Mr. Chairman and fellow countrymen, it is with a great deal of genuine pleasure that I find myself in Pueblo, and I feel it a compliment that I should be permitted to be the first speaker in this beautiful hall. One of the advantages of this hall, as I look about, is that you are not too far away from me, because there is nothing so reassuring to men who are trying to express the public sentiment as getting into real personal contact with their fellow citizens. 主席先生、各位同胞，今天来到普韦布洛，我感到由衷的喜悦；能够获准成为这座美丽礼堂里的第一位演讲者，我也深感荣幸。环顾四周，这座礼堂的一大优点是诸位离我并不遥远，因为对于试图表达公众心声的人而言，没有什么比与同胞真正面对面接触更令人安心。
I have gained a renewed impression as I have crossed the continent this time of the homogeneity of this great people to whom we belong. They come from many stocks, but they are all of one kind. They come from many origins, but they are all shot through with the same principles and desire the same righteous and honest things. I have received a more inspiring impression this time of the public opinion of the United States than it was ever my privilege to receive before. 这次横跨大陆，使我再次深切感受到我们这个伟大民族的同质性。人们来自许多族群，却都属于同一种人；他们有着不同的出身，却贯穿着同样的原则，追求着同样正直而诚实的目标。这一次，我对美国公众舆论形成了比以往任何时候都更令人振奋的印象。
The chief pleasure of my trip has been that it has nothing to do with my personal fortunes, that it has nothing to do with my personal reputation, that it has nothing to do with anything except great principles uttered by Americans of all sorts and of all parties which we are now trying to realize at this crisis of the affairs of the world. But there have been unpleasant impressions as well as pleasant impressions, my fellow citizens, as I have crossed the continent. 此行最大的欣慰在于，它与我个人的命运无关，与我个人的声誉无关，也与任何个人之事无关；它只关乎各类美国人、各个政党共同表达的伟大原则，而我们此刻正努力在世界事务的危急关头实现这些原则。然而，各位同胞，在我横跨大陆期间，既有令人愉快的印象，也有令人不快的印象。
I have perceived more and more that men have been busy creating an absolutely false impression of what the treaty of peace and the covenant of the League of Nations contain and mean. 我越来越清楚地看到，有人一直在刻意制造完全错误的印象，歪曲和平条约与国际联盟盟约所包含的内容及其意义。
I find, moreover, that there is an organized propaganda against the League of Nations and against the treaty proceeding from exactly the same sources that the organized propaganda proceeded from which threatened this country here and there with disloyalty, and I want to say—I cannot say too often—any man who carries a hyphen about with him carries a dagger that he is ready to plunge into the vitals of this Republic whenever he gets ready. 我还发现，反对国际联盟和条约的宣传是有组织的，其来源恰恰与此前那些曾在我国各地煽动不忠的有组织宣传相同。我要说——这句话说多少次都不为过——任何以“连字符”标榜双重族裔身份的人，都随身带着一把匕首，随时准备刺入共和国的心脏。
If I can catch any man with a hyphen in this great contest I will know that I have got an enemy of the Republic. My fellow citizens, it is only certain bodies of foreign sympathies, certain bodies of sympathy with foreign nations that are organized against this great document which the American representatives have brought back from Paris. 在这场重大斗争中，如果我发现谁以这样的“连字符”身份自居，我就知道自己遇到了共和国的敌人。各位同胞，正是某些亲外势力、某些同外国抱有特殊情感的团体，有组织地反对美国代表从巴黎带回的这份伟大文件。
Therefore, in order to clear away the mists, in order to remove the impressions, in order to check the falsehoods that have clustered around this great subject, I want to tell you a few very simple things about the treaty and the covenant. 因此，为了拨开迷雾、消除错误印象、制止围绕这一重大问题聚集的谎言，我想向各位说明有关条约和盟约的几个非常简单的事实。
Do not think of this treaty of peace as merely a settlement with Germany. It is that. It is a very severe settlement with Germany, but there is not anything in it that she did not earn. Indeed, she earned more than she can ever be able to pay for, and the punishment exacted of her is not a punishment greater than she can bear, and it is absolutely necessary in order that no other nation may ever plot such a thing against humanity and civilization. But the treaty is so much more than that. 不要以为这项和平条约只是在处置德国。它的确包含这一层，而且对德国的处置十分严厉，但其中没有任何惩罚不是德国自作自受的。事实上，德国造成的损害远非它所能偿还；对它施加的惩罚并未超出其承受能力，而且绝对有此必要，唯有如此，其他国家才不敢再策划这种危害人类与文明的事情。然而，这项条约的意义远不止于此。
