Let me just acknowledge the presence of some of my outstanding Cabinet members and advisors. We've got our Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton. We have our CIA Director Leon Panetta. We have our Secretary of Defense William Gates; Secretary Napolitano of Department of Homeland Security; Attorney General Eric Holder; my National Security Advisor Jim Jones. And I want to especially thank our Acting Archivist of the United States, Adrienne Thomas. 让我首先感谢各位杰出的内阁成员和顾问的出席。我们要感谢国务卿希拉里·克林顿。我们要感谢中央情报局局长莱昂·帕内塔。我们要感谢国防部长威廉·盖茨；国土安全部部长纳波利塔诺；司法部长埃里克·霍尔德；我的国家安全顾问吉姆·琼斯。我还要特别感谢我们的代理国家档案保管员阿德里安娜·托马斯。
I also want to acknowledge several members of the House who have great interest in intelligence matters. I want to thank Congressman Reyes, Congressman Hoekstra, Congressman King, as well as Congressman Thompson, for being here today. Thank you so much. 我还要感谢几位对情报事务高度关注的众议院议员。我要感谢雷耶斯议员、霍克斯特拉议员、金议员，以及汤普森议员今天的出席。非常感谢大家。
These are extraordinary times for our country. We're confronting a historic economic crisis. We're fighting two wars. We face a range of challenges that will define the way that Americans will live in the 21st century. So there's no shortage of work to be done, or responsibilities to bear. 这是我们国家非同寻常的时期。我们正面临历史性的经济危机。我们正在打两场战争。我们面临一系列挑战，这些挑战将决定美国人在21世纪的生活方式。因此，我们有大量的工作要做，也有大量的责任要承担。
And we've begun to make progress. Just this week, we've taken steps to protect American consumers and homeowners, and to reform our system of government contracting so that we better protect our people while spending our money more wisely. The -- it's a good bill. The engines of our economy are slowly beginning to turn, and we're working towards historic reform on health care and on energy. I want to say to the members of Congress, I welcome all the extraordinary work that has been done over these last four months on these and other issues. 我们已经开始取得进展。就在本周，我们采取措施保护美国消费者和房主，并改革我们的政府合同制度，以便我们更好地保护我们的人民，同时更明智地使用我们的资金。这是一项好的法案。我们经济的引擎正在缓慢启动，我们正在推进医疗保健和能源方面的历史性改革。我想对国会议员们说，我欢迎过去四个月在这些和其他问题上所做的所有杰出工作。
In the midst of all these challenges, however, my single most important responsibility as President is to keep the American people safe. It's the first thing that I think about when I wake up in the morning. It's the last thing that I think about when I go to sleep at night. 然而，在所有这些挑战中，我作为总统最重要的责任是确保美国人民的安全。这是我每天早上醒来时想到的第一件事。也是我每天晚上入睡时想到的最后一件事。
And this responsibility is only magnified in an era when an extremist ideology threatens our people, and technology gives a handful of terrorists the potential to do us great harm. We are less than eight years removed from the deadliest attack on American soil in our history. We know that al Qaeda is actively planning to attack us again. We know that this threat will be with us for a long time, and that we must use all elements of our power to defeat it. 在极端主义意识形态威胁我们人民的时代，在技术让少数恐怖分子有可能对我们造成巨大伤害的时代，这一责任更加重大。我们距离美国历史上最致命的袭击不到八年。我们知道阿尔- Qaeda正在积极策划再次袭击我们。我们知道这种威胁将长期存在，我们必须动用我们力量的所有要素来击败它。
Already, we've taken several steps to achieve that goal. For the first time since 2002, we're providing the necessary resources and strategic direction to take the fight to the extremists who attacked us on 9/11 in Afghanistan and Pakistan. We're investing in the 21st century military and intelligence capabilities that will allow us to stay one step ahead of a nimble enemy. We have re-energized a global non-proliferation regime to deny the world's most dangerous people access to the world's deadliest weapons. And we've launched an effort to secure all loose nuclear materials within four years. 我们已经采取了几项措施来实现这一目标。自2002年以来首次，我们正在提供必要的资源和战略指导，以打击在阿富汗和巴基斯坦"9·11"袭击我们的极端分子。我们正在投资21世纪的军事和情报能力，使我们能够领先于灵活的敌人一步。我们已经重新激活全球防扩散机制，拒绝让世界上最危险的人获得世界上最致命的武器。我们已启动了一项在四年内保护所有松散核材料的努力。
We're better protecting our border, and increasing our preparedness for any future attack or natural disaster. We're building new partnerships around the world to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its affiliates. And we have renewed American diplomacy so that we once again have the strength and standing to truly lead the world. 我们正在更好地保护我们的边境，并提高我们对任何未来袭击或自然灾害的应对能力。我们正在世界各地建立新的伙伴关系，以瓦解、摧毁和击败阿尔- Qaeda及其附属组织。我们已恢复美国外交，使我们再次拥有真正领导世界的力量和地位。
These steps are all critical to keeping America secure. But I believe with every fiber of my being that in the long run we also cannot keep this country safe unless we enlist the power of our most fundamental values. The documents that we hold in this very hall -- the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, the Bill of Rights -- these are not simply words written into aging parchment. They are the foundation of liberty and justice in this country, and a light that shines for all who seek freedom, fairness, equality, and dignity around the world. 这些步骤对于确保美国安全都至关重要。但我深信，从长远来看，除非我们借助我们最基本的价值观的力量，否则我们无法确保这个国家的安全。我们在本厅保存的文件——《独立宣言》、《宪法》、《权利法案》——不仅仅是写在老化羊皮纸上的文字。它们是这个国家自由和正义的基础，是为全世界寻求自由、公平、平等和尊严的人们闪耀的明灯。
I stand here today as someone whose own life was made possible by these documents. My father came to these shores in search of the promise that they offered. My mother made me rise before dawn to learn their truths when I lived as a child in a foreign land. My own American journey was paved by generations of citizens who gave meaning to those simple words -- "to form a more perfect union." I've studied the Constitution as a student, I've taught it as a teacher, I've been bound by it as a lawyer and a legislator. I took an oath to preserve, protect, 我今天站在这里，是一个因这些文件而生命成为可能的人。我的父亲来到这片土地，寻求它们所承诺的承诺。我的母亲让我在异国他乡生活时黎明前起床学习它们的真理。我自己的美国之旅是由几代公民铺就的，他们赋予那些简单的词句意义——"建立一个更完美的联邦"。我作为学生学习过宪法，作为教师教授过宪法，作为律师和立法者受其约束。
and defend the Constitution as Commander-in-Chief, and as a citizen, I know that we must never, ever, turn our back on its enduring principles for expedience sake. 我作为总司令宣誓维护、保护和捍卫宪法，作为公民，我知道我们永远、永远不能为了权宜之计而背离其持久原则。
I make this claim not simply as a matter of idealism. We uphold our most cherished values not only because doing so is right, but because it strengthens our country and it keeps us safe. Time and again, our values have been our best national security asset -- in war and peace; in times of ease and in eras of upheaval. 我提出这一主张不仅仅是出于理想主义。我们坚持我们最珍视的价值观，不仅因为这样做是正确的，而且因为它加强了我们的国家，使我们安全。一次又一次，我们的价值观一直是我们最好的国家安全资产——在战争与和平时期；在安逸时期和动荡年代。
