数千万男女老幼丧生。
But from the ruins of the Second World War, our nations set out to remake the world -- to build a new international order and the institutions to uphold it. A United Nations to prevent another world war and advance a more just and lasting peace. International financial institutions like the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to promote prosperity for all peoples. A Universal Declaration of Human Rights to advance the "inalienable rights of all members of the human family." 但从第二次世界大战的废墟中，我们各国着手重塑世界——建立新的国际秩序以及维护这一秩序的机构。联合国防止了另一场世界大战，推动了更加公正和持久的和平。世界银行和国际货币基金组织等国际金融机构促进了各国人民的繁荣。《世界人权宣言》倡导"人类大家庭所有成员的不可剥夺的权利"。
And here in Europe, giants like Chancellor Adenauer set out to bind old adversaries through commerce and through trade. As Adenauer said in those early days, "European unity was a dream of a few. It became a hope for [the] many. Today it is a necessity for all of us." 而在欧洲，像阿登纳总理这样的伟人着手通过商业和贸易将昔日的对手联系在一起。正如阿登纳在早期所说的："欧洲统一曾是少数人的梦想。它曾成为许多人的希望。今天，它是我们所有人的必需。"
And it wasn't easy. Old animosities had to be overcome. National pride had to be joined with a commitment to a common good. Complex questions of sovereignty and burden-sharing had to be answered. And at every step, the impulse to pull back -- for each country to go its own way -- had to be resisted. More than once, skeptics predicted the demise of this great project. 这并非易事。旧的仇恨必须被克服。民族自豪感必须与对共同利益的承诺相结合。主权和责任分担的复杂问题必须得到解答。而在每一步，退缩的冲动——每个国家各走各的路——都必须被抵制。不止一次，怀疑论者预言这一伟大事业的消亡。
But the vision of European unity soldiered on -- and having defended Europe's freedom in war, America stood with you every step of this journey. A Marshall Plan to rebuild; an airlift to save Berlin; a NATO alliance to defend our way of life. America's commitment to Europe was captured by a young American President, John F. Kennedy, when he stood in a free West Berlin and declared that "freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free." 但欧洲统一的愿景始终向前推进——美国在战争中捍卫了欧洲的自由，也在这一旅程的每一步都与你们站在一起。马歇尔计划帮助重建；空运拯救了柏林；北约联盟捍卫了我们的生活方式。一位年轻的美国总统约翰·F·肯尼迪曾概括了美国对欧洲的承诺，他站在自由的西柏林宣告："自由不可分割，一人被奴役，众人皆不自由。"
With strength and resolve and the power of our ideals, and a belief in a unified Europe, we didn't simply end the Cold War -- freedom won. Germany was reunited. You welcomed new democracies into an even "ever closer union." You may argue over whose football clubs are better, vote for different singers on Eurovision. But your accomplishment -- more than 500 million people speaking 24 languages in 28 countries, 19 with a common currency, in one European Union -- remains one of the greatest political and economic achievements of modern times. 凭借力量、决心、我们理想的力量以及对统一欧洲的信念，我们不仅结束了冷战——自由赢得了胜利。德国重新统一。你们欢迎新的民主国家加入"日益紧密的联盟"。你们可能会争论谁的足球俱乐部更好，在欧洲歌唱大赛上为不同的歌手投票。但你们的成就——五亿多人说着二十四种语言，分布在二十八个国家，其中十九国使用共同货币，同属一个欧盟——仍然是现代最伟大的政治和经济成就之一。
Yes, European unity can require frustrating compromise. It adds layers of government that can slow decision-making. I understand. I've been in meetings with the European Commission. And, as an American, we're famously disdainful of government. We understand how easy it must be to vent at Brussels and complain. But remember that every member of your union is a democracy. That's not an accident. Remember that no EU country has raised arms against another. That's not an accident. Remember that NATO is as strong as it's ever been. 是的，欧洲统一可能需要令人沮丧的妥协。它增加了层层政府，可能会减缓决策速度。我理解。我参加过与欧盟委员会的会议。而作为美国人，我们出了名地对政府持怀疑态度。我们理解，向布鲁塞尔发泄和抱怨是多么容易。但请记住，你们联盟的每一个成员国都是民主国家。这不是偶然。请记住，没有任何一个欧盟国家对另一个欧盟国家动过武。这不是偶然。请记住，北约一如既往地强大。
Remember that our market economies -- as Angela and I saw this morning -- are the greatest generators of innovation and wealth and opportunity in history. Our freedom, our quality of life remains the envy of the world, so much so that parents are willing to walk across deserts, and cross the seas on makeshift rafts, and risk everything in the hope of giving their children the blessings that we -- that you -- enjoy -- blessings that you cannot take for granted. 请记住，我们的市场经济——正如安吉拉和我今天上午所看到的——是历史上最伟大的创新、财富和机遇的创造者。我们的自由、我们的生活质量仍然是全世界羡慕的对象，以至于父母们愿意穿越沙漠，乘坐简陋的木筏渡海，冒着一切风险，希望能给他们的孩子带来我们——你们——所享有的福祉——这些福祉你们不能视为理所当然。