It is not merely a settlement with Germany; it is a readjustment of those great injustices which underlie the whole structure of European and Asiatic society. This is only the first of several treaties. They are all constructed upon the same plan. The Austrian treaty follows the same lines. The treaty with Hungary follows the same lines. The treaty with Bulgaria follows the same lines. The treaty with Turkey, when it is formulated, will follow the same lines. 它不只是对德国的处置，也是对欧洲和亚洲社会整个结构所依托的那些重大不公进行重新调整。这只是若干条约中的第一项，所有条约都依照同一方案制定。对奥地利的条约如此，对匈牙利的条约如此，对保加利亚的条约如此，将来拟定的对土耳其条约也将如此。
What are those lines? They are based upon the purpose to see that every government dealt with in this great settlement is put in the hands of the people and taken out of the hands of coteries and of sovereigns who had no right to rule over the people. 这些共同原则是什么？其目的在于确保这次重大安排所涉及的每一个政府都交到人民手中，而不再掌握在无权统治人民的小集团和君主手中。
It is a people's treaty, that accomplishes by a great sweep of practical justice the liberation of men who never could have liberated themselves, and the power of the most powerful nations has been devoted not to their aggrandizement but to the liberation of people whom they could have put under their control if they had chosen to do so. Not one foot of territory is demanded by the conquerors, not one single item of submission to their authority is demanded by them. 这是一项人民的条约。它以一场范围广阔的现实正义行动，解放那些原本无法靠自己获得解放的人。最强大国家的力量并未用于扩张自身，而是用于解放那些本可由它们任意控制的人民。战胜国没有索取一寸领土，也没有要求任何人服从其权威。
The men who sat around that table in Paris knew that the time had come when the people were no longer going to consent to live under masters, but were going to live the lives that they chose themselves, to live under such governments as they chose themselves to erect. That is the fundamental principle of this great settlement. 围坐在巴黎谈判桌旁的人都知道，人民不再愿意生活在主人的支配之下，而要过自己选择的生活，建立自己选择的政府。正是这一点构成了这次重大安排的根本原则。
And we did not stop with that. We added a great international charter for the rights of labor. Reject this treaty, impair it, and this is the consequence to the laboring men of the world, that there is no international tribunal which can bring the moral judgments of the world to bear upon the great labor questions of the day. 我们并未止步于此。我们还增设了一部保障劳工权利的伟大国际宪章。如果拒绝或削弱这项条约，世界劳动者将面临这样的后果：世上不再有一个国际机构，能够让全世界的道德判断作用于当今重大的劳工问题。
What we need to do with regard to the labor questions of the day, my fellow countrymen, is to lift them into the light, is to lift them out of the haze and distraction of passion, of hostility, out into the calm spaces where men look at things without passion. The more men you get into a great discussion the more you exclude passion. 各位同胞，对于当今的劳工问题，我们需要把它们带到光明之中，使它们脱离激情、敌意造成的迷雾与纷扰，进入人们能够不带激情审视问题的平静空间。参与重大讨论的人越多，激情便越能被排除在外。
Just so soon as the calm judgment of the world is directed upon the question of justice to labor, labor is going to have a forum such as it never was supplied with before, and men everywhere are going to see that the problem of labor is nothing more nor less than the problem of the elevation of humanity. 一旦世界冷静的判断投向劳工正义问题，劳动者就会获得一个前所未有的论坛；各地的人也都会看到，劳工问题归根结底就是提升全人类的问题。
We must see that all the questions which have disturbed the world, all the questions which have eaten into the confidence of men toward their governments, all the questions which have disturbed the processes of industry, shall be brought out where men of all points of view, men of all attitudes of mind, men of all kinds of experience, may contribute their part to the settlement of the great questions which we must settle and cannot ignore. 我们必须确保，一切曾困扰世界的问题、一切曾侵蚀人民对政府信任的问题，以及一切曾扰乱工业进程的问题，都被公开提出，让持有各种观点、各种思维态度和各种经验的人，都能为解决那些我们必须面对、无法回避的重大问题贡献力量。
