Good afternoon. Once again, I want to thank the people of France and President Hollande for their extraordinary hospitality. Hosting nearly 200 nations is an enormous task for anybody, but to do so just two weeks after the terrorist attacks here is a remarkable display of resolve. 下午好。我要再次感谢法国人民和奥朗德总统的盛情款待。对任何国家来说，主办近200个国家的会议都是一项艰巨的任务，而在恐怖袭击发生仅两周后就做到这一点，更彰显了非凡的决心。
And that's why the first place I visited when I arrived on Sunday night was the Bataclan, so that I could pay my respects on behalf of the American people -- who share the French people's resolve. It was a powerful reminder of the awful human toll of those attacks. Our hearts continue to go out to the victims' families. 这就是为什么我周日晚上抵达后第一站就去了巴塔克兰剧院，以便代表美国人民表达敬意——美国人民与法国人民有着同样的决心。这有力地提醒了我们那些袭击造成的可怕人员伤亡。我们的心始终与受害者家属同在。
But here in Paris, we also see the resilience of the universal values that we share -- liberté, égalité, fraternité. And based on my discussions with President Hollande and other leaders, I am confident that we can continue building momentum -- and adding resources -- to our effort to degrade and ultimately destroy ISIL, to disrupt plots against America and our allies, and to bring about the political resolution necessary to resolve the situation in Syria and relieve the hardships on the Syrian people. 但在巴黎，我们也看到了我们共同拥有的普世价值观的韧性——自由、平等、博爱。根据我与奥朗德总统及其他领导人的讨论，我有信心我们能够继续积聚势头——并增加资源——推进我们的努力，以削弱并最终摧毁伊斯兰国，挫败针对美国及其盟友的阴谋，并推动必要的政治解决方案来化解叙利亚局势，减轻叙利亚人民的苦难。
Now, this has been a quick visit. Of course, all visits to Paris seem quick -- you always want to stay a little bit longer. But we have accomplished a lot here. I have high hopes that over the next two weeks, we'll accomplish even more. 这次访问很短暂。当然，所有巴黎之行似乎都很短暂——你总想多待一会儿。但我们在这里已经取得了很多成果。我对未来两周将取得更多成就抱有很高期望。
I know some have asked why the world would dedicate some of our focus right now to combating climate change even as we work to protect our people and go after terrorist networks. The reason is because this one trend -- climate change -- affects all trends. 我知道有人问，为什么我们在保护人民、打击恐怖网络的同时，还要把部分精力投入到应对气候变化上。原因在于，气候变化这一趋势影响着所有趋势。
If we let the world keep warming as fast as it is, and sea levels rising as fast as they are, and weather patterns keep shifting in more unexpected ways -- then before long, we are going to have to devote more and more and more of our economic and military resources not to growing opportunity for our people, but to adapting to the various consequences of a changing planet. 如果我们任由全球变暖以目前的速度持续、海平面以目前的速度上升、气候模式以更加出人意料的方式不断变化——那么用不了多久，我们将不得不把越来越多的经济和军事资源，从为人民创造发展机遇，转移到适应地球变化带来的各种后果上。
This is an economic and security imperative that we have to tackle now. And great nations can handle a lot at once. 这是一项我们现在就必须应对的经济和安全要务。伟大的国家能够同时处理多项事务。
America is already leading on many issues, and climate is no different. We've made significant progress at home -- increasing production of clean energy, working to reduce emissions, while our businesses have kept creating jobs for 68 straight months. And we've been able to lower our unemployment rate to 5 percent in the process. And since we worked with China last year to show that the two largest economies and two largest emitters can cooperate on climate, more than 180 countries have followed our lead in announcing their own targets. 美国已经在许多议题上发挥领导作用，气候问题也不例外。我们在国内取得了重大进展——增加了清洁能源生产，致力于减少排放，同时我们的企业已连续68个月创造就业岗位。在此过程中，我们将失业率降至了5%。自从去年我们与中国合作，向世界展示最大的两个经济体、最大的两个排放国能够在气候问题上开展合作以来，已有180多个国家效仿我们的做法，宣布了各自的减排目标。
The task that remains here in Paris is to turn these achievements into an enduring framework for progress that gives the world confidence in a low-carbon future. As I said yesterday, what we seek is an agreement where progress paves the way for countries to update their emissions targets on a regular basis, and each nation has the confidence that other nations are meeting their commitments. 巴黎会议剩下的任务，就是将这些成果转化为持久的进步框架，让世界对低碳未来充满信心。正如我昨天所说，我们寻求的是这样一项协议：进展为各国定期更新排放目标铺平道路，每个国家都有信心其他国家正在履行承诺。
We seek an agreement that makes sure developing nations have the resources they need to skip the dirty phase of development if they're willing to do their part, and that makes sure the nations most vulnerable to climate change have resources to adapt to the impacts we can no longer avoid. 我们寻求的协议要确保发展中国家获得所需资源，如果它们愿意尽自己的一份力，就可以跳过发展的高污染阶段；同时确保最易受气候变化影响的国家获得资源，以适应我们已无法避免的影响。
We seek an agreement that gives businesses and investors the certainty that the global economy is on a firm path towards a low-carbon future, because that will spur the kind of investment that will be vital to combine reduced emissions with economic growth. 我们寻求的协议要让企业和投资者确信，全球经济正坚定地走向低碳未来，因为这将刺激各类投资，而这些投资对于将减排与经济增长结合起来至关重要。
That's the goal. Not just an agreement to roll back the pollution that threatens our planet, but an agreement that helps our economies grow and our people to thrive without condemning the next generation to a planet that is beyond its capacity to repair. 这就是我们的目标。不仅是达成一项减少威胁地球污染的协议，更是一项帮助我们的经济增长、让人民生活富足，同时不让下一代面对一个已超出其修复能力的星球的协议。
Now, all of this will be hard. Getting 200 nations to agree on anything is hard. And I'm sure there will be moments over the next two weeks where progress seems stymied, and everyone rushes to write that we are doomed. But I'm convinced that we're going to get big things done here. Keep in mind, nobody expected that 180 countries would show up in Paris with serious climate targets in hand. 现在，所有这一切都不会容易。让200个国家就任何事情达成一致都很困难。我敢肯定，未来两周会有进展似乎受阻的时刻，每个人都会急着说我们注定要失败。但我坚信，我们将在这里办成大事。请记住，没人料到180个国家会带着认真的气候目标来到巴黎。