Fidelity to our values is the reason why the United States of America grew from a small string of colonies under the writ of an empire to the strongest nation in the world. 忠于我们的价值观是美国从帝国统治下的一小串殖民地成长为世界上最强大国家的原因。
It's the reason why enemy soldiers have surrendered to us in battle, knowing they'd receive better treatment from America's Armed Forces than from their own government. 这是敌军在战斗中向我们投降的原因，因为他们知道美国武装部队对他们的待遇比他们自己的政府更好。
It's the reason why America has benefitted from strong alliances that amplified our power, and drawn a sharp, moral contrast with our adversaries. 这是美国从强化我们力量的强大联盟中受益的原因，并与我们的对手形成鲜明的道德对比。
It's the reason why we've been able to overpower the iron fist of fascism and outlast the iron curtain of communism, and enlist free nations and free peoples everywhere in the common cause and common effort of liberty. 这是我们能够粉碎法西斯主义的铁拳并超越共产主义铁幕，并让自由国家和自由人民在自由的共同事业和共同努力中团结起来的原因。
From Europe to the Pacific, we've been the nation that has shut down torture chambers and replaced tyranny with the rule of law. That is who we are. And where terrorists offer only the injustice of disorder and destruction, America must demonstrate that our values and our institutions are more resilient than a hateful ideology. 从欧洲到太平洋，我们一直是关闭酷刑室并用法治取代暴政的国家。这就是我们是谁。在恐怖分子只提供混乱和破坏的不公之处，美国必须证明我们的价值观和制度比仇恨意识形态更具韧性。
After 9/11, we knew that we had entered a new era -- that enemies who did not abide by any law of war would present new challenges to our application of the law; that our government would need new tools to protect the American people, and that these tools would have to allow us to prevent attacks instead of simply prosecuting those who try to carry them out. "9·11"之后，我们知道我们进入了一个新时代——不遵守任何战争法的敌人将对我们的法律应用提出新的挑战；我们的政府需要新的工具来保护美国人民，这些工具必须允许我们预防袭击，而不是仅仅起诉那些试图实施袭击的人。
Unfortunately, faced with an uncertain threat, our government made a series of hasty decisions. I believe that many of these decisions were motivated by a sincere desire to protect the American people. But I also believe that all too often our government made decisions based on fear rather than foresight; that all too often our government trimmed facts and evidence to fit ideological predispositions. Instead of strategically applying our power and our principles, too often we set those principles aside as luxuries that we could no longer afford. And during this season of fear, 不幸的是，面对不确定的威胁，我们的政府做出了一系列仓促的决定。我相信许多这些决定的动机是真诚地希望保护美国人民。但我也相信，我们的政府往往基于恐惧而非远见做出决定；我们的政府往往删减事实和证据以符合意识形态的倾向。我们不是战略性地应用我们的力量和原则，而是经常将这些原则视为我们不再负担得起的奢侈品而搁置一旁。在这个恐惧的季节，
too many of us -- Democrats and Republicans, politicians, journalists, and citizens -- fell silent. 我们太多人——民主党人和共和党人、政治家、记者和公民——沉默了。
In other words, we went off course. And this is not my assessment alone. It was an assessment that was shared by the American people who nominated candidates for President from both major parties who, despite our many differences, called for a new approach -- one that rejected torture and one that recognized the imperative of closing the prison at Guantanamo Bay. 换句话说，我们偏离了方向。这不仅仅是我的评估。这是美国人民的共识，他们提名了两大政党的总统候选人，尽管我们存在许多分歧，但他们都呼吁采取新的方法——一种拒绝酷刑的方法，一种认识到关闭关塔那摩监狱的必要性的方法。
Now let me be clear: We are indeed at war with al Qaeda and its affiliates. We do need to update our institutions to deal with this threat. But we must do so with an abiding confidence in the rule of law and due process; in checks and balances and accountability. For reasons that I will explain, the decisions that were made over the last eight years established an ad hoc legal approach for fighting terrorism that was neither effective nor sustainable -- a framework that failed to rely on our legal traditions and time-tested institutions, and that failed to use our values as a compass. 现在让我明确一点：我们确实在与阿尔- Qaeda及其附属组织作战。我们确实需要更新我们的制度来应对这一威胁。但我们必须对法治和正当程序保持持久的信心；对制衡和问责保持信心。我将解释原因，过去八年所做的决定建立了一个临时的反恐法律方法，既无效又不可持续——一个未能依靠我们的法律传统和久经考验的制度、未能将我们的价值观作为指南针的框架。
And that's why I took several steps upon taking office to better protect the American people. 这就是为什么我在上任后采取了几个步骤来更好地保护美国人民。
First, I banned the use of so-called enhanced interrogation techniques by the United States of America. 首先，我禁止美国使用所谓的强化审讯技术。
I know some have argued that brutal methods like waterboarding were necessary to keep us safe. I could not disagree more. As Commander-in-Chief, I see the intelligence. I bear the responsibility for keeping this country safe. And I categorically reject the assertion that these are the most effective means of interrogation. What's more, they undermine the rule of law. They alienate us in the world. They serve as a recruitment tool for terrorists, and increase the will of our enemies to fight us, while decreasing the will of others to work with America. 我知道有些人认为残酷的方法如水刑对于保护我们的安全是必要的。我完全不同意。作为总司令，我看到情报。我承担保护这个国家安全的责任。我断然拒绝断言这些是最有效的审讯手段。更重要的是，它们破坏法治。它们使我们在世界范围内被孤立。它们成为恐怖分子的招募工具，增加了我们敌人与我们作战的意愿，同时降低了其他国家与美国合作的意愿。
They risk the lives of our troops by making it less likely that others will surrender to them in battle, and more likely that Americans will be mistreated if they are captured. In short, they did not advance our war and counterterrorism efforts -- they undermined them, and that is why I ended them once and for all. 它们危及我们部队的生命，使其他人不太可能在战斗中向他们投降，而美国人如果被俘更有可能受到虐待。简而言之，它们没有推进我们的战争和反恐努力——它们削弱了这些努力，这就是为什么我一劳永逸地结束了它们。
Now, I should add, the arguments against these techniques did not originate from my administration. As Senator McCain once said, torture "serves as a great propaganda tool for those who recruit people to fight against us." And even under President Bush, there was recognition among members of his own administration -- including a Secretary of State, other senior officials, and many in the military and intelligence community -- that those who argued for these tactics were on the wrong side of the debate, and the wrong side of history. That's why we must leave these methods where they belong -- 现在，我要补充一点，反对这些技术的论点并非源于我的政府。正如参议员麦凯恩曾经说过的，酷刑"为那些招募人员与我们作战的人提供了一个极好的宣传工具"。即使在布什总统执政期间，他自己的政府成员——包括一位国务卿、其他高级官员以及军事和情报界的许多人——都认识到那些主张这些策略的人站在辩论的错误一边，站在历史的错误一边。这就是为什么我们必须将这些方法留在它们所属的地方——过去。