At the front of this great treaty is put the covenant of the League of Nations. It will also be at the front of the Austrian treaty and the Hungarian treaty and the Bulgarian treaty and the treaty with Turkey. Every one of them will contain the covenant of the League of Nations, because you cannot work any of them without the covenant of the League of Nations. 这项伟大条约的开篇就是国际联盟盟约。它也将置于奥地利、匈牙利、保加利亚以及土耳其各项条约的开篇。每一项条约都会包含国际联盟盟约，因为没有国际联盟盟约，任何一项条约都无法落实。
Unless you get the united, concerted purpose and power of the great Governments of the world behind this settlement, it will fall down like a house of cards. There is only one power to put behind the liberation of mankind, and that is the power of mankind. It is the power of the united moral forces of the world, and in the covenant of the League of Nations the moral forces of the world are mobilized. 除非世界各大国以统一协调的目标和力量支持这项安排，否则它就会像纸牌搭成的房子一样倒塌。能够支持人类解放的力量只有一种，那就是全人类的力量；那是全世界联合起来的道德力量，而国际联盟盟约正把世界的道德力量动员起来。
For what purpose? Reflect, my fellow citizens, that the membership of this great League is going to include all the great fighting nations of the world, as well as the weak ones. It is not for the present going to include Germany, but for the time being Germany is not a great fighting country. All the nations that have power that can be mobilized are going to be members of this League, including the United States. 这是为了什么？各位同胞，请想一想，这个伟大联盟将把世界上所有强大的作战国家以及弱小国家都吸收为成员。目前德国不会加入，但眼下德国也已经不是一个强大的作战国家。所有能够动员力量的国家都将成为联盟成员，其中也包括美国。
And what do they unite for? They enter into a solemn promise to one another that they will never use their power against one another for aggression; that they never will impair the territorial integrity of a neighbor; that they never will interfere with the political independence of a neighbor; and that they will abide by the principle that great populations are entitled to determine their own destiny and that they will not interfere with that destiny. 它们为何联合？它们彼此庄严承诺，绝不运用自身力量相互侵略，绝不破坏邻国的领土完整，绝不干涉邻国的政治独立；它们还将遵守这样的原则：广大人民有权决定自己的命运，其他国家不得干涉这种选择。
They also promise that, no matter what differences arise amongst them, they will never resort to war without first having done one or other of two things—either submitted the matter of controversy to arbitration, in which case they agree to abide by the result without question, or submitted it to the consideration of the council of the League of Nations. 它们还承诺，无论彼此之间出现什么分歧，在采取以下两种办法之一以前绝不诉诸战争：或者把争议提交仲裁，并同意无条件遵守仲裁结果；或者把争议提交国际联盟理事会审议。
They will lay before that council all the documents and all the facts, agreeing that the council can publish the documents and the facts to the whole world, that six months shall be allowed for the mature consideration of those facts by the council, and that at the expiration of the six months, even if they are not then ready to accept the advice of the council with regard to the settlement of the dispute, they will still not go to war for another three months. 它们将把全部文件和事实提交理事会，同意理事会向全世界公布这些文件与事实，同意给予理事会六个月充分审议事实；而且即使六个月期满时仍不准备接受理事会关于解决争端的建议，也还要再等三个月才可以开战。
In other words, they consent, no matter what happens, to submit every matter of difference between them to the judgment of mankind, and just so certainly as they do that, my fellow citizens, war will be in the far background, war will be pushed out of that foreground of terror in which it has kept the world for generation after generation, and men will know that there will be a calm time of deliberate counsel. The most dangerous thing for a bad cause is to expose it to the opinion of the world. 换言之，无论发生什么，它们都同意把彼此之间的每项分歧提交全人类判断。只要它们这样做，各位同胞，战争就必然退到遥远的背景之中，从那个世世代代使世界陷于恐惧的前景位置被推开，人们将拥有一段平静、审慎商议的时间。对于站不住脚的主张而言，最危险的事情就是把它暴露在世界舆论面前。
The most certain way that you can prove that a man is mistaken is by letting all his neighbors know what he thinks, by letting all his neighbors discuss what he thinks, and if he is in the wrong you will notice that he will stay at home, he will not walk on the street. He will be afraid of the eyes of his neighbors. He will be afraid of their judgment of his character. He will know that his cause is lost unless he can sustain it by the arguments of right and of justice. 证明一个人错误的最可靠办法，就是让所有邻居知道他的想法，让所有邻居讨论他的想法。如果他错了，你会发现他只敢待在家中，不敢走上街头；他会害怕邻居的目光，害怕他们对其品格的判断。他会明白，除非能够以权利与正义的论据支撑自己的立场，否则他的主张必然失败。