Nobody expected that the price of clean energy would fall as fast as it has, or that back in the United States, the solar industry would be creating jobs 10 times faster than the rest of the economy. Nobody expected that more than 150 of America's biggest companies would pledge their support to an ambitious Paris outcome -- or that a couple dozen of the world's wealthiest private citizens would join us here to pledge to invest unprecedented resources to bring clean energy technologies to market faster. 没人料到清洁能源的价格会下降得这么快，也没人料到在美国国内，太阳能产业创造就业的速度是其他经济领域的10倍。没人料到美国150多家最大的公司会表态支持一项雄心勃勃的巴黎会议成果——也没人料到，全球几十位最富有的私人投资者会与我们一道，承诺投入前所未有的资源，加快清洁能源技术的市场化进程。
What gives me confidence that progress is possible is somebody like Bill Gates -- who I was with yesterday -- understands that tackling climate change is not just a moral imperative, it's an opportunity. Without batting an eye, he said we're just going to have to go ahead and invent some new technologies to tackle this challenge. That kind of optimism, that kind of sense that we can do what is necessary is infectious. 让我对取得进展充满信心的，是像比尔·盖茨这样的人——我昨天还和他在一起——他明白应对气候变化不仅是一种道德责任，更是一个机遇。他毫不犹豫地说，我们只需要着手发明一些新技术来应对这一挑战。那种乐观精神，那种我们能够做到所需之事的信念，是富有感染力的。
And you tend to believe somebody like Bill when he says that we're going to get it done -- since he's done some pretty remarkable things. And I believe that a successful two weeks here could give the world that same kind of optimism that the future is ours to shape. 你会倾向于相信比尔这样的人说我们能办成事——因为他确实做过一些了不起的事。我相信，在这里取得两周的成功，能给世界带来同样的乐观情绪，让人们相信未来由我们塑造。
So, with that, I'm going to take a few questions. We'll start with Jerome Cartillier of [AFP]. Where's Jerome? 好的，接下来我回答几个问题。先请法新社的热罗姆·卡尔蒂耶提问。热罗姆在哪里？
Question: Good morning, sir, and thank you, Mr. President. For months now, you've been asking Mr. Putin to play basically a more constructive role in Syria, basically shifting from defending Assad to attacking ISIL. It appears your calls have not been heard. What's your strategy going forward? 问：早上好，总统先生，谢谢您。几个月来，您一直呼吁普京先生在叙利亚发挥更具建设性的作用，基本上就是从保卫阿萨德转向打击伊斯兰国。看来您的呼吁没有被听取。您接下来的战略是什么？
President Obama: Well, I'm not sure that's true. The fact that the Vienna process is moving forward, steadily -- not conclusively, but steadily -- I think is an indication that Mr. Putin recognizes there is not going to be a military resolution to the situation in Syria. 奥巴马总统：嗯，我不认为情况是这样。维也纳进程正在稳步推进——虽然不是决定性的，但在稳步推进——我认为这表明普京先生认识到，叙利亚局势不会有军事解决方案。
The Russians now have been there for several weeks, over a month, and I think fair-minded reporters who looked at the situation would say that the situation hasn't changed significantly. In the interim, Russia has lost a commercial passenger jet. You've seen another jet shot down. There have been losses in terms of Russian personnel. And I think Mr. Putin understands that, with Afghanistan fresh in the memory, for him to simply get bogged down in a inconclusive and paralyzing civil conflict is not the outcome that he's looking for. 俄罗斯人介入已有数周，一个多月了，我认为公正的记者审视局势后会说，情况没有发生显著变化。在此期间，俄罗斯损失了一架商用客机。你们也看到了另一架飞机被击落。俄罗斯人员也有伤亡。我认为普京先生明白，阿富汗的记忆还历历在目，对他来说，仅仅陷入一场没有结果、令人瘫痪的内战冲突，并不是他所寻求的结果。
Now, where we continue to have an ongoing difference is not on the need for a political settlement; it's the issue of whether Mr. Assad can continue to serve as President while still bringing the civil war to an end. It's been my estimation for five years now that that's not possible. 现在，我们持续存在分歧的地方，不在于是否需要政治解决；而在于阿萨德先生能否在结束内战的同时继续担任总统。五年来我一直认为这是不可能的。
Regardless of how you feel about Mr. Assad -- and I consider somebody who kills hundreds of thousands of his own people illegitimate -- but regardless of the moral equation, as a practical matter, it is impossible for Mr. Assad to bring that country together and to bring all the parties into an inclusive government. 无论你对阿萨德先生有何看法——我认为一个杀害数十万本国人民的人是不合法的——但撇开道德评判不谈，从实际角度来看，阿萨德先生不可能让这个国家团结起来，也不可能让所有党派加入一个包容性政府。
It is possible, however, to preserve the Syrian state, to have an inclusive government in which the interests of the various groups inside of Syria are represented. 然而，保留叙利亚国家、建立一个叙利亚境内各派利益都得到代表的包容性政府，是可能的。
And so, as part of the Vienna process, you're going to see the opposition groups -- the moderate opposition groups that exist within Syria -- some of which, frankly, we don't have a lot in common with but do represent significant factions inside of Syria -- they'll be coming together in order for them to form at least a negotiating unit or process that can move Vienna forward. 因此，作为维也纳进程的一部分，你们将看到反对派团体——叙利亚境内的温和派反对团体——坦率地说，其中一些团体与我们没有太多共同之处，但确实代表了叙利亚内部的重要派系——它们将聚集起来，至少组成一个谈判单位或进程，以推动维也纳进程向前发展。
And we're going to just keep on working at this. And my hope and expectation is, is that political track will move at the same time as we continue to apply greater and greater pressure on ISIL. 我们将继续努力推进此事。我的希望和期望是，在我们继续对伊斯兰国施加越来越大压力的同时，政治轨道也能同步推进。
And with the contributions that the French have made, the Germans have recently announced additional resources to the fight, the Brits have been steady partners in Iraq and I think are now very interested in how they can expand their efforts to help deal with ISIL inside of Syria. 随着法国作出的贡献，德国最近宣布增派更多资源参与打击，英国一直是我们在伊拉克的坚定伙伴，我认为英国现在对如何扩大努力以帮助打击叙利亚境内的伊斯兰国非常感兴趣。