in the past. They are not who we are, and they are not America. 它们不是我们是谁，它们不是美国。
The second decision that I made was to order the closing of the prison camp at Guantanamo Bay. 我做出的第二个决定是命令关闭关塔那摩湾的监狱营地。
For over seven years, we have detained hundreds of people at Guantanamo. During that time, the system of military commissions that were in place at Guantanamo succeeded in convicting a grand total of three suspected terrorists. Let me repeat that: three convictions in over seven years. Instead of bringing terrorists to justice, efforts at prosecution met setback after setback, cases lingered on, and in 2006 the Supreme Court invalidated the entire system. Meanwhile, over 525 detainees were released from Guantanamo under not my administration, under the previous administration. 七年来，我们在关塔那摩关押了数百人。在此期间，关塔那摩的军事委员会系统成功判定了总共三名嫌疑恐怖分子有罪。让我重复一遍：七年多来只有三项定罪。司法努力没有将恐怖分子绳之以法，而是屡遭挫折，案件拖延，2006年最高法院宣布整个系统无效。与此同时，超过525名被拘留者在不是我的政府下，而是在上一届政府下从关塔那摩获释。
Let me repeat that: Two-thirds of the detainees were released before I took office and ordered the closure of Guantanamo. 让我重复一遍：三分之二的被拘留者在我上任并命令关闭关塔那摩之前就被释放了。
There is also no question that Guantanamo set back the moral authority that is America's strongest currency in the world. Instead of building a durable framework for the struggle against al Qaeda that drew upon our deeply held values and traditions, our government was defending positions that undermined the rule of law. In fact, part of the rationale for establishing Guantanamo in the first place was the misplaced notion that a prison there would be beyond the law -- a proposition that the Supreme Court soundly rejected. Meanwhile, instead of serving as a tool to counter terrorism, 同样毫无疑问，关塔那摩损害了美国在世界上最有力的货币——道德权威。我们不是建立一个持久的反阿尔- Qaeda斗争框架，依靠我们深深持有的价值观和传统，而是我们的政府在维护削弱法治的立场。事实上，最初建立关塔那摩的部分理由是错误地认为那里的监狱将超越法律——最高法院坚决驳斥了这一命题。与此同时，关塔那摩不是作为反恐工具，
Guantanamo became a symbol that helped al Qaeda recruit terrorists to its cause. Indeed, the existence of Guantanamo likely created more terrorists around the world than it ever detained. 而是成为帮助阿尔- Qaeda招募恐怖分子的象征。事实上，关塔那摩的存在可能在全世界制造了比其关押过的更多的恐怖分子。
So the record is clear: Rather than keeping us safer, the prison at Guantanamo has weakened American national security. It is a rallying cry for our enemies. It sets back the willingness of our allies to work with us in fighting an enemy that operates in scores of countries. By any measure, the costs of keeping it open far exceed the complications involved in closing it. That's why I argued that it should be closed throughout my campaign, and that is why I ordered it closed within one year. 所以记录很清楚：关塔那摩监狱没有让我们更安全，而是削弱了美国国家安全。它是我们敌人的集结号。它阻碍了我们的盟友在打击在数十个国家活动的敌人时与我们合作的意愿。无论以任何标准衡量，保持其开放的成本远超过关闭它的复杂性。这就是为什么我在整个竞选期间都主张应该关闭它，这就是为什么我在一年内命令关闭它。
The third decision that I made was to order a review of all pending cases at Guantanamo. I knew when I ordered Guantanamo closed that it would be difficult and complex. There are 240 people there who have now spent years in legal limbo. In dealing with this situation, we don't have the luxury of starting from scratch. We're cleaning up something that is, quite simply, a mess -- a misguided experiment that has left in its wake a flood of legal challenges that my administration is forced to deal with on a constant, almost daily basis, 我做出的第三个决定是命令审查关塔那摩的所有待审案件。我知道当我命令关闭关塔那摩时，这将困难和复杂。那里有240人，他们已经在法律困境中度过多年。在处理这种情况时，我们没有从头开始的奢侈。我们正在清理一些东西，简单地说，一团糟——一个错误的实验，留下了大量的法律挑战，我的政府被迫几乎每天都要处理，
and it consumes the time of government officials whose time should be spent on better protecting our country. 它消耗了政府官员的时间，而他们的时间本应花在更好地保护我们的国家上。
Indeed, the legal challenges that have sparked so much debate in recent weeks here in Washington would be taking place whether or not I decided to close Guantanamo. For example, the court order to release 17 Uighurs -- 17 Uighur detainees took place last fall, when George Bush was President. The Supreme Court that invalidated the system of prosecution at Guantanamo in 2006 was overwhelmingly appointed by Republican Presidents -- not wild-eyed liberals. In other words, the problem of what to do with Guantanamo detainees was not caused by my decision to close the facility; 事实上，最近几周在华盛顿引发如此多辩论的法律挑战，无论我是否决定关闭关塔那摩都会发生。例如，法院命令释放17名维吾尔人——17名维吾尔被拘留者的命令发生在去年秋天，当时乔治·布什还是总统。2006年宣布关塔那摩起诉系统无效的最高法院绝大多数是由共和党总统任命的——不是激进的自由派。换句话说，如何处理关塔那摩被拘留者的问题不是由我关闭该设施的决定造成的；
the problem exists because of the decision to open Guantanamo in the first place. 问题的存在是因为最初开设关塔那摩的决定。
Now let me be blunt. There are no neat or easy answers here. I wish there were. But I can tell you that the wrong answer is to pretend like this problem will go away if we maintain an unsustainable status quo. As President, I refuse to allow this problem to fester. I refuse to pass it on to somebody else. It is my responsibility to solve the problem. Our security interests will not permit us to delay. Our courts won't allow it. And neither should our conscience. 现在让我直言不讳。这里没有简单或容易的答案。我希望有。但我可以告诉你，错误的答案是假装如果我们维持不可持续的现状，这个问题就会消失。作为总统，我拒绝让这个问题恶化。我拒绝将其传递给他人。解决这个问题的责任在我。我们的安全利益不允许我们拖延。我们的法院不允许。我们的良心也不应该允许。
Now, over the last several weeks, we've seen a return of the politicization of these issues that have characterized the last several years. I'm an elected official; I understand these problems arouse passions and concerns. They should. We're confronting some of the most complicated questions that a democracy can face. But I have no interest in spending all of our time relitigating the policies of the last eight years. I'll leave that to others. I want to solve these problems, and I want to solve them together as Americans. 现在，在过去几周里，我们看到了这些问题的政治化回归，这些政治化是过去几年的特征。我是一个民选官员；我理解这些问题会激起激情和关注。它们应该如此。我们正面临民主制度所能面对的一些最复杂的问题。但我没有兴趣花我们所有的时间重新审理过去八年的政策。我将把它留给其他人。我想解决这些问题，我想作为美国人一起解决它们。