This continent, in the 20th century, was at constant war. People starved on this continent. Families were separated on this continent. And now people desperately want to come here precisely because of what you've created. You can't take that for granted. 这个大陆在二十世纪战乱不断。人们在这片大陆上挨饿。家庭在这片大陆上分离。而现在人们拼命想要来到这里，正是因为你们所创造的一切。你们不能把这视为理所当然。
And today, more than ever, a strong, united Europe remains, as Adenauer said, a necessity for all of us. It's a necessity for the United States, because Europe's security and prosperity is inherently indivisible from our own. We can't cut ourselves off from you. Our economies are integrated. Our cultures are integrated. Our peoples are integrated. You saw the response of the American people to Paris and Brussels -- it's because, in our imaginations, this is our cities. 而今天，比以往任何时候都更甚，一个强大、统一的欧洲，正如阿登纳所说，是我们所有人的必需。对美国来说，这是必需的，因为欧洲的安全与繁荣与我们自己的安全与繁荣本质上是不可分割的。我们不能与你们隔绝。我们的经济是一体化的。我们的文化是一体化的。我们的人民是交融的。你们看到了美国人民对巴黎和布鲁塞尔事件的反应——因为在我们的想象中，这些就是我们的城市。
A strong, united Europe is a necessity for the world because an integrated Europe remains vital to our international order. Europe helps to uphold the norms and rules that can maintain peace and promote prosperity around the world. 一个强大、统一的欧洲对世界来说是必需的，因为一体化的欧洲对我们的国际秩序至关重要。欧洲有助于维护能够维持世界和平与促进繁荣的规范和规则。
Consider what we've done in recent years: Pulling the global economy back from the brink of depression and putting the world on the path of recovery. A comprehensive deal that's cut off every single one of Iran's paths to a nuclear bomb -- part of our shared vision of a world without nuclear weapons. In Paris, the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change. Stopping Ebola in West Africa and saving countless lives. 想想近年来我们所做的一切：将全球经济从大萧条的边缘拉回来，让世界走上复苏之路。达成了一项全面协议，切断了伊朗通往核弹的每一条道路——这是我们建立无核世界共同愿景的一部分。在巴黎达成了历史上最具雄心的气候变化协议。在西非遏制了埃博拉疫情，拯救了无数生命。动员全世界致力于新的可持续发展，包括我们消除极端贫困的目标。
Rallying the world around new sustainable development, including our goal to end extreme poverty. None of those things could have happened if I -- if the United States did not have a partnership with a strong and united Europe. It wouldn't have happened. 动员全世界致力于新的可持续发展，包括我们消除极端贫困的目标。如果我——如果美国——没有与一个强大、统一的欧洲建立伙伴关系，这些事情一件都不会发生。根本不会发生。
That's what's possible when Europe and America and the world stand as one. And that's precisely what we're going to need to face down the very real dangers that we face today. So let me just lay out the kind of cooperation that we're going to need. We need a strong Europe to bear its share of the burden, working with us on behalf of our collective security. The United States has an extraordinary military, the best the world has ever known, but the nature of today's threats means we can't deal with these challenges by ourselves. 这就是欧洲、美国和世界团结一心时能够实现的成就。而这正是我们应对今天所面临的切实危险所需要的。因此，请允许我阐述我们需要的合作方式。我们需要一个强大的欧洲来承担其应有的责任，与我们共同努力，维护我们的集体安全。美国拥有非凡的军队，是世界上有史以来最强大的，但当今威胁的性质意味着我们无法独自应对这些挑战。
Right now, the most urgent threat to our nations is ISIL, and that's why we're united in our determination to destroy it. And all 28 NATO allies are contributing to our coalition -- whether it's striking ISIL targets in Syria and Iraq, or supporting the air campaign, or training local forces in Iraq, or providing critical humanitarian aid. And we continue to make progress, pushing ISIL back from territory that it controlled. 目前，对我们各国最紧迫的威胁是伊斯兰国，这就是为什么我们团结一致，决心摧毁它。所有二十八个北约盟国都在为我们的联盟做出贡献——无论是打击叙利亚和伊拉克境内的伊斯兰国目标，还是支持空中行动，或是训练伊拉克当地部队，或是提供关键的人道主义援助。我们不断取得进展，将伊斯兰国从其控制的领土上击退。
And just as I've approved additional support for Iraqi forces against ISIL, I've decided to increase U.S. support for local forces fighting ISIL in Syria. 正如我已批准向伊拉克部队提供更多支持以对抗伊斯兰国一样，我已决定增加美国对叙利亚境内打击伊斯兰国的当地部队的支持。
