Farewell Address to Congress

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: 总统先生、议长先生、尊敬的国会议员们:

I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. 我站在这个讲台上,既深感谦卑,又无比自豪。谦卑,是因为那些缔造美国历史的伟大先贤曾站在这里;自豪,是因为这个立法辩论场所以人类迄今创造的最纯粹形式体现着自由。全人类的希望、抱负与信念汇聚于此。我并非为任何党派主张而来,因为这些问题事关根本,远远超越党派考量。

They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American. 如果我们要选择正确的道路、保障国家的未来,就必须站在国家利益的最高层面解决这些问题。因此,我相信诸位会公正地听取我的发言,把它仅仅看作一位美国同胞深思熟虑后的观点。

I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. 在人生渐入暮年的此刻,我不带怨恨,也不怀愤懑,心中只有一个目的:为祖国效力。当前的问题遍及全球,彼此紧密相连;只顾一个地区而无视另一个地区,只会使全局陷入灾难。人们通常把亚洲称作通往欧洲的门户,但欧洲同样也是通往亚洲的门户,一方的广泛影响必然波及另一方。

There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe. 有人声称,我们的力量不足以同时保卫两条战线,不能分散投入。我想不出还有什么说法比这更显失败主义。如果潜在敌人能够把兵力分布在两条战线上,我们就应当予以抗衡。共产主义威胁遍及全球。它在一个地区得逞,就会威胁其他所有地区。在亚洲姑息共产主义或向其屈服,必然同时削弱我们阻止它在欧洲扩张的努力。

Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which are -- which have marked her course up to the present. 除说明这些基本事实外,我将只讨论亚洲的总体问题。要客观评估当地现状,就必须了解亚洲的过去,以及那些正在发生——更确切地说,已经一路塑造亚洲直至今日的革命性变化。

Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom. 亚洲人民长期遭受所谓殖民强国的剥削,几乎没有机会获得社会正义、个人尊严,或达到更高的生活水平,而我们在菲律宾的高尚治理正是以此为目标。在刚刚结束的战争中,他们终于获得机会挣脱殖民主义的枷锁,如今正迎来新的希望、从未体验过的尊严,以及政治自由带来的自重。

Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started. 这些民族占世界人口的一半,拥有全球百分之六十的自然资源,正在迅速凝聚成一股新的道义和物质力量,用以提高生活水平,并使现代进步的模式适应各自独特的文化环境。无论是否认同殖民制度,这都是亚洲前进的方向,无法阻挡。随着世界事务的重心重新转向其发源之地,世界经济边界也随之转移,这正是其中的必然结果。

In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. 在这种形势下,我们国家的政策必须顺应这一基本演变,而不能无视现实、逆势而行。殖民时代已经过去,亚洲人民渴望获得决定自身自由命运的权利。他们如今寻求的是友善的引导、理解与支持,而不是专横的支配;是平等的尊严,而不是屈从的耻辱。

Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. 他们战前的生活水平已经低得可怜,如今又因战争留下的破坏而降得更低。世界性的意识形态在亚洲人的思考中影响甚微,也很少为他们所理解。

What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism. 这些人民所争取的,不过是肚子里多一点食物、身上多一点衣服、头顶有一处更牢靠的住所,以及实现民族争取政治自由的正常愿望。这些政治和社会状况同我国国家安全只有间接关系,却构成当代战略规划的背景;如果我们要避免脱离现实的错误,就必须认真加以考虑。

Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack. 对我国国家安全影响更为直接而紧迫的,是上次战争给太平洋战略态势带来的变化。在此之前,美国西部的战略边界位于美洲沿岸,只有一条暴露在外的岛链突出部,经夏威夷、中途岛和关岛延伸至菲律宾。事实证明,这条突出部并非力量前哨,而是敌人能够并且确曾沿线进攻的薄弱通道。

The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. 太平洋曾是任何企图袭击周边陆地的侵略力量可能利用的进军区域。我们在太平洋取得胜利后,这一切都改变了。我国的战略边界随之扩展到整个太平洋;只要我们控制着它,它就是保护我们的巨大护城河。事实上,它也是整个美洲以及太平洋地区所有自由土地的防护盾。