The same law that applies to individuals applies to nations. 适用于个人的同一法则，也适用于国家。
But, you say, "We have heard that we might be at a disadvantage in the League of Nations." Well, whoever told you that either was deliberately falsifying or he had not read the covenant of the League of Nations. I leave him the choice. I want to give you a very simple account of the organization of the League of Nations and let you judge for yourselves. It is a very simple organization. The power of the League, or rather the activities of the League, lie in two bodies. 但是有人会说：“我们听说，美国在国际联盟中可能处于不利地位。”那么，告诉你这话的人，不是在故意造假，就是根本没有读过国际联盟盟约，二者由他自选。我想简要说明国际联盟的组织，让各位自行判断。它的结构非常简单，联盟的权力，或者更准确地说，联盟的活动集中在两个机构。
There is the council, which consists of one representative from each of the principal allied and associated powers—that is to say, the United States, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan—along with four other representatives of smaller powers chosen out of the general body of the membership of the League. The council is the source of every active policy of the League, and no active policy of the League can be adopted without a unanimous vote of the council. 其中一个是理事会，由主要协约国和参战国各派一名代表组成，也就是美国、英国、法国、意大利和日本，此外再从联盟全体成员中选出四个较小国家的代表。联盟的一切积极政策均由理事会产生，而任何积极政策若没有理事会一致表决赞成，都不能通过。
That is explicitly stated in the covenant itself. Does it not evidently follow that the League of Nations can adopt no policy whatever without the consent of the United States? The affirmative vote of the representative of the United States is necessary in every case. Now, you have heard of six votes belonging to the British Empire. Those six votes are not in the council. They are in the assembly, and the interesting thing is that the assembly does not vote. 盟约本身对此有明确规定。由此难道不能清楚看出，没有美国同意，国际联盟便无法采取任何政策吗？在每一种情况下，美国代表的赞成票都是必不可少的。各位还听说大英帝国拥有六票，但这六票并不在理事会，而在全体大会。有趣的是，全体大会并不表决。
I must qualify that statement a little, but essentially it is absolutely true. In every matter in which the assembly is given a voice, and there are only four or five, its vote does not count unless concurred in by the representatives of all the nations represented on the council, so that there is no validity to any vote of the assembly unless in that vote also the representative of the United States concurs. That one vote of the United States is as big as the six votes of the British Empire. 这句话需要稍加限定，但就实质而言完全正确。在全体大会有权发言的每一事项中——这样的事项只有四五项——除非理事会所有成员国的代表都表示同意，否则其表决就不生效。因此，任何全体大会表决，若没有美国代表赞同，就不具有效力。美国的一票与大英帝国的六票同样有分量。
I am not jealous for advantage, my fellow citizens, but I think that is a perfectly safe situation. There is no validity in a vote, either by the council or the assembly, in which we do not concur. So much for the statements about the six votes of the British Empire. 各位同胞，我并非出于嫉妒而争取优势，但我认为这是一种完全安全的局面。无论理事会还是全体大会，只要美国不赞同，其表决就不具有效力。关于大英帝国拥有六票的说法，事实就是如此。
Look at it in another aspect. The assembly is the talking body. The assembly was created in order that anybody that purposed anything wrong should be subjected to the awkward circumstance that everybody could talk about it. 让我们从另一个角度来看。全体大会是进行讨论的机构。设立它，就是为了让任何企图作恶者陷入一种尴尬处境：所有人都能够公开谈论他的行为。
This is the great assembly in which all the things that are likely to disturb the peace of the world or the good understanding between nations are to be exposed to the general view, and I want to ask you if you think it was unjust, unjust to the United States, that speaking parts should be assigned to the several portions of the British Empire? 世界上任何可能扰乱和平、破坏国家间良好谅解的事情，都要在这个大会中暴露于公众视野。我想问各位，把发言席位分配给大英帝国的几个组成部分，是否不公，尤其是否对美国不公？