A small number of American Special Operations Forces are already on the ground in Syria and their expertise has been critical as local forces have driven ISIL out of key areas. 一小部分美国特种作战部队已经在叙利亚地面上，他们的专业知识至关重要，帮助当地部队将伊斯兰国赶出了关键地区。
So given the success, I've approved the deployment of up 250 additional U.S. personnel in Syria, including Special Forces, to keep up this momentum. They're not going to be leading the fight on the ground, but they will be essential in providing the training and assisting local forces that continue to drive ISIL back. 鉴于取得的成功，我已批准向叙利亚增派多达二百五十名美国人员，包括特种部队，以保持这一势头。他们不会在地面上主导战斗，但他们将在提供培训和协助继续击退伊斯兰国的当地部队方面发挥关键作用。
So, make no mistake. These terrorists will learn the same lesson as others before them have, which is, your hatred is no match for our nations united in the defense of our way of life. And just as we remain relentless on the military front, we're not going to give up on diplomacy to end the civil war in Syria, because the suffering of the Syrian people has to end, and that requires an effective political transition. 所以，请不要搞错。这些恐怖分子将学到与他们之前的人同样的教训，那就是：你们的仇恨敌不过我们各国为捍卫我们的生活方式而团结起来的力量。正如我们在军事前线保持不懈努力一样，我们也不会放弃通过外交结束叙利亚内战的努力，因为叙利亚人民的苦难必须结束，而这需要有效的政治过渡。
But this remains a difficult fight, and none of us can solve this problem by ourselves. Even as European countries make important contributions against ISIL, Europe, including NATO, can still do more. So I've spoken to Chancellor Merkel and I'll be meeting later with the Presidents of France and the Prime Ministers of Great Britain and of Italy. 但这仍然是一场艰难的战斗，我们中没有谁能独自解决这个问题。即使欧洲国家在打击伊斯兰国方面做出了重要贡献，欧洲，包括北约，仍然可以做得更多。我已经与默克尔总理谈过，稍后我还将与法国总统以及英国和意大利首相会面。
In Syria and Iraq, we need more nations contributing to the air campaign. We need more nations contributing trainers to help build up local forces in Iraq. We need more nations to contribute economic assistance to Iraq so it can stabilize liberated areas and break the cycle of violent extremism so that ISIL cannot come back. 在叙利亚和伊拉克，我们需要更多国家为空中行动做出贡献。我们需要更多国家提供培训人员，帮助建设伊拉克的地方部队。我们需要更多国家向伊拉克提供经济援助，使其能够稳定解放地区，打破暴力极端主义的循环，使伊斯兰国无法卷土重来。
These terrorists are doing everything in their power to strike our cities and kill our citizens, so we need to do everything in our power to stop them. And that includes closing gaps so terrorists can't pull off attacks like those in Paris and Brussels. 这些恐怖分子正竭尽全力袭击我们的城市、杀害我们的公民，所以我们需要竭尽全力阻止他们。这包括弥补漏洞，让恐怖分子无法发动像巴黎和布鲁塞尔那样的袭击。
Which brings me to one other point. Europeans, like Americans, cherish your privacy. And many are skeptical about governments collecting and sharing information, for good reason. That skepticism is healthy. Germans remember their history of government surveillance -- so do Americans, by the way, particularly those who were fighting on behalf of civil rights. 这引出了另一点。欧洲人和美国人一样珍视隐私。许多人对政府收集和分享信息持怀疑态度，这是有充分理由的。这种怀疑是健康的。德国人记得他们政府监控的历史——美国人也记得，顺便说一句，尤其是那些曾为民权而战的人。
So it's part of our democracies to want to make sure our governments are accountable. 因此，希望确保我们的政府负责任，这是我们民主制度的一部分。
But I want to say this to young people who value their privacy and spend a lot of time on their phones: The threat of terrorism is real. In the United States, I've worked to reform our surveillance programs to ensure that they're consistent with the rule of law and upholding our values, like privacy -- and, by the way, we include the privacy of people outside of the United States. We care about Europeans' privacy, not just Americans' privacy. 但我想对那些珍视隐私、花大量时间玩手机的年轻人说：恐怖主义的威胁是真实存在的。在美国，我已致力于改革我们的监控计划，确保它们符合法治并维护我们的价值观，比如隐私——顺便说一句，我们也包括美国境外人民的隐私。我们关心欧洲人的隐私，而不仅仅是美国人的隐私。
But I also, in working on these issues, have come to recognize security and privacy don't have to be a contradiction. We can protect both. And we have to. If we truly value our liberty, then we have to take the steps that are necessary to share information and intelligence within Europe, as well as between the United States and Europe, to stop terrorists from traveling and crossing borders and killing innocent people. 但在处理这些问题的过程中，我也逐渐认识到，安全与隐私不一定是矛盾的。我们可以两者兼顾。而且我们必须这样做。如果我们真的珍视自由，那么我们就必须采取必要措施，在欧洲内部以及美欧之间分享信息和情报，以阻止恐怖分子跨境旅行和杀害无辜人民。