With not just the cohesion of the coalition the United States put together but also the increasing intensity of our actions in the air and progressively on the ground, I think it is possible over the next several months that we both see a shift in calculation in the Russians and a recognition that it's time to bring the civil war in Syria to a close. 不仅是因为美国组建的联盟的凝聚力，还因为我们空中行动以及逐步地面行动的强度不断加大，我认为在未来几个月内，我们既可能看到俄罗斯人的考量发生转变，也可能让他们认识到是时候结束叙利亚内战了。
It's not going to be easy. Too much blood has been shed, too much infrastructure has been destroyed, too many people have been displaced, for us to anticipate that it will be a smooth transition. And ISIL is going to continue to be a deadly organization -- because of its social media, the resources that it has and the networks of experienced fighters that it possesses -- is going to continue to be a serious threat for some time to come. 这不会容易。流血太多，基础设施破坏太严重，人民流离失所太多，我们不能期望过渡会一帆风顺。伊斯兰国将继续是一个致命的组织——因为它的社交媒体、它拥有的资源以及经验丰富的战士网络——在未来一段时间内仍将是一个严重威胁。
But I'm confident that we are on the winning side of this and that, ultimately, Russia is going to recognize the threat that ISIL poses to its country, to its people, is the most significant, and that they need to align themselves with those of us who are fighting ISIL. 但我相信，我们站在胜利的一方，最终俄罗斯会认识到，伊斯兰国对其国家、对其人民构成的威胁才是最重大的，他们需要与我们这些打击伊斯兰国的国家站在一起。
Justin Sink. 贾斯汀·辛克。
Question: Thanks, Mr. President. I guess I wanted to follow on that shift in calculation that you discussed in terms of President Putin. Did you receive assurances from either him or President Hollande -- who said earlier this week that President Putin had told him he would only target jihadis and ISIS -- that that will be the focus of Russia's military campaign going forward? 问：谢谢总统先生。我想接着您刚才谈到的普京总统的考量转变来提问。普京总统或奥朗德总统——奥朗德总统本周早些时候说普京总统告诉他只会打击圣战分子和伊斯兰国——有没有向您保证，俄罗斯未来的军事行动将以此为重点？
And then, separately, I just wanted to ask about climate. The outstanding issue seems to be whether Republicans who have kind of voiced opposition to your agenda could somehow submarine funding for the Green Climate Fund. That's a pretty crucial part here. So I'm wondering both how you prevent that in the upcoming appropriations process, and if you're at all concerned about what Senator McConnell said earlier today or yesterday that a future Republican President could undo what you're trying to accomplish here in Paris. 另外，我还想问问气候问题。悬而未决的问题似乎是，那些对您的议程表示反对的共和党人会不会以某种方式阻挠绿色气候基金的拨款。这在这里是相当关键的一环。所以我想知道，您如何在即将到来的拨款程序中防止这种情况发生，以及您是否担参议员麦康奈尔今天或昨天早些时候所说的——未来的共和党总统可能会推翻您在巴黎试图达成的成果。
President Obama: First of all, on Mr. Putin, I don't expect that you're going to see a 180-turn on their strategy over the next several weeks. They have invested for years now in keeping Assad in power. Their presence there is predicated on propping him up. And so that's going to take some time for them to change how they think about the issue. 奥巴马总统：首先，关于普京先生，我不认为未来几周他们的策略会出现180度大转弯。他们多年来一直投入资源维持阿萨德掌权。他们在那里的存在就是为了支撑他。因此，他们需要一些时间来改变对这个问题的看法。
And so long as they are aligned with the regime, a lot of Russian resources are still going to be targeted at opposition groups that ultimately are going to end up being part of an inclusive government that we support or other members of the coalition support, and are fighting the regime and fighting ISIL at the same time. So I don't think we should be under any illusions that somehow Russia starts hitting only ISIL targets. That's not happening now. It was never happening. It's not going to be happening in the next several weeks. 只要他们与该政权站在一起，俄罗斯的大量资源仍将针对反对派团体，而这些团体最终将成为我们或联盟其他成员支持的包容性政府的一部分，它们同时在与政权作战、也在与伊斯兰国作战。所以我认为，我们不应抱有俄罗斯会开始只打击伊斯兰国目标的幻想。现在没有发生。过去也从未发生过。未来几周也不会发生。
What can happen is if the political process that John Kerry has so meticulously stitched together -- in concert with Foreign Minister Lavrov of Russia -- if that works in Vienna, then it's possible, given the existing accord that the parties have already agreed to, that we start seeing at least pockets of ceasefires in and around Syria. That may mean then that certain opposition groups no longer find themselves subject to either Syrian or Russian bombing; they are then in a conversation about politics. 可能发生的情况是，如果约翰·克里与俄罗斯外长拉夫罗夫精心编织的政治进程——如果在维也纳取得成功，那么鉴于各方已经达成的现有协议，我们有可能开始在叙利亚境内及周边看到至少一些局部停火。这可能意味着，某些反对派团体不再遭受叙利亚或俄罗斯的轰炸；然后它们可以参与政治对话。
And slowly, we then are able to get everybody's attention diverted to where it needs to be, and that is going after ISIL in a systematic way. 慢慢地，我们就能把每个人的注意力转移到需要关注的地方，那就是系统地打击伊斯兰国。
With respect to climate and what's taking place here, I don't want to get ahead of ourselves -- we still need a Paris agreement. And so my main focus is making sure that the United States is a leader in bringing a successful agreement home here in Paris. And there are a number of components to it. So I just want to repeat so that everybody understands what we will consider success several weeks from now. 关于气候问题以及这里正在进行的工作，我不想操之过急——我们仍需达成巴黎协议。因此，我的主要关注点是确保美国作为领导者，在巴黎推动达成一项成功的协议。协议包含多个组成部分。所以我想重申一下，让大家都明白，几周后我们将如何定义成功。
Number one, that it is an ambitious target that seeks a low-carbon global economy over the course of this century. That means that countries have put forward specific targets, and although those are self-generating, there is a mechanism in which they are presenting to the world confirmation that they are working on those targets, meeting on those targets. So there's a single transparency mechanism that all countries are adhering to, and that those are legally binding. 第一，要有一个雄心勃勃的目标，在本世纪内实现低碳全球经济。这意味着各国已提出具体目标，尽管这些目标是各国自主制定的，但要有一种机制，让各国向世界展示它们正在为实现这些目标而努力、正在落实这些目标。因此，要有一个所有国家都遵守的单一透明度机制，而且这些机制具有法律约束力。