Do you think it unjust that there should be some spokesman in debate for that fine little stout Republic down in the Pacific, New Zealand? Do you think it was unjust that Australia should be allowed to stand up and take part in the debate—Australia, from which we have learned some of the most useful progressive policies of modern time, a little nation only five million in a great continent, but counting for several times five in its activities and in its interest in liberal reform? 让太平洋上那个坚强而优秀的小共和国新西兰在辩论中拥有发言人，难道不公吗？让澳大利亚起身参加辩论，难道不公吗？我们从澳大利亚学到了一些最有益的现代进步政策；它在辽阔大陆上只有五百万人口，但其活动能力和对自由改革的热忱，却数倍于这个数字。
Do you think it unjust that that little Republic down in South Africa, whose gallant resistance to being subjected to any outside authority at all we admired for so many months and whose fortunes we followed with such interest, should have a speaking part? Great Britain obliged South Africa to submit to her sovereignty, but she immediately after that felt that it was convenient and right to hand the whole self-government of that colony over to the very men whom she had beaten. 让南非那个小共和国拥有发言权，难道不公吗？它曾英勇抵抗任何外来权威的统治，我们数月之久都钦佩这种抵抗，并满怀关注地追随其命运。英国迫使南非接受其主权，却很快认为，把这个殖民地的全部自治权交还给刚被自己击败的人，既适宜又正确。
The representatives of South Africa in Paris were two of the most distinguished generals of the Boer Army, two of the realest men I ever met, two men that could talk sober counsel and wise advice, along with the best statesmen in Europe. To exclude Gen. Botha and Gen. Smuts from the right to stand up in the parliament of the world and say something concerning the affairs of mankind would be absurd. 南非派往巴黎的代表，是布尔军中两位最杰出的将领，也是我见过的最真诚的人。他们能够同欧洲最优秀的政治家一道提出冷静的意见和明智的建议。如果不许博塔将军和史末资将军站在世界议会中，就人类事务发表意见，那将十分荒谬。
And what about Canada? Is not Canada a good neighbor? I ask you, is not Canada more likely to agree with the United States than with Great Britain? Canada has a speaking part. 加拿大又如何？加拿大难道不是一个好邻国吗？我请各位想一想，加拿大与美国达成一致的可能性，难道不比它与英国达成一致更大吗？加拿大也有发言席位。
And then, for the first time in the history of the world, that great voiceless multitude, that throng hundreds of millions strong in India, has a voice, and I want to testify that some of the wisest and most dignified figures in the peace conference at Paris came from India, men who seemed to carry in their minds an older wisdom than the rest of us had, whose traditions ran back into so many of the unhappy fortunes of mankind that they seemed very useful counselors as to how some ray of hope and some prospect of happiness could be opened to its people. 此外，世界历史上第一次，印度那一大群从未有过声音、人数多达数亿的民众获得了发言权。我愿意证明，巴黎和会上有些最睿智、最庄重的人物来自印度。他们的头脑似乎承载着比我们更古老的智慧，其传统可以追溯到人类众多不幸遭遇的深处，因此他们特别适合就如何为印度人民打开一线希望、展现幸福前景提出建议。
I for my part have no jealousy whatever of those five speaking parts in the assembly. Those speaking parts cannot translate themselves into five votes that can in any matter override the voice and purpose of the United States. 就我而言，我丝毫不嫉妒全体大会中的那五个发言席位。这些发言席位不可能变成五张能够在任何问题上压倒美国声音和意志的选票。
Let us sweep aside all this language of jealousy. Let us be big enough to know the facts and to welcome the facts, because the facts are based upon the principle that America has always fought for, namely, the equality of self-governing peoples, whether they were big or little—not counting men, but counting rights, not counting representation, but counting the purpose of that representation. 让我们把这些充满嫉妒的说法统统抛开。我们应有足够宽广的胸襟去了解并欢迎事实，因为这些事实建立在美国始终为之奋斗的原则之上，那就是自治民族无论大小一律平等——不是计算人数，而是衡量权利；不是计算代表名额，而是衡量代表所体现的目的。
When you hear an opinion quoted you do not count the number of persons who hold it; you ask, "Who said that?" You weigh opinions, you do not count them, and the beauty of all democracies is that every voice can be heard, every voice can have its effect, every voice can contribute to the general judgment that is finally arrived at. That is the object of democracy. Let us accept what America has always fought for, and accept it with pride that America showed the way and made the proposal. 听到有人援引一种意见时，你不会去数有多少人赞同，而会问：“这是谁说的？”意见要衡量，不能简单计数。民主之美就在于每一种声音都能被听见，都能产生作用，都能为最终形成的共同判断作出贡献。这就是民主的目标。让我们接受美国始终为之奋斗的原则，并自豪地接受它，因为美国曾经指明道路、提出主张。