And as today's diffuse threats evolve, our alliance has to evolve. So we're going to have a NATO summit this summer in Warsaw, and I will insist that all of us need to meet our responsibilities, united, together. That means standing with the people of Afghanistan as they build their security forces and push back against violent extremism. It means more ships in the Aegean to shut down criminal networks who are profiting by smuggling desperate families and children. 随着当今日益分散的威胁不断演变，我们的联盟也必须演变。因此，今年夏天我们将在华沙举行北约峰会，我将坚持要求我们所有人都需要承担起责任，团结一心，共同努力。这意味着与阿富汗人民站在一起，帮助他们建设安全部队，打击暴力极端主义。这意味着向爱琴海派遣更多船只，打击那些通过走私绝望的家庭和儿童牟利的犯罪网络。
And that said, NATO's central mission is, and always will be, our solemn duty -- our Article 5 commitment to our common defense. That's why we'll continue to bolster the defense of our frontline allies in Poland and Romania and the Baltic states. 话虽如此，北约的核心使命是，而且永远是，我们庄严的责任——我们对共同防御的第五条承诺。这就是为什么我们将继续加强波兰、罗马尼亚和波罗的海国家等前线盟友的防御。
So we have to both make sure that NATO carries out its traditional mission, but also to meet the threats of NATO's southern flank. That's why we need to stay nimble, and make sure our forces are interoperable, and invest in new capabilities like cyber defense and missile defense. And that's why every NATO member should be contributing its full share -- 2 percent of GDP -- towards our common security, something that doesn't always happen. And I'll be honest, sometimes Europe has been complacent about its own defense. 因此，我们既要确保北约履行其传统使命，也要应对北约南翼的威胁。这就是为什么我们需要保持灵活，确保我们的部队能够协同作战，并投资于网络防御和导弹防御等新能力。这就是为什么每个北约成员国都应该为我们的共同安全贡献其全部份额——占国内生产总值的百分之二——而这并不总能实现。老实说，有时候欧洲对自身的防御过于自满了。
Just as we stand firm in our own defense, we have to uphold our most basic principles of our international order, and that's a principle that nations like Ukraine have the right to choose their own destiny. Remember that it was Ukrainians on the Maidan, many of them your age, reaching out for a future with Europe that prompted Russia to send in its military. After all that Europe endured in the 20th century, we must not allow borders to be redrawn by brute force in the 21st century. 正如我们坚定捍卫自身安全一样，我们也必须维护我们国际秩序的最基本原则，即乌克兰等国家有权选择自己的命运。请记住，正是迈丹广场上的乌克兰人——其中许多人和你们一样年轻——渴望与欧洲共建未来，才促使俄罗斯派遣了军队。在欧洲经历了整个二十世纪的磨难之后，我们绝不能允许在二十一世纪以蛮力重划边界。
So we should keep helping Ukraine with its reforms to improve its economy and consolidate its democracy and modernize its forces to protect its independence. 因此，我们应该继续帮助乌克兰进行改革，改善其经济，巩固其民主，使其部队现代化，以保护其独立。
And I want good relations with Russia, and have invested a lot in good relations with Russia. But we need to keep sanctions on Russia in place until Russia fully implements the Minsk agreements that Chancellor Merkel and President Hollande and others have worked so hard to maintain, and provide a path for a political resolution of this issue. And ultimately, it is my fervent hope that Russia recognizes that true greatness comes not from bullying neighbors, but by working with the world, which is the only way to deliver lasting economic growth and progress to the Russian people. 我希望与俄罗斯保持良好关系，并且已经为与俄罗斯建立良好关系投入了很多。但我们需要继续对俄罗斯实施制裁，直到俄罗斯全面执行明斯克协议——默克尔总理和奥朗德总统以及其他人为维护这些协议付出了巨大努力，这些协议为政治解决这一问题提供了途径。最终，我热切希望俄罗斯认识到，真正的伟大不是来自欺凌邻国，而是来自与世界合作，这是为俄罗斯人民带来持久经济增长和进步的唯一途径。
Now, our collective security rests on a foundation of prosperity, so that brings me to my second point. The world needs a prosperous and growing Europe -- not just a strong Europe, but a prosperous and growing Europe that generates good jobs and wages for its people. 我们的集体安全建立在繁荣的基础之上，因此这引出了我的第二点。世界需要一个繁荣、不断发展的欧洲——不仅仅是一个强大的欧洲，而是一个繁荣、不断发展、为人民创造良好就业和工资的欧洲。