That there's periodic reviews so that as the science changes and as technology changes, five years from now, 10 years from now, 15 years from now -- in each successive cycle, countries can update the pledges that they make; and that we've got a climate fund that helps developing countries to not only adapt and mitigate but also leapfrog over dirty-power generation in favor of clean energy. 要有定期审查机制，这样随着科学的发展和技术的进步，五年后、十年后、十五年后——在每一个连续周期中，各国都可以更新它们作出的承诺；还要有气候基金，帮助发展中国家不仅适应和减缓气候变化，还能跨越肮脏发电阶段，直接转向清洁能源。
And if we hit those targets, then we will have been successful. Not because, by the way, the pledges alone will meet the necessary targets for us to prevent catastrophic climate change, but because we will have built the architecture that's needed. We will have established a global consensus of how we're going to approach the problem. 如果我们实现这些目标，我们就取得了成功。顺便说一句，不是因为仅凭这些承诺就能达到防止灾难性气候变化所需的目标，而是因为我们将建立起所需的架构。我们将形成应对这一问题的全球共识。
And then we can successfully turn up the dials as new sources of energy become available, as the unit costs for something like solar or improvements in battery technology make it easier for us to meet even higher targets. And systematically, we can drive down carbon emissions and the pace of climate change over the course of several decades. 然后，随着新能源的出现，随着太阳能等能源单位成本的下降，或电池技术的进步使我们更容易实现更高的目标，我们就可以成功地加大力度。我们可以在几十年的时间里，系统地降低碳排放和气候变化的速度。
So I want to emphasize this because I know that in some of the reporting -- if you add up all the pledges and they were all met right now, we would be at a estimated 2.7 centigrade increase in temperature. That's too high. We wanted to get 2 centigrade or even lower than that. 所以我想强调这一点，因为我知道在一些报道中——如果把所有承诺加起来，现在就全部兑现的话，我们估计气温会上升2.7摄氏度。这太高了。我们希望控制在2摄氏度甚至更低。
But if we have these periodic reviews built in, what I believe will happen is that by sending that signal to researchers and scientists and investors and entrepreneurs and venture funds, we'll actually start hitting these targets faster than we expected, and we can be even more ambitious. And so when you look at the cumulative targets that may exist 10 years from now, we may well be within the 2 percent centigrade increase. 但如果我们建立了这些定期审查机制，我相信会发生的是，通过向研究人员、科学家、投资者、企业家和风投基金发出信号，我们实际上会比预期更快地实现这些目标，我们可以更加雄心勃勃。因此，当你看到十年后可能存在的累计目标时，我们很可能将温度升幅控制在2摄氏度以内。
And by the way, that's not just foolish optimism. When you look at the experience of the United States, for example -- I came into office, I prioritized clean energy, I said we're going to double our clean energy production. Through the Recovery Act, we recognized that making these big investments were also good for the economy and helping us get out of recession and could create jobs. So we made a big investment, and it turned out that we met our goals a lot quicker than we expected. 顺便说一句，这不只是愚蠢的乐观主义。例如，看看美国的经验——我上任时，将清洁能源列为优先事项，我说我们将把清洁能源产量翻一番。通过《复苏法案》，我们认识到进行这些大规模投资也有利于经济，帮助我们走出衰退，并能创造就业。所以我们进行了大量投资，结果我们比预期快得多地实现了目标。
If you had asked me when I first came into office my expectations for the price of solar-generated power versus traditional coal or other fossil-fuel-generated power, I would say we would make some progress but that solar would still require substantial subsidies in order to be economical. The cost of solar has gone down much faster than any of us would have predicted even five years ago. 如果你在我刚上任时问我，太阳能发电相对于传统煤炭或其他化石燃料发电的价格预期会是多少，我会说我们会取得一些进展，但太阳能仍需要大量补贴才能经济可行。太阳能成本下降的速度比我们任何人五年前预测的都要快得多。
So the key here is to set up the structure so that we're sending signals all around the world: This is happening. We're not turning back. And the thing about human ingenuity -- I was going to say American ingenuity, but there are other smart folks around too, don't want to be too parochial about this -- the thing about human ingenuity is, is that it responds when it gets a strong signal of what needs to be done. 所以这里的关键是建立这样的架构，向全世界发出信号：这正在发生。我们不会回头。而人类的创造力——我本来想说美国的创造力，但世界各地也有其他聪明的人，我不想太狭隘——人类的创造力在于，当它收到需要做什么的强烈信号时，就会作出回应。
The old expression that necessity is the mother of invention -- well, this is necessary. And us getting a strong, high-ambition agreement in place, even if it doesn't meet all the goals that we ultimately need to meet, sends a signal that it's necessary and that will spur on the innovation that's going to ultimately meet our goals. 有句老话说，需要是发明之母——嗯，这就是需要。我们达成一项强有力的、高目标的协议，即使它不能满足我们最终需要实现的所有目标，也会发出这是必要之举的信号，从而激发最终实现我们目标的创新。
Nancy Benac. 南希·贝纳克。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. One follow-up on the climate change issue. Are you confident that you can hold the U.S. to its commitments under existing treaties with no new vote needed? And separately, on Planned Parenthood, I wondered if you could share your thoughts on that shooting, and any thoughts in the context of the sharp political rhetoric in the country at this time. 问：谢谢您，总统先生。我有一个关于气候变化问题的追问。您是否有信心，美国可以在不需要新投票的情况下，根据现有条约履行其承诺？另外，关于计划生育组织，我想请您谈谈对那次枪击事件的看法，以及在当前国内尖锐政治言论的背景下您有什么想法。
President Obama: I apologize, Justin, I didn't address that but, fortunately, Nancy was batting cleanup after you. 奥巴马总统：我很抱歉，贾斯汀，我之前没有回答那个问题，不过幸好，南希接着你问了。