And we will be ill-served by some of the fear-mongering that emerges whenever we discuss this issue. Listening to the recent debate, I've heard words that, frankly, are calculated to scare people rather than educate them; words that have more to do with politics than protecting our country. So I want to take this opportunity to lay out what we are doing, and how we intend to resolve these outstanding issues. I will explain how each action that we are taking will help build a framework that protects both the American people and the values that we hold most dear. 每当我们讨论这个问题时出现的一些恐惧宣传将对我们不利。听到最近的辩论，我听到的一些话语，坦率地说，是为了吓唬人而不是教育他们；是为了政治而不是保护我们的国家。所以我想借此机会说明我们正在做什么，以及我们打算如何解决这些悬而未决的问题。我将解释我们采取的每一项行动如何帮助建立一个既保护美国人民又保护我们最珍视价值观的框架。
And I'll focus on two broad areas: first, issues relating to Guantanamo and our detention policy; but, second, I also want to discuss issues relating to security and transparency. 我将关注两个广泛领域：首先，关塔那摩和我们的拘留政策相关的问题；但其次，我也想讨论安全与透明度相关的问题。
Now, let me begin by disposing of one argument as plainly as I can: We are not going to release anyone if it would endanger our national security, nor will we release detainees within the United States who endanger the American people. Where demanded by justice and national security, we will seek to transfer some detainees to the same type of facilities in which we hold all manner of dangerous and violent criminals within our borders -- namely, highly secure prisons that ensure the public safety. 现在，让我尽可能清楚地排除一个论点：我们不会释放任何会危及我们国家安全的人，我们也不会释放危及美国人民的被拘留者。在司法和国家安全要求的地方，我们将寻求将一些被拘留者转移到我们边境内关押各种危险和暴力罪犯的同类型设施中——即确保公共安全的高度安全监狱。
As we make these decisions, bear in mind the following face: Nobody has ever escaped from one of our federal, supermax prisons, which hold hundreds of convicted terrorists. As Republican Lindsey Graham said, the idea that we cannot find a place to securely house 250-plus detainees within the United States is not rational. 当我们做出这些决定时，请记住以下事实：没有人从我们的联邦超级安全监狱逃脱，这些监狱关押着数百名已定罪的恐怖分子。正如共和党人林赛·格雷厄姆所说，我们无法在美国安全关押250多名被拘留者的想法是不理性的。
We are currently in the process of reviewing each of the detainee cases at Guantanamo to determine the appropriate policy for dealing with them. And as we do so, we are acutely aware that under the last administration, detainees were released and, in some cases, returned to the battlefield. That's why we are doing away with the poorly planned, haphazard approach that let those detainees go in the past. Instead we are treating these cases with the care and attention that the law requires and that our security demands. 我们目前正在审查关塔那摩的每个被拘留者案件，以确定处理他们的适当政策。当我们这样做时，我们敏锐地意识到，在上一届政府下，被拘留者被释放，在某些情况下，返回了战场。这就是为什么我们正在废除过去让那些被拘留者获释的计划不周、随意的方法。相反，我们正在以法律要求和我们安全所需的关怀和关注处理这些案件。
Now, going forward, these cases will fall into five distinct categories. 现在，向前推进，这些案件将分为五个不同类别。
First, whenever feasible, we will try those who have violated American criminal laws in federal courts -- courts provided for by the United States Constitution. Some have derided our federal courts as incapable of handling the trials of terrorists. They are wrong. Our courts and our juries, our citizens, are tough enough to convict terrorists. The record makes that clear. Ramzi Yousef tried to blow up the World Trade Center. He was convicted in our courts and is serving a life sentence in U.S. prisons. Zacarias Moussaoui has been identified as the 20th 9/11 hijacker. 第一，只要可行，我们将在联邦法院审判那些违反美国刑法的人——美国宪法规定的法院。有些人嘲笑我们的联邦法院无法处理恐怖分子审判。他们错了。我们的法院和陪审团，我们的公民，足够强大，可以判定恐怖分子有罪。记录清楚地表明了这一点。拉姆齐·尤塞夫试图炸毁世界贸易中心。他在我们的法院被判有罪，正在美国监狱服无期徒刑。扎卡里亚斯·穆萨维被确认为第20名"9·11"劫机者。
He was convicted in our courts, and he too is serving a life sentence in prison. If we can try those terrorists in our courts and hold them in our prisons, then we can do the same with detainees from Guantanamo. 他在我们的法院被判有罪，也在监狱服无期徒刑。如果我们能在我们的法院审判那些恐怖分子并在我们的监狱关押他们，那么我们也可以对关塔那摩的被拘留者这样做。
Recently, we prosecuted and received a guilty plea from a detainee, al-Marri, in federal court after years of legal confusion. We're preparing to transfer another detainee to the Southern District Court of New York, where he will face trial on charges related to the 1998 bombings of our embassies in Kenya and Tanzania -- bombings that killed over 200 people. Preventing this detainee from coming to our shores would prevent his trial and conviction. And after over a decade, it is time to finally see that justice is served, and that is what we intend to do. 最近，我们在联邦法院起诉并获得一名被拘留者阿尔-马里认罪，此前经历了多年的法律混乱。我们正准备将另一名被拘留者转移到纽约南区法院，在那里他将面临与1998年肯尼亚和坦桑尼亚大使馆爆炸案有关的指控——这些爆炸造成200多人死亡。阻止这名被拘留者来到我们的海岸将阻止他的审判和定罪。十多年过去了，现在是时候最终看到正义得到伸张，这就是我们要做的。
The second category of cases involves detainees who violate the laws of war and are therefore best tried through military commissions. Military commissions have a history in the United States dating back to George Washington and the Revolutionary War. They are an appropriate venue for trying detainees for violations of the laws of war. They allow for the protection of sensitive sources and methods of intelligence-gathering; they allow for the safety and security of participants; 第二类案件涉及违反战争法的被拘留者，因此最好通过军事委员会审判。军事委员会在美国有历史，可追溯到乔治·华盛顿和革命战争。它们是审判违反战争法的被拘留者的适当场所。它们允许保护敏感的情报收集来源和方法；它们允许参与者的安全和保障；
and for the presentation of evidence gathered from the battlefield that cannot always be effectively presented in federal courts. 以及提交从战场收集的证据，这些证据不能总是在联邦法院有效提交。
Now, some have suggested that this represents a reversal on my part. They should look at the record. In 2006, I did strongly oppose legislation proposed by the Bush administration and passed by the Congress because it failed to establish a legitimate legal framework, with the kind of meaningful due process rights for the accused that could stand up on appeal. 现在，有些人建议这代表了我的立场转变。他们应该看看记录。2006年，我确实强烈反对布什政府提出并由国会通过的立法，因为它未能建立一个合法的法律框架，具有能够经受上诉的被告有意义正当程序权利。
I said at that time, however, that I supported the use of military commissions to try detainees, provided there were several reforms, and in fact there were some bipartisan efforts to achieve those reforms. Those are the reforms that we are now making. Instead of using the flawed commissions of the last seven years, my administration is bringing our commissions in line with the rule of law. We will no longer permit the use of evidence -- as evidence statements that have been obtained using cruel, inhuman, or degrading interrogation methods. 然而，我当时说过，我支持使用军事委员会审判被拘留者，前提是要有几项改革，事实上也有一些跨党派努力来实现这些改革。这些是我们现在正在进行的改革。不是使用过去七年的有缺陷的委员会，我的政府正在使我们的委员会符合法治。我们将不再允许使用证据——作为证据使用通过残酷、不人道或有辱人格的审讯方法获得的陈述。