As I mentioned before, the economic anxieties many feel today on both sides of the Atlantic are real. The disruptive changes brought about by the global economy, unfortunately, sometimes are hitting certain groups, especially working-class communities, more heavily. And if neither the burdens, nor the benefits of our global economy are being fairly distributed, it's no wonder that people rise up and reject globalization. If there are too few winners and too many losers as the global economy integrates, people are going to push back. 正如我之前提到的，今天大西洋两岸许多人感受到的经济焦虑是真实的。不幸的是，全球经济带来的颠覆性变化有时对某些群体的打击尤其严重，尤其是工人阶级社区。如果全球经济的负担和利益都没有得到公平分配，人们起来反对全球化就不足为奇了。如果在全球经济一体化过程中赢家太少、输家太多，人们就会抵制。
So all of us in positions of power have a responsibility as leaders of government and business and civil society to help people realize the promise of economic and security in this integrated economy. And the good news is, we know how to do it. Sometimes we just lack the political will to do it. 因此，我们所有掌权者都有责任——作为政府、企业和公民社会的领导人——帮助人们在这个一体化的经济中实现经济安全的承诺。好消息是，我们知道如何做到这一点。有时候我们只是缺乏这样做的政治意愿。
In the United States, our economy is growing again, but the United States can't be the sole engine of global growth. And countries should not have to choose between responding to crises and investing in their people. So we need to pursue reforms to position us for long-term prosperity, and support demand and invest in the future. All of our countries, for example, could be investing more in infrastructure. 在美国，我们的经济再次增长，但美国不能成为全球增长的唯一引擎。各国不应该不得不在应对危机和投资人民之间做出选择。因此，我们需要推行改革，为长期繁荣做好准备，支持需求并投资未来。例如，我们所有国家都可以在基础设施方面投入更多。
All of our countries need to invest in science and research and development that sparks new innovation and new industries. All of our countries have to invest in our young people, and make sure that they have the skills and the training and the education they need to adapt to this rapidly changing world. All of our countries need to worry about inequality, and make sure that workers are getting a fair share of the incredible productivity that technology and global supply chains are producing. 我们所有国家都需要投资于科学和研发，以激发新的创新和新产业。我们所有国家都必须投资于我们的年轻人，确保他们拥有适应这个快速变化的世界所需的技能、培训和教育。我们所有国家都需要关注不平等问题，确保工人能够公平分享技术和全球供应链所产生的惊人生产力成果。
But if you're really concerned about inequality, if you're really concerned about the plight of workers, if you're a progressive, it's my firm belief that you can't turn inward. That's not the right answer. We have to keep increasing the trade and investment that supports jobs, as we're working to do between the United States and the EU. We need to keep implementing reforms to our banking and financial systems so that the excesses and abuses that triggered the financial crisis never happen again. 但如果你真的关心不平等，如果你真的关心工人的困境，如果你是一个进步主义者，我坚信你不能向内转。那不是正确的答案。我们必须继续增加支持就业的贸易和投资，正如我们正在美欧之间努力做的那样。我们需要继续推进银行和金融体系改革，确保引发金融危机的过度行为和滥用永远不会再发生。
But we can't do that individually, nation by nation, because finance now is transnational. It moves around too fast. If we're not coordinating between Europe and the United States and Asia, then it won't work. 但我们不能逐个国家单独行动，因为金融现在是跨国的。它流动得太快了。如果我们不在欧洲、美国和亚洲之间进行协调，那就行不通。
As the world has been reminded in recent weeks, we need to close loopholes that allow corporations and wealthy individuals to avoid paying their fair share of taxes through tax havens and tax avoidance, trillions of dollars that could be going towards pressing needs like education and health care and infrastructure. But to do that, we have to work together. 正如最近几周世界被提醒的那样，我们需要堵住漏洞，防止企业和富人通过避税天堂和避税手段逃避缴纳公平份额的税款——数万亿美元本可以用于教育、医疗保健和基础设施等迫切需求。但要做到这一点，我们必须共同努力。
Here in Europe, as you work to strengthen your union -- including through labor and banking reforms, and by ensuring growth across the Eurozone -- you will have the staunch support of the United States. But you're going to have to do it together, because your economies are too integrated to try to solve these problems on your own. 在欧洲，当你们努力加强你们的联盟时——包括通过劳动力和银行改革，以及确保整个欧元区的增长——你们将得到美国的坚定支持。但你们必须共同努力，因为你们的经济一体化程度太高了，无法独自解决这些问题。