On the issue of the climate fund, we already engage in assistance to countries for adaptation, mitigation, sharing technology that can help them meet their energy needs in a clean way. And so this is not just one slug of funding that happens in one year -- this is multiyear commitments that, in many cases, are already embedded in a whole range of programs that we have around the world. And my expectation is, is that we will absolutely be able to meet our commitments. 关于气候基金问题，我们已经在向各国提供援助，用于适应、减缓气候变化，以及分享帮助它们以清洁方式满足能源需求的技术。所以这不只是某一年的一笔资金——这是多年承诺，在很多情况下，已经纳入我们在世界各地开展的各类项目之中。我的期望是，我们绝对能够履行我们的承诺。
This is part of American leadership, by the way. And this is part of the debate that we have to have in the United States more frequently. 顺便说一句，这是美国领导力的一部分。这也是我们在美国国内需要更频繁进行的辩论的一部分。
For some reason, too often in Washington, American leadership is defined by whether or not we're sending troops somewhere, and that's the sole definition of leadership. And part of what I've been trying to describe during the course of my presidency is that where we make the most impact -- and where, by the way, we strengthen our relationships and influence the most -- is when we are helping to organize the world around a particular problem. 不知为何，在华盛顿，美国领导力常常被定义为我们是否向某地派遣军队，这成了领导力的唯一定义。而我在总统任期内一直试图说明的是，我们产生最大影响的地方——顺便说一句，也是我们加强关系、扩大影响力最多的地方——是当我们帮助世界各国共同应对某一特定问题的时候。
Now, because we're the largest country, because we have the most powerful military, we should welcome the fact that we're going to do more and oftentimes we're going to do it first. So during the Ebola response, other countries could not respond until we had set up the infrastructure to allow other countries to respond, and until we had made the call and showed that we were going to make that investment. 因为我们是最大的国家，因为我们拥有最强大的军队，我们应该为我们做得更多、而且常常率先行动这一事实感到高兴。因此在埃博拉疫情应对期间，其他国家无法作出反应，直到我们建立了基础设施，让其他国家能够参与应对，直到我们发出号召并表明我们将进行这项投资。
The same was true with respect to making sure that Iran didn't get a nuclear weapon. We had to lead the way, but, ultimately, because we reached out and brought our allies and partners together, we were able to achieve goals that we could not have achieved by ourselves. 在确保伊朗不获得核武器的问题上也是如此。我们必须率先行动，但最终，因为我们伸出援手，将我们的盟友和伙伴聚集在一起，我们才得以实现仅凭一己之力无法实现的目标。
The same is true with climate. When I made the announcement in Beijing with President Xi, I was able to do so in part because we had led domestically, so I could put my money where my mouth was, and I said, here are the tough political decisions we're making, now what are you going to do? And once we were able to get China involved that gave confidence to other countries that we were in a position to make a difference as well -- or that they needed to be involved in the process as well. 在气候问题上也是如此。当我在北京与习近平主席共同宣布这一消息时，我之所以能够这样做，部分原因是我们在国内率先采取了行动，所以我可以说到做到，我说，我们正在作出这些艰难的政治决定，现在你们打算怎么做？一旦我们让中国参与进来，就给了其他国家信心，让它们相信我们也有能力有所作为——或者说它们也需要参与到这一进程中来。
So whether it's organizing the coalition that's fighting ISIL, or dealing with climate change, our role is central, but on large international issues like this, it's not going to be sufficient -- at least not if we want it to take, if we want it to sustain itself. We've got to have partners. And that's the kind of leadership that we should aspire to. 因此，无论是组织打击伊斯兰国的联盟，还是应对气候变化，我们的作用都是核心的，但在这样的重大国际问题上，仅靠我们是不够的——至少如果我们想让成果持续下去、想让它站得住脚的话。我们需要伙伴。这才是我们应该追求的领导力。
With respect to Planned Parenthood, obviously my heart goes out to the families of those impacted. I mean, Nancy, I say this every time we've got one of these mass shootings -- this just doesn't happen in other countries. 关于计划生育组织，显然，我对受影响者的家属表示慰问。我的意思是，南希，每次发生这种大规模枪击事件我都会这么说——这种事不会在其他国家发生。
We are, rightly, determined to prevent terrorist attacks wherever they occur, whether in the United States or with friends and allies like France. And we devote enormous resources -- and properly so -- to rooting out networks and debilitating organizations like ISIL, and maintaining the intelligence and improving the information-sharing that can identify those who would try to kill innocent people. And yet, in the United States, we have the power to do more to prevent what is just a regular process of gun homicides that is unequalled by multiples of 5, 6, 10. 我们有决心在任何地方防止恐怖袭击，无论是在美国还是在法国这样的友邦，这是理所当然的。我们投入了大量资源——而且这样做是恰当的——来铲除伊斯兰国这样的网络和组织，维护情报工作，改善信息共享，以识别那些试图杀害无辜人民的人。然而，在美国，我们有能力做得更多，来防止枪支杀人这种司空见惯的事情，其数量是其他国家的5倍、6倍、10倍。
And I think the American people understand that. So my hope is, is that, once again, this spurs a conversation and action. And I will continue to present those things that I can do administratively. But in the end of the day, Congress, states, local governments are going to have to act in order to make sure that we're preventing people who are deranged or have violent tendencies from getting weapons that can magnify the damage that they do. 我认为美国人民明白这一点。所以我的希望是，这再一次激发对话和行动。我将继续提出我可以通过行政手段做到的事情。但归根结底，国会、各州、地方政府必须采取行动，以确保我们防止精神错乱或有暴力倾向的人获得能够放大其破坏力的武器。
And with respect to Planned Parenthood, I think it's clear -- I've said it before -- they provide health services to women all across the country. Have for generations. In many cases, it's the only organization that provides health services to impoverished women. And I think it's fair to have a legitimate, honest debate about abortion. I don't think that's something that is beyond the pale of our political discussion; I think it's a serious, legitimate issue. 关于计划生育组织，我认为很清楚——我以前也说过——它们为全美各地的妇女提供医疗服务。已经延续了好几代人。在很多情况下，这是唯一为贫困妇女提供医疗服务的组织。我认为，就堕胎进行合法、诚实的辩论是公平的。我不认为这超出了我们政治讨论的范畴；我认为这是一个严肃、正当的议题。