We will no longer place the burden to prove that hearsay is unreliable on the opponent of the hearsay. And we will give detainees greater latitude in selecting their own counsel, and more protections if they refuse to testify. These reforms, among others, will make our military commissions a more credible and effective means of administering justice, and I will work with Congress and members of both parties, as well as legal authorities across the political spectrum, on legislation to ensure that these commissions are fair, legitimate, and effective. 我们将不再将证明传闻不可靠的负担放在传闻的反对者身上。我们将给予被拘留者更大的选择自己律师的自由，以及如果他们拒绝作证则获得更多保护。这些改革以及其他改革将使我们的军事委员会成为更可信和有效的司法管理手段，我将与国会和两党成员以及政治光谱各方的法律权威合作制定立法，确保这些委员会公平、合法和有效。
The third category of detainees includes those who have been ordered released by the courts. Now, let me repeat what I said earlier: This has nothing to do with my decision to close Guantanamo. It has to do with the rule of law. The courts have spoken. They have found that there's no legitimate reason to hold 21 of the people currently held at Guantanamo. Nineteen of these findings took place before I was sworn into office. I cannot ignore these rulings because as President, I too am bound by the law. The United States is a nation of laws and so we must abide by these rulings. 第三类被拘留者包括那些被法院命令释放的人。现在，让我重复我之前说过的话：这与我关闭关塔那摩的决定无关。这与法治有关。法院已经表态。他们发现目前关押在关塔那摩的21人没有合法理由继续关押。这些发现中有19项发生在我就职之前。我不能忽视这些裁决，因为作为总统，我也受法律约束。美国是一个法治国家，因此我们必须遵守这些裁决。
The fourth category of cases involves detainees who we have determined can be transferred safely to another country. So far, our review team has approved 50 detainees for transfer. And my administration is in ongoing discussions with a number of other countries about the transfer of detainees to their soil for detention and rehabilitation. 第四类案件涉及我们确定可以安全转移到另一个国家的被拘留者。到目前为止，我们的审查团队已批准50名被拘留者转移。我的政府正在与其他许多国家进行持续讨论，关于将被拘留者转移到其领土进行拘留和康复。
Now, finally, there remains the question of detainees at Guantanamo who cannot be prosecuted yet who pose a clear danger to the American people. And I have to be honest here -- this is the toughest single issue that we will face. We're going to exhaust every avenue that we have to prosecute those at Guantanamo who pose a danger to our country. But even when this process is complete, there may be a number of people who cannot be prosecuted for past crimes, in some cases because evidence may be tainted, but who nonetheless pose a threat to the security of the United States. 现在，最后，仍然存在关塔那摩无法起诉但对美国人民构成明显危险的被拘留者问题。我在这里必须诚实——这是我们将面临的最艰难的单一问题。我们将竭尽所能起诉关塔那摩对我们国家构成危险的那些人。但即使这个过程完成，可能仍有一些人无法因过去的罪行被起诉，在某些情况下因为证据可能被污染，但他们仍然对美国安全构成威胁。
Examples of that threat include people who've received extensive explosives training at al Qaeda training camps, or commanded Taliban troops in battle, or expressed their allegiance to Osama bin Laden, or otherwise made it clear that they want to kill Americans. These are people who, in effect, remain at war with the United States. 这种威胁的例子包括在阿尔- Qaeda训练营接受过广泛爆炸训练的人，或在战斗中指挥过塔利班部队的人，或表达过对奥萨马·本·拉登效忠的人，或以其他方式明确表示他们想杀死美国人。这些人实际上仍然与美国交战。
Let me repeat: I am not going to release individuals who endanger the American people. Al Qaeda terrorists and their affiliates are at war with the United States, and those that we capture -- like other prisoners of war -- must be prevented from attacking us again. Having said that, we must recognize that these detention policies cannot be unbounded. They can't be based simply on what I or the executive branch decide alone. That's why my administration has begun to reshape the standards that apply to ensure that they are in line with the rule of law. We must have clear, defensible, 让我重复一遍：我不会释放危及美国人民的个人。阿尔- Qaeda恐怖分子及其附属组织与美国交战，我们捕获的那些人——像其他战俘一样——必须被防止再次袭击我们。话虽如此，我们必须认识到这些拘留政策不能是无限制的。它们不能仅仅基于我或行政部门单独决定。这就是为什么我的政府已开始重塑适用的标准，以确保它们符合法治。
and lawful standards for those who fall into this category. We must have fair procedures so that we don't make mistakes. We must have a thorough process of periodic review, so that any prolonged detention is carefully evaluated and justified. 我们必须为属于这一类别的人制定明确、可辩护和合法的标准。我们必须有公平的程序，这样我们就不会犯错。我们必须有彻底的定期审查程序，以便任何长期拘留都经过仔细评估和证明。
I know that creating such a system poses unique challenges. And other countries have grappled with this question; now, so must we. But I want to be very clear that our goal is to construct a legitimate legal framework for the remaining Guantanamo detainees that cannot be transferred. Our goal is not to avoid a legitimate legal framework. In our constitutional system, prolonged detention should not be the decision of any one man. If and when we determine that the United States must hold individuals to keep them from carrying out an act of war, 我知道创建这样一个系统会带来独特的挑战。其他国家已经在应对这个问题；现在，我们也必须如此。但我想非常清楚地表明，我们的目标是为无法转移的剩余关塔那摩被拘留者构建一个合法的法律框架。我们的目标不是避免合法的法律框架。在我们的宪法制度中，长期拘留不应由任何一个人决定。如果当我们确定美国必须拘留个人以阻止他们实施战争行为时，
we will do so within a system that involves judicial and congressional oversight. And so, going forward, my administration will work with Congress to develop an appropriate legal regime so that our efforts are consistent with our values and our Constitution. 我们将在涉及司法和国会监督的系统中这样做。因此，向前推进，我的政府将与国会合作制定适当的法律制度，以便我们的努力与我们的价值观和宪法一致。
Now, as our efforts to close Guantanamo move forward, I know that the politics in Congress will be difficult. These are issues that are fodder for 30-second commercials. You can almost picture the direct mail pieces that emerge from any vote on this issue -- designed to frighten the population. I get it. But if we continue to make decisions within a climate of fear, we will make more mistakes. And if we refuse to deal with these issues today, then I guarantee you that they will be an albatross around our efforts to combat terrorism in the future. 现在，随着我们关闭关塔那摩的努力向前推进，我知道国会的政治将是困难的。这些问题是30秒商业广告的素材。你几乎可以想象从这个问题的任何投票中产生的直邮广告——旨在恐吓民众。我明白。但如果我们继续在恐惧的气候中做出决定，我们将犯更多错误。如果我们今天拒绝处理这些问题，那么我保证它们将成为我们未来反恐努力的包袱。