And I want to repeat: We have to confront the injustice of widening economic inequality. But that is going to require collective work, because capital is mobile, and if only a few countries are worrying about it, then a lot of businesses will head toward places that don't care about it quite as much. 我想重申：我们必须直面经济不平等日益加剧的不公。但这需要集体努力，因为资本是流动的，如果只有少数国家关注这个问题，那么很多企业就会迁往那些不太关心这个问题的地方。
For a lot of years, it was thought that countries had to choose between economic growth and economic inclusion. Now we know the truth -- when wealth is increasingly concentrated among the few at the top, it's not only a moral challenge to us but it actually drags down a country's growth potential. We need growth that is broad and lifts everybody up. We need tax policies that do right by working families. 多年来，人们一直认为各国必须在经济增长和经济包容之间做出选择。现在我们知道了真相——当财富越来越集中在少数顶层人士手中时，这对我们不仅是道德上的挑战，实际上还会拖累一个国家的增长潜力。我们需要基础广泛、让所有人都受益的增长。我们需要善待工薪家庭的税收政策。
And those of us who support European unity and free trade also have a profound responsibility to champion strong protections for workers -- a living wage and the right to organize, and a strong safety net, and a commitment to protect consumers and the environment upon which we all depend. 我们这些支持欧洲统一和自由贸易的人也肩负着重大责任，必须坚决捍卫工人的权益——最低生活工资、组织权、强大的社会保障体系，以及保护消费者和我们赖以生存的环境的承诺。
If we really want to reduce inequality, we've got to make sure everyone who works hard gets a fair shot -- and that's especially true for young people like you -- with education, and job training, and quality health care and good wages. And that includes, by the way, making sure that there's equal pay for equal work for women. 如果我们真的想减少不平等，我们必须确保每个努力工作的人都有公平的机会——对像你们这样的年轻人来说尤其如此——通过教育、职业培训、优质医疗保健和良好的工资。顺便说一句，这包括确保女性同工同酬。
The point is, we have to reform many of our economies. But the answer to reform is not to start cutting ourselves off from each other. Rather, it's to work together. And this brings me back to where I began. The world depends upon a democratic Europe that upholds the principles of pluralism and diversity and freedom that are our common creed. As free peoples, we cannot allow the forces that I've described -- fears about security or economic anxieties -- to undermine our commitment to the universal values that are the source of our strength. 关键是，我们必须改革我们的许多经济体。但改革的答案不是开始彼此隔绝。相反，而是共同努力。这让我回到了我开始的地方。世界依赖于一个民主的欧洲，一个坚持多元、多样和自由原则的欧洲，这些原则是我们的共同信条。作为自由的人民，我们不能允许我所描述的那些力量——对安全的恐惧或经济上的焦虑——削弱我们对作为我们力量源泉的普世价值的承诺。
Democracy, I understand, can be messy. It can be slow. It can be frustrating. I know that. I have to deal with a Congress. We have to constantly work to make sure government is not a collection of distant, detached institutions, but is connected and responsive to the everyday concerns of our people. There's no doubt that how a united Europe works together can be improved. But look around the world -- at authoritarian governments and theocracies that rule by fear and oppression -- there is no doubt that democracy is still the most just and effective form of government ever created. 民主，我理解，可能是混乱的。它可能是缓慢的。它可能是令人沮丧的。我知道这一点。我得和国会打交道。我们必须不断努力，确保政府不是一个遥远、脱离的机构的集合，而是与人民的日常关切相联系并做出回应。毫无疑问，一个统一的欧洲如何运作是可以改进的。但环顾世界——看看那些靠恐惧和压迫统治的威权政府和神权政体——毫无疑问，民主仍然是有史以来最公正、最有效的政府形式。
And when I talk about democracy, I don't just mean elections, because there are a number of countries where people get 70, 80 percent of the vote, but they control all the media and the judiciary. And civil society organizations and NGOs can't organize, and have to be registered, and are intimidated. I mean real democracy, the sort that we see here in Europe and in the United States. So we have to be vigilant in defense of these pillars of democracy -- not just elections, but rule of law, as well as fair elections, a free press, vibrant civil societies where citizens can work for change. 当我谈论民主时，我不仅仅指选举，因为有很多国家的人民获得了百分之七八十的选票，但他们控制着所有的媒体和司法机构。公民社会组织和非政府组织无法组织起来，必须注册，并且受到恐吓。我说的是真正的民主，是我们在欧洲和美国看到的那种民主。因此，我们必须警惕地捍卫民主的这些支柱——不仅仅是选举，还有法治，以及公平选举、新闻自由、充满活力的公民社会——公民可以在其中为变革而努力。