We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific. 我们和自由盟友控制着一条从阿留申群岛呈弧形延伸至马里亚纳群岛的岛链,凭借它把控制范围一直推进到亚洲海岸。以这条岛链为基地,我们能够依靠海空力量控制从符拉迪沃斯托克到新加坡的每一个亚洲港口——正如我所说,依靠海空力量控制从符拉迪沃斯托克到新加坡的每一个港口——并阻止任何敌对力量进入太平洋。

Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort. No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure. 任何从亚洲发动的侵略性进攻都必须采取两栖作战。不能控制进军路线上的海上通道和空域,任何两栖部队都不可能成功。只要掌握制海权和制空权,并以适量地面部队守卫基地,亚洲大陆针对我们或太平洋地区友邦发动的任何大规模进攻都注定失败。

Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. 在这种条件下,太平洋不再是潜在侵略者来袭的危险通道,反而呈现出和平湖泊般的友善面貌。我们的防线顺应自然,只需投入最低限度的军力和经费即可维持。它既不以攻击任何国家为目的,也不提供实施进攻所必需的堡垒;但只要维护得当,就会成为抵御侵略的坚不可摧的防线。

The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment. 守住西太平洋这条沿岸防线,完全取决于守住它的每一个环节;任何一个主要地段一旦被敌对势力突破,其他所有主要地段都会暴露在猛烈攻击之下。

This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington. 这是一项军事判断,迄今我还没有遇到任何一位军事领导人对此提出异议。正因如此,我过去曾从军事紧迫性的角度强烈主张,无论如何都不能让台湾落入共产党控制。否则,菲律宾的自由与日本的安全将立即受到威胁,我国的西部边界甚至可能被迫退回加利福尼亚、俄勒冈和华盛顿州海岸。

To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. 要理解中国大陆当前出现的变化,就必须了解过去五十年间中国民族性与文化的变迁。五十年前,中国完全缺乏统一,各个群体彼此割裂、相互对立。由于人们仍遵循儒家崇尚和平的文化理念,发动战争的倾向几乎不存在。

At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies. 世纪之交,在张作霖统治时期,推动中国进一步统一的努力催生了民族主义意识。此后,这股意识在蒋介石领导下得到更成功的发展,而在现政权统治下达到顶峰,形成一种日益强势并具有进攻倾向的统一民族主义。

Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism. 在过去五十年里,中国人的观念和理想由此逐渐军事化。他们如今已经成为优秀的士兵,拥有称职的参谋人员和指挥官。亚洲因此出现了一股新的主导力量;它出于自身目的同苏联结盟,却在观念和手段上走向咄咄逼人的帝国主义,表现出这类帝国主义惯有的扩张欲和权力欲。

There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies. 不论属于哪一派,意识形态观念在中国人的思想构成中都所占甚少。当地生活水平极低,资本积累又被战争耗损殆尽,以至民众陷入绝境,谁的领导看似能够缓解眼前困苦,他们就急于追随谁。

I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time. 我从一开始就认为,中国共产党是朝鲜北方军队的主要支持者。目前,他们的利益同苏联相互一致。但我相信,近来不仅在朝鲜,也在印度支那和西藏表现出来并可能指向南方的进攻性,主要反映的仍是扩张权力的欲望;自古以来,每一个妄图征服他国的人都受这种欲望驱使。

The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice. 战后,日本人民经历了现代史上最深刻的变革。他们意志可嘉,求知热切,理解力出众,从战争留下的废墟中建起了一座以个人自由和人格尊严至上为根基的大厦。在这一过程中,一个真正具有代表性的政府得以建立,致力于提升政治道德、维护自由经营并促进社会正义。

Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. 今天,日本在政治、经济和社会方面已可与世界许多自由国家并肩而立,也不会再次辜负国际社会的信任。日本人民出色应对了外部战争、动荡与混乱的最新挑战,在国内遏制共产主义的同时,前进步伐没有丝毫减缓;这充分证明,日本必将在亚洲事务的发展中发挥极为有益的影响。