How we talk about it -- making sure that we're talking about it factually, accurately, and not demonizing organizations like Planned Parenthood -- I think is important. 我们如何谈论这个问题——确保我们实事求是、准确地讨论，而不是妖魔化计划生育组织这样的机构——我认为这很重要。
Jeff Mason. 杰夫·梅森。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. Do you believe that Turkey is doing enough to strengthen its northwest border with Syria? How is it that a NATO country with as large a military as Turkey has, has not sealed its border? And is that something that you raised today with President Erdogan? And then, to put a finer point on the climate change question, can leaders gathered here believe that the United States will keep its commitments, even after you've left office, if a Republican succeeds you in the White House? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。您认为土耳其在加强其与叙利亚接壤的西北边境方面做得足够吗？一个拥有如此庞大军队的北约国家，怎么会没能封锁边境？您今天有没有向埃尔多安总统提出这个问题？另外，关于气候变化问题，我想更明确地问一下，如果共和党人接替您入主白宫，聚集在这里的领导人能相信美国会信守承诺吗，即使在您卸任之后？
President Obama: Just with respect to my successor, let me, first of all, say that I'm anticipating a Democrat succeeding me. I'm confident in the wisdom of the American people on that front. 奥巴马总统：关于我的继任者，首先我要说的是，我预计民主党人会接替我。我对美国人民在这方面的智慧有信心。
But even if somebody from a different party succeeded me, one of the things that you find is when you're in this job, you think about it differently than when you're just running for the job. And what you realize is what I mentioned earlier, that American leadership involves not just playing to a narrow constituency back home, but you now are, in fact, at the center of what happens around the world, and that your credibility and America's ability to influence events depends on taking seriously what other countries care about. 但即使其他政党的人接替了我，你会发现的一件事是，当你担任这个职务时，你的想法和你只是竞选这个职务时是不一样的。你会意识到我之前提到的一点，即美国领导力不仅意味着迎合国内的少数选民，还意味着你实际上处于全球事务的中心，你的可信度以及美国影响事态的能力，取决于是否认真对待其他国家关心的问题。
Now, the fact of the matter is there's a reason why you have the largest gathering of world leaders probably in human history here in Paris. Everybody else is taking climate change really seriously. They think it's a really big problem. It spans political parties. You travel around Europe, and you talk to leaders of governments and the opposition, and they are arguing about a whole bunch of things -- one thing they're not arguing about is whether the science of climate change is real and whether or not we have to do something about it. 事实上，这就是为什么巴黎可能聚集了人类历史上最多的世界领导人。其他所有人都在非常认真地对待气候变化。他们认为这是一个非常大的问题。这跨越了政党界限。你去欧洲各地，与政府和反对党领导人交谈，他们会为一大堆事情争论不休——但他们不会争论的一件事是，气候变化科学是否真实存在，以及我们是否必须为此做些什么。
So whoever is the next President of the United States, if they come in and they suggest somehow that that global consensus -- not just 99.5 percent of scientists and experts, but 99 percent of world leaders -- think this is really important, I think the President of the United States is going to need to think this is really important. And that's why it's important for us to not project what's being said on a campaign trail, but to do what's right, and make the case. 因此，无论谁成为下一任美国总统，如果他们上任后暗示某种程度上全球共识——不只是99.5%的科学家和专家，还有99%的世界领导人——都认为这非常重要，我想美国总统也需要认为这非常重要。这就是为什么我们不应被竞选造势时的言论所左右，而应做正确的事，并阐明理由。
And I would note that the American people, I think in the most recent survey, two-thirds of them said America should be a signatory to any agreement that emerges that is actually addressing climate change in a serious way. So the good news is, the politics inside the United States is changing, as well. Sometimes it may be hard for Republicans to support something that I'm doing, but that's more a matter of the games Washington plays. And that's why I think people should be confident that we'll meet our commitments on this. 我还要指出，美国人民——我认为最近的调查显示——三分之二的人表示，美国应该签署任何真正认真应对气候变化的协议。所以好消息是，美国国内的政治也在发生变化。有时候，共和党人可能很难支持我正在做的事情，但这更多是华盛顿政治游戏的问题。这就是为什么我认为人们应该有信心，我们会履行在这方面的承诺。
With respect to Turkey, I have had repeated conversations with President Erdogan about the need to close the border between Turkey and Syria. We've seen some serious progress on that front, but there are still some gaps. In particular, there's about 98 kilometers that are still used as a transit point for foreign fighters, ISIL shipping out fuel for sale that helps finance their terrorist activities. 关于土耳其，我已多次与埃尔多安总统谈及关闭土耳其与叙利亚边境的必要性。我们在这方面看到了一些重大进展，但仍有一些漏洞。特别是，大约还有98公里的边境仍被用作外国战斗人员的中转站，伊斯兰国将燃料运出销售，为其恐怖活动提供资金。
And so we have been having our militaries work together to determine how a combination of air and Turkish ground forces on the Turkish side of the border can do a much better job of sealing the border than currently is. And I think President Erdogan recognizes that. I'm also encouraged by the fact that President Erdogan and the EU had a series of meetings around -- or Turkey and the EU had a series of meetings around the issue of the Turkish-Greek border. 因此，我们一直在让双方军方合作，研究如何通过空中打击与土耳其境内地面部队相结合，比现在更好地封锁边境。我认为埃尔多安总统认识到了这一点。埃尔多安总统与欧盟——或者说土耳其与欧盟——就土耳其-希腊边境问题举行了一系列会谈，这也让我感到鼓舞。