And we should be suspicious of those who claim to have the interests of Europe at heart and yet don't practice the very values that are essential to Europe, that have made freedom in Europe so real. 我们应该对那些声称关心欧洲利益、却不践行对欧洲至关重要、使欧洲自由成为现实的核心价值观的人保持警惕。
So, yes, these are unsettling times. And when the future is uncertain, there seems to be an instinct in our human nature to withdraw to the perceived comfort and security of our own tribe, our own sect, our own nationality, people who look like us, sound like us. But in today's world, more than any time in human history, that is a false comfort. 所以，是的，这是动荡不安的时代。当未来不确定时，我们的人性中似乎有一种本能，就是退回到自己的部落、自己的教派、自己的民族——那些和我们长得像、说话像我们的人——所带来的所谓舒适和安全感中。但在当今世界，比人类历史上任何时候都更甚，这是一种虚假的慰藉。
It pits people against one another because of what they look or how they pray or who they love. And yet, we know where that kind of twisted thinking can lead. It can lead to oppression. It can lead to segregation and internment camps. And to the Shoah and Srebrenica. 它让人们因为长相、信仰或性取向而相互对立。然而，我们知道这种扭曲的思维会通向何方。它会通向压迫。它会通向种族隔离和集中营。通向大屠杀和斯雷布雷尼察大屠杀。
In the United States, we've long wrestled with questions of race and integration, and we do to this day. And we still have a lot of work to do. But our progress allows somebody like me to now stand here as President of the United States. That's because we committed ourselves to a larger ideal, one based on a creed -- not a race, not a nationality -- a set of principles; truths that we held to be self-evident that all men were created equal. 在美国，我们长期以来一直在与种族和融合问题作斗争，直到今天仍然如此。我们还有很多工作要做。但我们的进步让像我这样的人现在能够以美国总统的身份站在这里。这是因为我们致力于一个更宏大的理想，一个基于信条的理想——不是种族，不是国籍——而是一套原则；我们认为不言而喻的真理，即人人生而平等。
And now, as Europe confronts questions of immigration and religion and assimilation, I want you to remember that our countries are stronger, they are more secure and more successful when we welcome and integrate people of all backgrounds and faith, and make them feel as one. And that includes our fellow citizens who are Muslim. 现在，当欧洲面临移民、宗教和融合的问题时，我希望你们记住，当我们欢迎并融合各种背景和信仰的人，让他们感到自己是其中一员时，我们的国家会更强大、更安全、更成功。这包括我们的穆斯林同胞。
Look, the sudden arrival of so many people from beyond our borders, especially when their cultures are very different, that can be daunting. We have immigration issues in the United States as well, along our southern border of the United States and from people arriving from all around the world who get a visa and decide they want to stay. And I know the politics of immigration and refugees is hard. It's hard everywhere, in every country. 听着，这么多人突然从境外来到这里，尤其是当他们的文化非常不同的时候，这可能令人望而生畏。美国也有移民问题，沿着我们的南部边境，还有来自世界各地的人拿着签证然后决定留下来。我知道移民和难民的政治很难。在每个国家都很难。
And just as a handful of neighborhoods shouldn't bear all the burden of refugee resettlement, neither should any one nation. All of us have to step up, all of us have to share this responsibility. That includes the United States. 正如少数社区不应该承担难民安置的全部负担一样，任何一个国家也不应该。我们所有人都必须站出来，我们所有人都必须分担这一责任。这包括美国。
But even as we take steps that are required to ensure our security; even as we help Turkey and Greece cope with this influx in a way that is safe and humane; even as Chancellor Merkel and other European leaders work for an orderly immigration and resettlement process, rather than a disorderly one; 但即使我们采取必要措施确保我们的安全；即使我们帮助土耳其和希腊以安全和人道的方式应对这一涌入；即使默克尔总理和其他欧洲领导人努力实现有序的移民和安置进程，而非无序的状态；
even as we all need to collectively do more to invest in the sustainable development and governance in those nations from which people are fleeing so that they can succeed and prosper in their own countries, and so that we can reduce the conflicts that cause so much of the refugee crisis around the world -- Chancellor Merkel and others have eloquently reminded us that we cannot turn our backs on our fellow human beings who are here now, and need our help now. We have to uphold our values, not just when it's easy, but when it's hard. 即使我们所有人都需要共同做更多的事情，投资于那些人们逃离的国家的可持续发展和治理，使他们能够在自己的国家取得成功和繁荣，从而减少造成世界各地如此多难民危机的冲突——默克尔总理和其他人雄辩地提醒我们，我们不能对现在就在这里、现在就需要我们帮助的同胞置之不理。我们必须坚持我们的价值观，不仅在容易的时候，更要在困难的时候。