I have confidence that the American people are more interested in doing what is right to protect this country than in political posturing. I am not the only person in this city who swore an oath to uphold the Constitution -- so did each and every member of Congress. And together we have a responsibility to enlist our values in the effort to secure our people, and to leave behind the legacy that makes it easier for future Presidents to keep this country safe. 我相信美国人民更感兴趣的是做正确的事保护这个国家，而不是政治姿态。我不是这个城市中唯一宣誓维护宪法的人——每一位国会议员也都这样做了。我们共同有责任在确保我们人民的努力中利用我们的价值观，并留下让未来总统更容易保护这个国家的遗产。
Now, let me touch on a second set of issues that relate to security and transparency. 现在，让我谈谈与安全和透明度相关的第二组问题。
National security requires a delicate balance. One the one hand, our democracy depends on transparency. On the other hand, some information must be protected from public disclosure for the sake of our security -- for instance, the movement of our troops, our intelligence-gathering, or the information we have about a terrorist organization and its affiliates. In these and other cases, lives are at stake. 国家安全需要微妙的平衡。一方面，我们的民主取决于透明度。另一方面，为了我们安全的原因，某些信息必须保护免受公开披露——例如，我们部队的调动、我们的情报收集，或我们拥有的关于恐怖组织及其附属组织的信息。在这些和其他情况下，生命攸关。
Now, several weeks ago, as part of an ongoing court case, I released memos issued by the previous administration's Office of Legal Counsel. I did not do this because I disagreed with the enhanced interrogation techniques that those memos authorized, and I didn't release the documents because I rejected their legal rationales -- although I do on both counts. I released the memos because the existence of that approach to interrogation was already widely known, the Bush administration had acknowledged its existence, and I had already banned those methods. 现在，几周前，作为正在进行的法院案件的一部分，我发布了前一届政府法律顾问办公室发布的备忘录。我这样做不是因为我不同意这些备忘录授权的强化审讯技术，也不是因为我拒绝了它们的法律理由——尽管我在这两点上都不同意。我发布这些备忘录是因为这种审讯方法的存在已经广为人知，布什政府已经承认其存在，而且我已经禁止了这些方法。
The argument that somehow by releasing those memos we are providing terrorists with information about how they will be interrogated makes no sense. We will not be interrogating terrorists using that approach. That approach is now prohibited. 关于通过发布这些备忘录我们向恐怖分子提供关于他们将如何被审讯的信息的论点毫无意义。我们将不会使用那种方法审讯恐怖分子。那种方法现在被禁止。
In short, I released these memos because there was no overriding reason to protect them. And the ensuing debate has helped the American people better understand how these interrogation methods came to be authorized and used. 简而言之，我发布这些备忘录是因为没有压倒性的理由保护它们。随后的辩论帮助美国人民更好地理解这些审讯方法是如何被授权和使用的。
On the other hand, I recently opposed the release of certain photographs that were taken of detainees by U.S. personnel between 2002 and 2004. Individuals who violated standards of behavior in these photos have been investigated and they have been held accountable. There was and is no debate as to whether what is reflected in those photos is wrong. Nothing has been concealed to absolve perpetrators of crimes. However, it was my judgment -- informed by my national security team -- that releasing these photos would inflame anti-American opinion and allow our enemies to paint U.S. 另一方面，我最近反对发布2002年至2004年间美国人员拍摄的被拘留者的某些照片。在这些照片中违反行为标准的个人已被调查并被追究责任。关于这些照片反映的内容是否错误没有争议。没有任何隐瞒来免除犯罪者的罪行。然而，我的判断——由我的国家安全团队告知——是发布这些照片会激起反美情绪，
troops with a broad, damning, and inaccurate brush, thereby endangering them in theaters of war. 让我们的敌人用广泛、谴责性和不准确的大笔描绘美国部队，从而在战场危及他们。
In short, there is a clear and compelling reason to not release these particular photos. There are nearly 200,000 Americans who are serving in harm's way, and I have a solemn responsibility for their safety as Commander-in-Chief. Nothing would be gained by the release of these photos that matters more than the lives of our young men and women serving in harm's way. 简而言之，有明确和令人信服的理由不发布这些特定照片。有近20万美国人在危险中服役，作为总司令，我对他们的安全负有庄严责任。发布这些照片所获得的任何东西都不如在危险中服役的年轻男女的生命重要。
Now, in the press's mind and in some of the public's mind, these two cases are contradictory. They are not to me. In each of these cases, I had to strike the right balance between transparency and national security. And this balance brings with it a precious responsibility. There's no doubt that the American people have seen this balance tested over the last several years. In the images from Abu Ghraib and the brutal interrogation techniques made public long before I was President, 现在，在媒体和一些公众看来，这两个案件是矛盾的。在我看来并非如此。在这些案件中每一个，我都必须在透明度和国家安全之间取得正确的平衡。这种平衡带来了宝贵的责任。毫无疑问，美国人民在过去几年中看到了这种平衡受到考验。在阿布格莱布的图像和我担任总统很久之前公开的残酷审讯技术中，
the American people learned of actions taken in their name that bear no resemblance to the ideals that generations of Americans have fought for. And whether it was the run-up to the Iraq war or the revelation of secret programs, Americans often felt like part of the story had been unnecessarily withheld from them. And that caused suspicion to build up. And that leads to a thirst for accountability. 美国人民了解了以他们名义采取的行动，这些行动与几代美国人奋斗的理想毫无相似之处。无论是伊拉克战争的前奏还是秘密项目的揭露，美国人经常觉得部分故事被不必要地隐瞒了。这导致怀疑累积。这导致对问责的渴望。
I understand that. I ran for President promising transparency, and I meant what I said. And that's why, whenever possible, my administration will make all information available to the American people so that they can make informed judgments and hold us accountable. But I have never argued -- and I never will -- that our most sensitive national security matters should simply be an open book. I will never abandon -- and will vigorously defend -- the necessity of classification to defend our troops at war, to protect sources and methods, 我理解这一点。我竞选总统时承诺透明度，我是认真的。因此，只要可能，我的政府将向美国人民提供所有信息，以便他们做出知情判断并追究我们的责任。但我从未论证——我也永远不会——我们最敏感的国家安全事项应该简单地成为一本公开的书。我永远不会放弃——并将坚决捍卫——保密的必要性，以保护我们战争中的部队，
and to safeguard confidential actions that keep the American people safe. Here's the difference though: Whenever we cannot release certain information to the public for valid national security reasons, I will insist that there is oversight of my actions -- by Congress or by the courts. 保护来源和方法，并保护使美国人民安全的机密行动。但这里有所不同：每当我们因有效的国家安全原因无法向公众发布某些信息时，我将坚持对我的行动进行监督——由国会或法院。