We have to remind ourselves, Turkey has taken on an enormous humanitarian effort. There are millions of Syrians who are displaced and living inside of Turkey -- not just refugee camps, but they are now moving into major cities throughout Turkey. That puts enormous strains on their infrastructure, on their housing, on employment. And Turkey has continued to keep those borders open for people in real need. 我们必须提醒自己，土耳其承担了巨大的人道主义努力。有数百万叙利亚人流离失所，居住在土耳其境内——不只是在难民营里，他们现在已经搬到了土耳其各地的主要城市。这给他们的基础设施、住房和就业带来了巨大压力。而土耳其继续为真正有需要的人开放边境。
So I'm proud that the United States is the single-largest contributor of humanitarian aid for Syrian refugees. I'm glad that the EU is looking to do more to help Turkey manage those refugee flows. 我为美国是叙利亚难民最大的人道主义援助贡献国而感到自豪。我很高兴欧盟正在寻求采取更多措施，帮助土耳其管理这些难民潮。
But I also think the EU, rightly, wants to see the kind of orderly process along the Turkish-Greek border that's necessary for Europe to be able to regulate the amount of refugees it's absorbing, and to save the lives of refugees who are oftentimes taking enormous risks because they're being ferried back and forth by human traffickers who are now operating in the same ways that you see drug traffickers operating under -- at enormous profit, and without regard for human life. 但我也认为，欧盟正确地希望看到土希边境沿线有秩序的进程，这对欧洲调节其吸收的难民数量、挽救难民的生命是必要的，因为难民们常常冒着巨大风险，被人贩子来回运送——这些人贩子现在的运作方式与毒贩子如出一辙——牟取暴利，不顾人命。
Question: Did you raise the border issue with him today? 问：您今天向他提出边境问题了吗？
President Obama: We talked about it today, but I guess what I'm saying, Jeff, is this has been an ongoing conversation. We recognize that this is a central part of our anti-ISIL strategy. We've got to choke them off. We have to choke off how they make money. We've got to choke off their ability to bring in new fighters. 奥巴马总统：我们今天谈到了这个问题，但我想我要说的是，杰夫，这一直是一个持续的对话。我们认识到这是我们反伊斯兰国战略的核心部分。我们必须遏制他们。我们必须切断他们的财路。我们必须切断他们招募新战斗人员的渠道。
Because we've taken tens of thousands of their fighters off the battlefield, but if new ones are still coming in, then they continue to maintain a stranglehold over certain population centers inside of Iraq or Syria. So we've got to cut off their source of new fighters. 因为我们已经在战场上消灭了他们数万名战斗人员，但如果新的战斗人员还在源源不断地涌入，那么他们就会继续对伊拉克或叙利亚境内的某些人口中心保持控制。所以我们必须切断他们新战斗人员的来源。
That's also part of the great danger for Europe, and ultimately the United States, as well, and countries as far-flung as Australia or Singapore. If you've got foreign fighters coming in that are getting not only ideologically hardened but battle-hardened, and then they're returning to their home countries, they're likely candidates for engaging in the kind of terrorist attacks that we saw here in Paris. 这也是欧洲、最终还有美国，乃至远至澳大利亚或新加坡等国家面临的巨大危险的一部分。如果外国战斗人员涌入，他们不仅在意识形态上变得更加顽固，还在战斗中变得经验丰富，然后返回自己的国家，他们很可能会发动我们在巴黎看到的那种恐怖袭击。
So this has been ongoing concern and we're going to continue to push hard among all our allies to cut off the financing, cut off the foreign fighters, improve our intelligence-gathering, which has allowed us to accelerate the strikes that we're taking against ISIL. 因此，这一直是我们关注的问题，我们将继续在所有盟友中大力推动切断资金、切断外国战斗人员、改善情报收集——这些工作使我们能够加快对伊斯兰国的打击力度。
A lot of the discussion over the last couple of weeks was the pace of airstrikes. The pace of airstrikes is not constrained by the amount of planes or missiles that we have; the pace has been dictated by how many effective targets do we have. And our intelligence continues to improve. And the better we get at that, the better we're going to be at going after them. 过去几周的很多讨论都是关于空袭的节奏。空袭的节奏不受我们拥有的飞机或导弹数量的限制；节奏取决于我们有多少有效目标。而我们的情报工作在不断改善。我们在这方面做得越好，打击他们的效果就越好。
Scott Horsley. 斯科特·霍斯利。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. In terms of sending that market signal you talked about today and a couple of times this week, I wonder if you see any political path back home towards putting an explicit price on carbon. 问：谢谢您，总统先生。关于您今天和本周几次提到的发出市场信号，我想知道您是否认为国内有任何政治途径可以对碳明确定价。
President Obama: I have long believed that the most elegant way to drive innovation and to reduce carbon emissions is to put a price on it. This is a classic market failure. If you open up an Econ101 textbook, it will say the market is very good about determining prices and allocating capital towards its most productive use -- except there are certain externalities, there are certain things that the market just doesn't count, it doesn't price, at least not on its own. Clean air is an example. Clean water -- or the converse -- dirty water, dirty air. 奥巴马总统：我一直认为，推动创新和减少碳排放最优雅的方式就是对其定价。这是一个典型的市场失灵案例。如果你翻开经济学入门教材，它会说市场非常善于确定价格并将资本配置到最具生产力的用途上——但存在某些外部性，有些东西市场就是不会计算，不会定价，至少它自己不会。清洁空气就是一个例子。清洁水——或者反过来——脏水、脏空气。
In this case, the carbons that are being sent up that originally we didn't have the science to fully understand -- we do now. And if that's the case, if you put a price on it, then the entire market would respond. And the best investments and the smartest technologies would begin scrubbing effectively our entire economy. 在这个问题上，我们最初没有足够的科学知识来完全理解排放到大气中的碳——现在我们懂了。既然如此，如果我们对其定价，那么整个市场都会作出反应。最好的投资和最智能的技术将开始有效地净化我们的整个经济。
But it's difficult. And so I think that as the science around climate change is more accepted, as people start realizing that even today you can put a price on the damage that climate change is doing -- you go down to Miami, and when it's flooding at high tide on a sunny day and fish are swimming through the middle of the streets, there's a cost to that. 但这很难。所以我认为，随着气候变化的科学被更广泛地接受，随着人们开始意识到，即使在今天，你也可以为气候变化造成的损害定价——你去迈阿密，当阳光明媚的日子里涨潮发生洪水，鱼在街道中央游来游去时，这就是代价。