I do not mean that America made the proposal in this particular instance; I mean that the principle was an American principle, proposed by America. 我并不是说美国在这一个具体场合提出了那项建议，而是说，这项原则本身是一项由美国提出的美国原则。
When you come to the heart of the covenant, my fellow citizens, you will find it in Article 10, and I am very much interested to know that the other things have been blown away like bubbles. There is nothing in the other contentions with regard to the League of Nations, but there is something in Article 10 that you ought to realize and ought to accept or reject. Article 10 is the heart of the whole matter. 各位同胞，当你们触及盟约的核心时，就会发现它在第十条中。我很高兴地看到，其他问题都已像泡沫一样消散。针对国际联盟的其他争论都没有实质，但第十条确实包含各位应当理解、并决定接受或拒绝的内容。第十条是整个问题的核心。
What is Article 10? I never am certain that I can from memory give a literal repetition of its language, but I am sure that I can give an exact interpretation of its meaning. Article 10 provides that every member of the League covenants to respect and preserve the territorial integrity and existing political independence of every other member of the League as against external aggression. Not against internal disturbance. 第十条是什么？我从不敢肯定自己能够凭记忆逐字复述，但我确信能够准确解释其含义。第十条规定，每个联盟成员都承诺尊重并维护其他每个成员的领土完整和现有政治独立，使其免受外来侵略，而非内部动乱。
There was not a man at that table who did not admit the sacredness of the right of self-determination, the sacredness of the right of any body of people to say that they would not continue to live under the Government they were then living under, and under Article 11 of the covenant they are given a place to say whether they will live under it or not. 谈判桌旁没有一个人不承认民族自决权的神圣，也没有一个人不承认任何群体都有神圣权利宣布不愿继续生活在现有政府统治之下。根据盟约第十一条，他们有机会表达是否愿意继续接受这种统治。
For following Article 10 is Article 11, which makes it the right of any member of the League at any time to call attention to anything, anywhere, that is likely to disturb the peace of the world or the good understanding between nations upon which the peace of the world depends. I want to give you an illustration of what that would mean. 第十条之后就是第十一条。它规定，任何联盟成员在任何时候都有权提醒各方注意任何地点发生的、可能扰乱世界和平，或破坏国家间良好谅解进而危及世界和平的事情。我想举一个例子，说明这意味着什么。
You have heard a great deal—something that was true and a great deal that was false—about that provision of the treaty which hands over to Japan the rights which Germany enjoyed in the Province of Shantung in China. In the first place, Germany did not enjoy any rights there that other nations had not already claimed. For my part, my judgment, my moral judgment, is against the whole set of concessions. 关于条约把德国在中国山东省享有的权利转交日本的规定，各位听到过很多说法，其中有些真实，很多却并不真实。首先，德国在那里享有的权利，并不比其他国家已经索取的更多。就我个人的判断和道德判断而言，我反对所有这些列强特权。
They were all of them unjust to China, they ought never to have been exacted, they were all exacted by duress from a great body of thoughtful and ancient and helpless people. There never was any right in any of them. Thank God, America never asked for any, never dreamed of asking for any. But when Germany got this concession in 1898, the Government of the United States made no protest whatever. 这些特权对中国全都不公，本来就不应被强行索取；它们都是以胁迫手段，从一个有思想、有悠久历史却无力自卫的庞大民族手中夺取的。这些特权没有一项具有正当性。感谢上帝，美国从未索取过，也从未想过索取这种特权。但德国在一八九八年取得这项特权时，美国政府没有提出任何抗议。
That was not because the Government of the United States was not in the hands of high-minded and conscientious men. It was. William McKinley was President and John Hay was Secretary of State—as safe hands to leave the honor of the United States in as any that you can cite. 这并不是因为当时美国政府没有掌握在品格高尚、恪守良知的人手中。事实恰恰相反。当时的总统是威廉·麦金莱，国务卿是约翰·海；在维护美国荣誉方面，很难找到比他们更可靠的人。
They made no protest because the state of international law at that time was that it was none of their business unless they could show that the interests of the United States were affected, and the only thing that they could show with regard to the interests of the United States was that Germany might close the doors of Shantung Province against the trade of the United States. They, therefore, demanded and obtained promises that we could continue to sell merchandise in Shantung. 他们没有抗议，是因为当时的国际法认为，除非能够证明美国利益受到影响，否则此事与美国无关。而美国能够证明的唯一利益，就是德国可能对美国贸易关闭山东省的大门。因此，美国要求并获得承诺，可以继续在山东销售商品。