I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race. 我把全部四个占领师都派往朝鲜战场,对于由此在日本形成的力量真空没有丝毫担忧。结果完全证明了我的判断。我不知道还有哪个国家比日本更加安定、守序和勤勉,也不知道还有哪个国家更值得人们期待它将来以建设性贡献推动人类进步。

Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited. 对于我们昔日的托管地菲律宾,我们可以满怀信心地期待,当前的动荡终将平息,一个强健的国家将在战争造成的长期破坏之后成长起来。我们必须保持耐心和理解,绝不能辜负他们;正如我们身处危难时,他们没有辜负我们。菲律宾是一个基督教国家,是基督教在远东的坚固堡垒,在亚洲发挥崇高道义领导作用的潜力不可限量。

On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines. 在台湾,中华民国政府已经有机会以实际行动驳斥许多恶意流言;正是这些流言严重削弱了它过去在中国大陆的领导力量。台湾人民正接受公正开明的治理,并在政府机构中占有多数代表席位;从政治、经济和社会各方面看,他们似乎都在沿着稳健而富有建设性的道路前进。

With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we -- as I said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces. 在简要说明周边地区的情况后,我现在转向朝鲜冲突。总统决定出兵支援大韩民国之前并未征求我的意见,但从军事角度看,这项决定后来证明是正确的,因为我们——正如我所说,这项决定证明是正确的,因为我们击退了入侵者并重创其部队。就在我们大获全胜、目标即将实现之际,中国共产党军队以数量占优的地面部队介入了战争。

This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy. 这造成了一场新的战争和一个全新的局面。我们的部队投入战斗抵抗朝鲜北方入侵者时,并未预见这种局面;它要求外交领域作出新的决定,以便切合实际地调整军事战略。

Such decisions have not been forthcoming. While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old. 然而,这些决定始终没有作出。任何头脑清醒的人都不会主张把我们的地面部队派进中国大陆,我们也从未考虑过这样做;但是,如果我们的政治目标是像击败原来的敌人一样击败这个新敌人,新的局势确实迫切要求彻底修订战略规划。

Apart from the military need, as I saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy. 除我所认为的军事需要,即消除鸭绿江以北庇护区对敌军的保护外,战争行动的军事需要还要求采取以下措施:第一,加强对中国的经济封锁;第二,对中国沿海实施海上封锁;第三,取消对中国沿海地区及满洲进行空中侦察的限制;第四,取消对台湾中华民国军队的限制,并提供后勤支援,使其能够有效打击共同的敌人。

For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff. 我提出这些主张,完全是出于专业判断,目的是支援投入朝鲜的我军,尽快结束敌对行动,并挽救无数美国及盟国军人的生命。为此,我在非军事界受到严厉批评,尤其是国外的批评;然而据我了解,从军事角度看,过去几乎每一位参与朝鲜战事的军事领导人,包括我国参谋长联席会议,都完全认同上述主张。

I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory. 我曾要求增援,却被告知无兵可派。我明确指出:如果不准摧毁敌军在鸭绿江以北建立的基地,不准动用驻台湾、约六十万人的中华民国军队,不准封锁中国海岸、阻止中国共产党军队获得外来补给,又不可能得到大规模增援,那么从军事角度说,指挥部所处的局势根本不容许我们取得胜利。

We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution. 我们可以依靠不断机动,在一个我方补给线优势大致能够抵消敌方补给线劣势的区域内守住朝鲜;但如果敌人充分动用其全部军事潜力,我们最多只能进行一场胜负难分的战役,同时让部队承受可怕而持续的消耗。我一直要求作出解决这一问题所必需的新政治决定。

Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: 有人一直试图歪曲我的立场,甚至说我是战争贩子。没有什么比这种说法更背离事实。当今世上,很少有人像我这样了解战争;对我而言,也没有什么比战争更令人憎恶。我长期主张彻底废除战争,因为它给敌我双方带来的毁灭已经使其无法再充当解决国际争端的手段。事实上,一九四五年九月二日,日本在“密苏里号”战舰上投降后,我曾正式警告:

Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. 自人类诞生以来,人们一直寻求和平。古往今来,人们尝试过各种方法,希望建立一套国际机制来预防或解决国家之间的争端。对于个人之间的问题,人们从一开始就找到了可行办法;但范围更大的国际机制从未成功。军事同盟、力量均势、国际联盟相继失败,最终只剩下经受战争熔炉这一条道路。

The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh. 如今,战争极端的破坏力已经堵死了这条道路。我们只剩最后一次机会。如果不能建立一个更完善、更公平的制度,末日决战就会降临。这个问题从根本上说是神学问题,涉及精神复兴和人类品格的改善,使之同我们在科学、艺术、文学以及过去两千年来一切物质与文化领域几乎无可匹敌的进步相协调。要拯救人的肉身,必须先从精神入手。

But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end. 但是,一旦战争被强加到我们头上,就只能动用一切可用手段,使它迅速结束,除此之外别无选择。

War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision. 战争的目标就是胜利,而不是久拖不决。

In war there is no substitute for victory. 在战争中,胜利无可替代。

There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative. 有人出于种种原因主张姑息中国共产党政权。他们无视历史清楚明白的教训:历史不容置疑地告诉我们,姑息只会滋生新的、更血腥的战争。历史上没有任何实例表明这种目的足以为那种手段辩护,也没有任何实例表明姑息能带来不止于虚假和平的结果。姑息如同敲诈,为接踵而来且越来越高的要求奠定基础,直到最终只剩暴力这一条路。

"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer. “为什么,”我的士兵问我,“要在战场上把军事优势拱手让给敌人?”我无法回答。

Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis. 有人或许会说,这是为了避免冲突扩大为同中国的全面战争;也有人会说,是为了避免苏联介入。这两种解释似乎都站不住脚,因为中国已经投入了它所能投入的最大力量,而苏联未必会根据我们的行动来协调自己的行动。任何新的敌人都像眼镜蛇一样,更可能在它认为世界范围内的军事或其他力量对比有利于自己时发动攻击。

The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation. 朝鲜半岛的悲剧因军事行动被限制在半岛范围内而更加深重。我们本想拯救韩国,却使它承受全面海空轰炸的毁灭性打击,而敌人的庇护区却完全免受同类攻击和破坏。

Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description. 迄今为止,在世界各国中,唯有韩国为反抗共产主义押上了一切。韩国人民表现出的非凡勇气和坚忍,实在难以用语言形容。

They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!" 他们宁愿冒死,也不愿沦为奴隶。他们最后对我说的是:“不要断送太平洋!”

I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way. 我刚刚离开你们正在朝鲜作战的子弟兵。他们经受住了那里的一切考验,我可以毫无保留地向诸位报告,他们在各方面都表现卓越。

It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. 我始终努力保护他们,以光荣的方式、在尽可能短的时间内结束这场残酷冲突,并把生命牺牲降到最低。不断增加的流血使我感到极度痛苦和忧虑。

Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always. 那些英勇的将士将常在我的思念之中,也将永远在我的祈祷之中。

I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away." 我即将结束五十二年的军旅生涯。世纪之交以前,当我加入陆军时,儿时的一切希望与梦想都得以实现。自从我在西点军校操场上宣誓以来,世界已经发生过无数次翻天覆地的变化,当年的希望与梦想也早已消逝;但我仍记得那时一首极为流行的军营歌谣,其中有一句无比自豪的副歌:“老兵永不死;他们只是渐渐隐去。”

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty. Good-bye. 如同歌谣中的那位老兵,我现在也要结束军旅生涯,渐渐隐去。我只是一个曾依照上帝赐予他的领悟,努力履行职责的老兵。再见。

署名(Gen) Douglas MacArthur(道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟)  1951-04-19  发表于 U.S. Capitol, Washington, D.C.