We're currently launching a review of current policies by all those agencies responsible for the classification of documents to determine where reforms are possible, and to assure that the other branches of government will be in a position to review executive branch decisions on these matters. Because in our system of checks and balances, someone must always watch over the watchers -- especially when it comes to sensitive administration -- information. 我们目前正在对所有负责文件分类的机构进行当前政策审查，以确定可能的改革，并确保政府其他部门能够审查行政部门在这些事项上的决定。因为在我们的制衡制度中，必须始终有人监督监督者——特别是在敏感管理信息方面。
Now, along these same lines, my administration is also confronting challenges to what is known as the "state secrets" privilege. This is a doctrine that allows the government to challenge legal cases involving secret programs. It's been used by many past Presidents -- Republican and Democrat -- for many decades. And while this principle is absolutely necessary in some circumstances to protect national security, I am concerned that it has been over-used. It is also currently the subject of a wide range of lawsuits. So let me lay out some principles here. 现在，在这些方面，我的政府也在应对被称为"国家机密"特权的挑战。这是一项允许政府挑战涉及秘密项目的法律案件的教条。它被许多过去总统——共和党和民主党——使用了几十年。虽然这一原则在某些情况下对于保护国家安全绝对必要，但我担心它被过度使用。它目前也是一系列诉讼的主题。所以让我在这里列出一些原则。
We must not protect information merely because it reveals the violation of a law or embarrassment to the government. And that's why my administration is nearing completion of a thorough review of this practice. 我们不应仅仅因为信息揭示违法行为或使政府尴尬而保护信息。这就是为什么我的政府即将完成对这一做法的彻底审查。
And we plan to embrace several principles for reform. We will apply a stricter legal test to material that can be protected under the state secrets privilege. We will not assert the privilege in court without first following our own formal process, including review by a Justice Department committee and the personal approval of the Attorney General. And each year we will voluntarily report to Congress when we have invoked the privilege and why because, as I said before, there must be proper oversight over our actions. 我们计划采纳几项改革原则。我们将对可以在国家机密特权下保护的材料应用更严格的法律标准。我们不会在法院主张特权，而不首先遵循我们自己的正式程序，包括司法部委员会的审查和司法部长的亲自批准。每年我们将自愿向国会报告我们何时援引了特权以及原因，因为正如我之前所说，对我们的行动必须有适当的监督。
On all these matters related to the disclosure of sensitive information, I wish I could say that there was some simple formula out there to be had. There is not. These often involve tough calls, involve competing concerns, and they require a surgical approach. But the common thread that runs through all of my decisions is simple: We will safeguard what we must to protect the American people, but we will also ensure the accountability and oversight that is the hallmark of our constitutional system. I will never hide the truth because it's uncomfortable. 在所有这些与披露敏感信息相关的事项上，我希望我可以说那里有某种简单的公式可以采用。没有。这些往往涉及艰难的抉择，涉及竞争的关切，需要外科手术般的方法。但贯穿我所有决定的共同线索很简单：我们将保护我们必须保护的东西以保护美国人民，但我们也将确保问责和监督，这是我们宪法制度的标志。我永远不会因为真相令人不舒服而隐瞒真相。
I will deal with Congress and the courts as co-equal branches of government. I will tell the American people what I know and don't know, and when I release something publicly or keep something secret, I will tell you why. 我将与国会和法院作为政府的平等分支打交道。我将告诉美国人民我知道什么和不知道什么，当我公开发布某些东西或保密某些东西时，我会告诉你原因。
Now, in all the areas that I've discussed today, the policies that I've proposed represent a new direction from the last eight years. To protect the American people and our values, we've banned enhanced interrogation techniques. We are closing the prison at Guantanamo. We are reforming military commissions, and we will pursue a new legal regime to detain terrorists. We are declassifying more information and embracing more oversight of our actions, and we're narrowing our use of the state secrets privilege. These are dramatic changes that will put our approach to national security on a surer, 现在，在我今天讨论的所有领域，我提出的政策代表了与过去八年的新方向。为了保护美国人民和我们的价值观，我们禁止了强化审讯技术。我们正在关闭关塔那摩的监狱。我们正在改革军事委员会，我们将寻求新的法律制度来拘留恐怖分子。我们正在解密更多信息并接受对我们行动的更多监督，我们正在缩小国家机密特权的使用范围。这些是戏剧性的变化，将使我们的国家安全方法建立在更稳固、更安全和更可持续的基础上。
safer, and more sustainable footing. Their implementation will take time, but they will get done. 它们的实施需要时间，但它们会完成。
There's a core principle that we will apply to all of our actions. Even as we clean up the mess at Guantanamo, we will constantly reevaluate our approach, subject our decisions to review from other branches of government, as well as the public. We seek the strongest and most sustainable legal framework for addressing these issues in the long term -- not to serve immediate politics, but to do what's right over the long term. By doing that we can leave behind a legacy that outlasts my administration, my presidency, that endures for the next President and the President after that -- 有一个核心原则将应用于我们所有的行动。即使我们在清理关塔那摩的烂摊子，我们也将不断重新评估我们的方法，让我们的决定接受政府其他部门以及公众的审查。我们寻求最强有力、最可持续的长期法律框架来解决这些问题——不是为了眼前的政治，而是为了做长远正确的事。这样做我们可以留下比我政府、我的总统任期更长久的遗产，
a legacy that protects the American people and enjoys a broad legitimacy at home and abroad. 为下一任总统和之后的总统服务——一种保护美国人民并在国内外享有广泛合法性的遗产。
Now, this is what I mean when I say that we need to focus on the future. I recognize that many still have a strong desire to focus on the past. When it comes to actions of the last eight years, passions are high. Some Americans are angry; others want to re-fight debates that have been settled, in some cases debates that they have lost. I know that these debates lead directly, in some cases, to a call for a fuller accounting, perhaps through an independent commission. 现在，这就是我说我们需要关注未来时所指的意思。我认识到许多人仍有强烈的愿望关注过去。当涉及过去八年的行动时，激情高涨。一些美国人愤怒；另一些人想重新辩论已经解决的问题，在某些情况下是他们已经输掉的辩论。我知道这些辩论直接导致，在某些情况下，要求更全面的清算，也许通过独立委员会。
I've opposed the creation of such a commission because I believe that our existing democratic institutions are strong enough to deliver accountability. The Congress can review abuses of our values, and there are ongoing inquiries by the Congress into matters like enhanced interrogation techniques. The Department of Justice and our courts can work through and punish any violations of our laws or miscarriages of justice. 我反对创建这样一个委员会，因为我相信我们现有的民主制度足够强大，可以提供问责。国会可以审查我们价值观的滥用，国会对强化审讯技术等事项有持续调查。司法部和我们的法院可以处理并惩罚我们法律的任何违规或司法误判。