Immediately following that concession to Germany there was a concession to Russia of the same sort, of Port Arthur, and Port Arthur was handed over subsequently to Japan on the very territory of the United States. 德国获得特权后，俄国紧接着取得同类的旅顺港特权；后来，旅顺港又在美国领土上签订的条约中转交给日本。
Don't you remember that when Russia and Japan got into war with one another the war was brought to a conclusion by a treaty written at Portsmouth, N.H., and in that treaty without the slightest intimation from any authoritative sources in America that the Government of the United States had any objection, Port Arthur, Chinese territory, was turned over to Japan? I want you distinctly to understand that there is no thought of criticism in my mind. I am expounding to you a state of international law. 各位难道不记得吗？日俄交战后，战争以在新罕布什尔州朴次茅斯签订的条约告终。在那份条约中，美国任何权威方面都没有表示美国政府反对，作为中国领土的旅顺港就被转交给日本。我要各位清楚理解，我丝毫没有批评之意；我只是在解释当时的国际法状态。
Now, read Articles 10 and 11. You will see that international law is revolutionized by putting morals into it. Article 10 says that no member of the League, and that includes all these nations that have demanded these things unjustly of China, shall impair the territorial integrity or the political independence of any other member of the League. China is going to be a member of the League. 现在请读第十条和第十一条。你们会看到，国际法因道德原则的加入而发生革命。第十条规定，联盟任何成员——其中包括所有曾经不公正地向中国索取这些特权的国家——都不得损害其他成员的领土完整或政治独立。中国将成为联盟成员。
Article 11 says that any member of the League can call attention to anything that is likely to disturb the peace of the world or the good understanding between nations, and China is for the first time in the history of mankind afforded a standing before the jury of the world. I, for my part, have a profound sympathy for China, and I am proud to have taken part in an arrangement which promises the protection of the world to the rights of China. 第十一条规定，任何联盟成员都可以提醒各方注意任何可能扰乱世界和平，或损害国家间良好谅解的事情；中国也由此在人类历史上第一次获得站到世界陪审团面前陈述主张的资格。我本人深切同情中国，也为自己参与建立一项承诺以全世界力量保护中国权利的安排而自豪。
The whole atmosphere of the world is changed by a thing like that, my fellow citizens. The whole international practice of the world is revolutionized. 各位同胞，这样的制度改变了世界的整个氛围，也彻底革新了世界的全部国际惯例。
But you will say, "What is the second sentence of Article 10? That is what gives very disturbing thoughts." The second sentence is that the council of the League shall advise what steps, if any, are necessary to carry out the guaranty of the first sentence, namely, that the members will respect and preserve the territorial integrity and political independence of the other members. 但有人会问：“第十条的第二句话又怎么解释？那才真正令人不安。”第二句话规定，联盟理事会应就为履行第一句话中的保证需要采取哪些措施提出建议；第一句话所说的保证，就是各成员将尊重并维护其他成员的领土完整与政治独立。
I do not know any other meaning for the word "advise" except "advise." The council advises, and it cannot advise without the vote of the United States. Why gentlemen should fear that the Congress of the United States would be advised to do something that it did not want to do I frankly cannot imagine, because they cannot even be advised to do anything unless their own representative has participated in the advice. “建议”一词，除了“提出建议”以外，我不知道还能有什么别的含义。理事会提出建议，而没有美国投票，它连建议也提不出来。有人担心美国国会会被建议去做自己不愿做的事，我实在无法理解，因为除非美国自己的代表参与提出建议，否则理事会根本不能建议美国采取任何行动。
It may be that that will impair somewhat the vigor of the League, but, nevertheless, the fact is so, that we are not obliged to take any advice except our own, which to any man who wants to go his own course is a very satisfactory state of affairs. Every man regards his own advice as best, and I dare say every man mixes his own advice with some thought of his own interest. 这也许会在某种程度上削弱联盟的行动力，但事实的确如此：除我们自己的意见外，我们没有义务接受任何意见。对于希望自行其是的人而言，这是一种非常令人满意的局面。人人都认为自己的意见最好，而且我敢说，每个人都会在自己的意见中掺入对自身利益的考虑。