In Germany, more than anywhere else, we learned that what the world needs is not more walls. We can't define ourselves by the barriers we build to keep people out or to keep people in. At every crossroads in our history, we've moved forward when we acted on those timeless ideals that tells us to be open to one another, and to respect the dignity of every human being. 在德国，比在其他任何地方都更甚，我们认识到世界需要的不是更多的墙。我们不能用筑起的屏障来定义自己——无论是把人挡在外面还是把人困在里面。在我们历史的每一个十字路口，当我们按照那些永恒的理想行事时，我们就向前迈进了——这些理想告诉我们要彼此开放，要尊重每个人的尊严。
And I think of so many Germans and people across Europe who have welcomed migrants into their homes, because, as one woman in Berlin said, "we needed to do something." Just that human impulse to help. And I think of the refugee who said, "I want to teach my kids the value of working." That human impulse to see the next generation have hope. All of us can be guided by the empathy and compassion of His Holiness, Pope Francis, who said "refugees are not numbers, they are people who have faces, names, stories, and [they] need to be treated as such." 我想到了那么多德国人和欧洲各地的人们，他们欢迎移民进入自己的家中，因为正如柏林的一位女士所说，"我们需要做点什么。"只是那种助人的人性冲动。我还想到了一位难民说过的话："我想教我的孩子工作的价值。"那种希望下一代拥有希望的人性冲动。我们所有人都可以以教皇弗朗西斯的同理心和同情心为指引，他说："难民不是数字，他们是有面孔、有名字、有故事的人，应该被当作人来对待。"
And I know it may seem easy for me to say all this, living on the other side of the ocean. And I know that some will call it blind hope when I say that I am confident that the forces that bind Europe together are ultimately much stronger than those trying to pull you apart. But hope is not blind when it is rooted in the memory of all that you've already overcome -- your parents, your grandparents. 我知道，说这些话对我来说可能很容易，因为我住在大洋彼岸。我知道，当我说我有信心将欧洲凝聚在一起的力量最终比那些试图分裂你们的力量更强大时，有些人会称之为盲目的希望。但希望并非盲目，当它植根于你们已经克服的一切的记忆中时——你们的父母，你们的祖父母。
So I say to you, the people of Europe, don't forget who you are. You are the heirs to a struggle for freedom. You're the Germans, the French, the Dutch, the Belgians, the Luxembourgers, the Italians -- and yes, the British -- who rose above old divisions and put Europe on the path to union. 所以我要对你们说，欧洲人民，不要忘记你们是谁。你们是自由斗争的继承者。你们是德国人、法国人、荷兰人、比利时人、卢森堡人、意大利人——还有，没错，英国人——你们超越了旧的分歧，将欧洲带上了统一之路。
You're the Poles of Solidarity and the Czechs and Slovaks who waged a Velvet Revolution. You're the Latvians, and Lithuanians and Estonians who linked hands in a great human chain of freedom. You're the Hungarians and Austrians who cut through borders of barbed wire. And you're the Berliners who, on that November night, finally tore down that wall. You're the people of Madrid and London who faced down bombings and refused to give in to fear. 你们是团结工会的波兰人，是发动天鹅绒革命的捷克人和斯洛伐克人。你们是拉脱维亚人、立陶宛人和爱沙尼亚人，你们在伟大的自由人链中手拉手。你们是匈牙利人和奥地利人，你们剪断了带刺铁丝网的边界。还有柏林人，在那个十一月的夜晚，终于推倒了那堵墙。你们是马德里人和伦敦人，你们直面爆炸袭击，拒绝向恐惧屈服。
And you are the Parisians who, later this year, plan to reopen the Bataclan. You're the people of Brussels, in a square of flowers and flags, including one Belgian who offered a message -- we need "more." More understanding. More dialogue. More humanity. 你们是巴黎人，计划在今年晚些时候重新开放巴塔克兰剧院。你们是布鲁塞尔人，在鲜花和旗帜组成的广场上，包括一位比利时人发出的信息——我们需要"更多"。更多理解。更多对话。更多人性。
That's who you are. United, together. You are Europe -- "United in diversity." Guided by the ideals that have lit the world, and stronger when you stand as one. 这就是你们。团结一心，共同前行。你们就是欧洲——"多元一体"。在照亮世界的理想指引下，团结起来的你们更加强大。
As you go forward, you can be confident that your greatest ally and friend, the United States of America, stands with you, shoulder-to-shoulder, now and forever. Because a united Europe -- once the dream of a few -- remains the hope of the many and a necessity for us all. 在你们前进的道路上，你们可以相信，你们最伟大的盟友和朋友，美利坚合众国，将与你们肩并肩站在一起，现在，永远。因为一个统一的欧洲——曾经是少数人的梦想——仍然是许多人的希望，也是我们所有人的必需。
Thank you very much. Thank you. 非常感谢。谢谢大家。