Insurance companies already are beginning to realize that in terms of how they price risk. And the more the market on its own starts putting a price on it because of risk, it may be that the politics around setting up a cap-and-trade system, for example, shifts as well. 保险公司已经开始从风险定价的角度意识到这一点。市场自身越是因为风险而开始对其定价，那么围绕建立总量管制与交易制度等问题的政治态势可能也会随之改变。
Obviously, I'm not under any illusion that this Congress will impose something like that. But it is worth remembering that it was conservatives and Republicans and center-right think tanks that originally figured out this was a smarter way to deal with pollution than a command-and-control system. And it was folks like George H.W. Bush and his EPA that effectively marshalled this approach to deal with acid raid. We ended up solving it a lot faster, a lot cheaper than anybody had anticipated. 显然，我不幻想本届国会会强加这样的制度。但值得记住的是，最初想出这种比命令控制体系更聪明的污染治理方法的，正是保守派、共和党人和中右翼智库。正是乔治·H·W·布什和他的环境保护署有效地采用了这种方法来治理酸雨。我们最终解决这个问题的速度比任何人预期的都要快得多，成本也低得多。
And I guess, more than anything, that's the main message I want to send here, is climate change is a massive problem. It is a generational problem. It's a problem that, by definition, is just about the hardest thing for any political system to absorb, because the effects are gradual, they're diffuse; people don't feel it immediately and so there's not a lot of constituency pressure on politicians to do something about it right away, it kind of creeps up on you. 我想，最重要的是，这就是我想在这里传递的主要信息，即气候变化是一个巨大的问题。这是一个代际问题。
You've got the problem of the commons and you've got to get everybody doing it -- because if just one nation is helping but the other nations aren't doing it, then it doesn't do any good -- so you have this huge coordination problem and the danger of free riders. 从定义上讲，这个问题对任何政治体系来说都是最难应对的问题之一，因为影响是渐进的、分散的；人们不会立即感受到，所以没有太多选民压力要求政客们立刻采取行动，它就像悄悄逼近你一样。还有公地悲剧的问题，你必须让所有人都参与进来——因为如果只有一个国家在努力，其他国家不行动，那就没有任何好处——所以存在巨大的协调问题和搭便车的危险。
So on all these dimensions, it's hard to come up with a tougher problem than climate change -- or a more consequential problem. 因此，从所有这些方面来看，很难想出比气候变化更棘手的问题——或者说影响更深远的问题。
And yet, despite all that, the main message I've got is, I actually think we're going to solve this thing. If you had said to people as recently as two years ago that we'd have 180 countries showing up in Paris with pretty ambitious targets for carbon reduction, most people would have said you're crazy, that's a pipe dream. And yet, here we are. That's already happened. Before the agreement is even signed, that's already happened. 然而，尽管如此，我要传达的主要信息是，我实际上认为我们能够解决这个问题。如果就在两年前你对人们说，将有180个国家带着相当雄心勃勃的碳减排目标出现在巴黎，大多数人会说你疯了，那是白日梦。然而，我们现在就在这里。这已经成为现实。在协议甚至还没签署之前，这就已经发生了。
As I said earlier, if you had told folks what the cost of generating solar energy would be today relative to what it was five years ago, people would have said, not a chance. And with relatively modest inputs, that's already happening. I mean, imagine if we're starting to put more R&D dollars into it -- which is why the Mission Innovation announcement was so significant -- the biggest countries, the most prosperous countries doubling their R&D, but then you've also got Bill Gates and other extraordinarily wealthy individuals saying we're going to put our money into this. 正如我之前所说，如果你告诉人们，与五年前相比，如今太阳能发电的成本会是多少，人们会说，不可能。投入相对有限，却已经实现了这样的成果。我的意思是，想象一下，如果我们开始投入更多研发资金——这就是为什么"创新使命"宣言意义如此重大——最大的国家、最繁荣的国家将研发投入翻一番，而且还有比尔·盖茨和其他极其富有的个人表示，他们将把自己的钱投入其中。
I'm optimistic. I think we're going to solve it. I think the issue is just going to be the pace and how much damage is done before we are able to fully apply the brakes. 我很乐观。我认为我们会解决这个问题。我认为问题只在于速度，以及在我们能够完全刹车之前会造成多大的损害。
And in some ways, it's akin to the problem of terrorism and ISIL. In the immediate aftermath of a terrible attack like happened here in Paris, sometimes it's natural for people to despair. But look at Paris. You can't tear down Paris because of the demented actions of a handful individuals. The beauty, the joy, the life, the culture, the people, the diversity -- that's going to win out every time. 在某些方面，这类似于恐怖主义和伊斯兰国问题。在像巴黎发生的可怕袭击之后的即刻，人们有时会自然地感到绝望。但看看巴黎吧。你不能因为一小撮人的疯狂行为就摧毁巴黎。美、欢乐、生命、文化、人民、多元——这些每次都会胜出。
But we have to be steady in applying pressure to the problem. We have to keep on going at it. We have to see what works. When something doesn't work, we have to change our approach. But most of all, we have to push away fear, and have confidence that human innovation, our values, our judgment, our solidarity -- it will win out. 但我们必须坚定不移地对这个问题施加压力。我们必须持续努力。我们必须看看什么有效。当某些方法行不通时，我们必须改变策略。但最重要的是，我们必须驱散恐惧，对人类的创新、我们的价值观、我们的判断力、我们的团结抱有信心——这些终将胜出。
And I guess I've been at this long enough where I have some cause for confidence. We went, what, a month, month and a half, where people were pretty sure that Ebola was going to kill us all? Well, nobody asks me about it anymore. And although we still see flickers of it in West Africa, we set up an entire global health security agenda -- part of American leadership -- to deal not only with Ebola but to deal with the possibility of future pandemics. It's not easy. It takes time. And when you're in the midst of it, it's frightening. But it's solvable. 我想我经历得够多了，所以有理由保持信心。我们经历了什么？一个月，一个半月，人们都相当确定埃博拉会把我们都杀死？嗯，现在没人再问我这个问题了。虽然我们在西非仍能看到零星病例，但我们建立了一整套全球卫生安全议程——这是美国领导力的一部分——不仅应对埃博拉，还应对未来大流行病的可能性。这并不容易。这需要时间。当你身处其中时，是令人恐惧的。但这是可以解决的。
All right? With that, I'm going to go home. Vive la France! Thank you very much. 好了吧？就这样，我要回家了。法兰西万岁！非常感谢大家。