It's no secret there is a tendency in Washington to spend our time pointing fingers at one another. And it's no secret that our media culture feeds the impulse that lead to a good fight and good copy. But nothing will contribute more than that than a extended relitigation of the last eight years. Already, we've seen how that kind of effort only leads those in Washington to different sides to laying blame. It can distract us from focusing our time, our efforts, and our politics on the challenges of the future. 华盛顿倾向于花时间相互指责，这不是秘密。我们的媒体文化滋养导致良好斗争和良好副本的冲动，这也不是秘密。但没有什么比延长过去八年的重新审理更能助长这一点。我们已经看到这种努力如何只会让华盛顿不同方面的人相互指责。它可能使我们分散关注时间、努力和政治于未来挑战。
We see that, above all, in the recent debate -- how the recent debate has obscured the truth and sends people into opposite and absolutist ends. On the one side of the spectrum, there are those who make little allowance for the unique challenges posed by terrorism, and would almost never put national security over transparency. And on the other end of the spectrum, there are those who embrace a view that can be summarized in two words: "Anything goes." Their arguments suggest that the ends of fighting terrorism can be used to justify any means, 我们看到，尤其是在最近的辩论中——最近的辩论如何模糊了真相并将人们推向对立和绝对的两端。在光谱的一端，有那些很少考虑恐怖主义带来的独特挑战的人，几乎从不将国家安全置于透明度之上。在光谱的另一端，有那些接受可以用两个词总结的观点的人："什么都可以。"他们的论点表明，反恐的目的可以用来证明任何手段，
and that the President should have blanket authority to do whatever he wants -- provided it is a President with whom they agree. 总统应该拥有绝对的权力做任何他想做的事——只要是他们同意的总统。
Both sides may be sincere in their views, but neither side is right. The American people are not absolutist, and they don't elect us to impose a rigid ideology on our problems. They know that we need not sacrifice our security for our values, nor sacrifice our values for our security, so long as we approach difficult questions with honesty and care and a dose of common sense. That, after all, is the unique genius of America. That's the challenge laid down by our Constitution. That has been the source of our strength through the ages. 双方可能都是真诚的，但双方都不对。美国人民不是绝对主义者，他们选举我们不是为了在我们的问题上强加僵化的意识形态。他们知道我们不必为了我们的价值观牺牲我们的安全，也不必为了我们的安全牺牲我们的价值观，只要我们以诚实、关怀和常识来处理困难的问题。毕竟，这是美国独特的天才。这是我们的宪法提出的挑战。这是我们在各个时代力量的源泉。
That's what makes the United States of America different as a nation. 这是使美利坚合众国作为一个国家与众不同的原因。
I can stand here today, as President of the United States, and say without exception or equivocation that we do not torture, and that we will vigorously protect our people while forging a strong and durable framework that allows us to fight terrorism while abiding by the rule of law. Make no mistake: If we fail to turn the page on the approach that was taken over the past several years, then I will not be able to say that as President. And if we cannot stand for our core values, then we are not keeping faith with the documents that are enshrined in this hall. 我今天可以站在这里，作为美利坚合众国总统，毫无例外或含糊地说，我们不实施酷刑，我们将坚决保护我们的人民，同时建立一个强大而持久的框架，允许我们在遵守法律的同时打击恐怖主义。不要搞错：如果我们未能翻过过去几年所采取的方法这一页，那么我将无法作为总统这样说。如果我们不能坚持我们的核心价值观，那么我们就没有信守本厅所珍藏的文件。
The Framers who drafted the Constitution could not have foreseen the challenges that have unfolded over the last 222 years. But our Constitution has endured through secession and civil rights, through World War and Cold War, because it provides a foundation of principles that can be applied pragmatically; it provides a compass that can help us find our way. It hasn't always been easy. We are an imperfect people. Every now and then, there are those who think that America's safety and success requires us to walk away from the sacred principles enshrined in this building. 起草宪法的制宪者无法预见过去222年所展开的挑战。但我们的宪法经历了分离和民权、世界大战和冷战，因为它提供了一个可以务实应用的原则基础；它提供了一个可以帮助我们找到方向的指南针。这并不总是容易的。我们是一个不完美的人民。时不时地，有一些人认为美国的安全和成功需要我们离开这座建筑中珍藏的神圣原则。
And we hear such voices today. But over the long haul the American people have resisted that temptation. And though we've made our share of mistakes, required some course corrections, ultimately we have held fast to the principles that have been the source of our strength and a beacon to the world. 我们今天听到这样的声音。但长远来看，美国人民抵制了这种诱惑。虽然我们犯了我们的错误，需要一些路线修正，但最终我们坚持了作为我们力量源泉和世界灯塔的原则。
Now this generation faces a great test in the specter of terrorism. And unlike the Civil War or World War II, we can't count on a surrender ceremony to bring this journey to an end. Right now, in distant training camps and in crowded cities, there are people plotting to take American lives. That will be the case a year from now, five years from now, and -- in all probability -- 10 years from now. Neither I nor anyone can stand here today and say that there will not be another terrorist attack that takes American lives. But I can say with certainty that my administration -- 现在这一代人在恐怖主义的阴影中面临巨大考验。与内战或第二次世界大战不同，我们不能指望投降仪式来结束这段旅程。现在，在遥远的训练营和拥挤的城市中，有人在策划夺取美国人的生命。一年后、五年后，很可能十年后，情况仍将如此。今天，我和任何人都不能站在这里说不会有另一次夺取美国人生命的恐怖袭击。但我可以肯定地说，
along with our extraordinary troops and the patriotic men and women who defend our national security -- will do everything in our power to keep the American people safe. And I do know with certainty that we can defeat al Qaeda. Because the terrorists can only succeed if they swell their ranks and alienate America from our allies, and they will never be able to do that if we stay true to who we are, if we forge tough and durable approaches to fighting terrorism that are anchored in our timeless ideals. This must be our common purpose. 我的政府——连同我们非凡的部队和捍卫我们国家安全的爱国男女——将尽我们所能保护美国人民的安全。我确实肯定知道我们可以击败阿尔- Qaeda。因为恐怖分子只有扩大他们的队伍并使美国与盟友疏远才能成功，如果我们忠于我们自己，如果我们建立以我们永恒理想为基础的坚韧持久的反恐方法，他们将永远无法做到这一点。这必须是我们共同的目标。
I ran for President because I believe that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together. We will not be safe if we see national security as a wedge that divides America -- it can and must be a cause that unites us as one people and as one nation. We've done so before in times that were more perilous than ours. We will do so once again. 我竞选总统是因为我相信我们无法解决我们时代的挑战，除非我们一起解决。如果我们把国家安全视为分裂美国的楔子，我们将不会安全——它可以而且必须成为团结我们作为一个人民和一个国家的事业。我们在比我们更危险的时期这样做过。我们将再次这样做。
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America. 谢谢你们，上帝保佑你们，上帝保佑美利坚合众国。