Whether we use it wisely or unwisely, we can use the vote of the United States to make impossible drawing the United States into any enterprise that she does not care to be drawn into. 无论我们明智还是不明智地使用这一权力，美国都可以运用自己的投票，使任何将美国拖入其不愿参与之事业的企图无法实现。
Yet Article 10 strikes at the taproot of war. Article 10 is a statement that the very things that have always been sought in imperialistic wars are henceforth forgone by every ambitious nation in the world. I would have felt very lonely, my fellow countrymen, and I would have felt very much disturbed if, sitting at the peace table in Paris, I had supposed that I was expounding my own ideas. 然而，第十条直击战争的根源。它宣告，帝国主义战争历来追逐的那些目标，今后将由世界上每个野心勃勃的国家共同放弃。各位同胞，如果我坐在巴黎和会的谈判桌旁，却以为自己只是在阐述个人观点，我会感到十分孤独，也会深感不安。
Whether you believe it or not, I know the relative size of my own ideas; I know how they stand related in bulk and proportion to the moral judgments of my fellow countrymen, and I proposed nothing whatever at the peace table at Paris that I had not sufficiently certain knowledge embodied the moral judgment of the citizens of the United States. I had gone over there with, so to say, explicit instructions. 无论各位是否相信，我知道自己的思想有多大分量，也知道它们与同胞的道德判断相比处于什么位置。我在巴黎和会上没有提出任何自己不能相当确定地认为体现了美国公民道德判断的主张。可以说，我前往那里时带着明确的指示。
Don't you remember that we laid down 14 points which should contain the principles of the settlement? They were not my points. In every one of them I was conscientiously trying to read the thought of the people of the United States, and after I uttered those points I had every assurance given me that could be given me that they did speak the moral judgment of the United States and not my single judgment. 各位难道不记得吗？我们曾提出包含解决原则的十四点主张。它们不是我个人的主张；其中每一点，我都在认真努力地理解美国人民的思想。发表这些主张后，我得到了所能得到的一切保证，证明它们表达的是美国的道德判断，而不是我一个人的判断。
Then when it came to that critical period just a little less than a year ago, when it was evident that the war was coming to its critical end, all the nations engaged in the war accepted those 14 principles explicitly as the basis of the armistice and the basis of the peace. In those circumstances I crossed the ocean under bond to my own people and to the other governments with which I was dealing. 不到一年前，当战争显然即将进入决定性结局时，所有参战国都明确接受这十四项原则，把它们作为停战和缔结和平的基础。在这种情况下，我渡过大西洋时，既对本国人民负有承诺，也对与我交涉的其他政府负有承诺。
The whole specification of the method of settlement was written down and accepted beforehand, and we were architects building on those specifications. It reassures me and fortifies my position to find how before I went over men whose judgment the United States has often trusted were of exactly the same opinion that I went abroad to express. Here is something I want to read from Theodore Roosevelt: 解决问题的方法和全部具体原则都已事先写下并获得接受，我们就像按照这些规范施工的建筑师。令我安心并坚定立场的是，我发现自己出发以前，那些判断力常受美国信赖的人，早已持有与我将赴海外表达的完全相同的意见。下面是我想引用的西奥多·罗斯福的一段话：
"The one effective move for obtaining peace is by an agreement among all the great powers in which each should pledge itself not only to abide by the decisions of a common tribunal but to back its decisions by force. The great civilized nations should combine by solemn agreement in a great world league for the peace of righteousness; a court should be established. “取得和平的唯一有效行动，是各大国达成协议，每个国家都承诺不仅遵守共同法庭的裁决，而且以武力支持其裁决。各文明国家应以庄严协议联合起来，组成一个维护正义和平的伟大世界联盟；同时应当设立一个法庭。
"A changed and amplified Hague court would meet the requirements, composed of representatives from each nation, whose representatives are sworn to act as judges in each case and not in a representative capacity." Now there is Article 10. He goes on and says this: "The nations should agree on certain rights that should not be questioned, such as territorial integrity, their right to deal with their domestic affairs, and with such matters as whom they should admit to citizenship. “经过改革和扩充的海牙法庭可以满足要求。法庭由各国代表组成，而这些代表宣誓在每个案件中以法官身份行事，而不是以本国代表身份行事。”这正是第十条。罗斯福接着说：“各国应就某些不容质疑的权利达成一致，例如领土完整、处理本国内政的权利，以及决定接纳何人取得国籍等事项的权利。
"All should guarantee each of their number in possession of these rights." “所有国家都应保证联盟中的每一个成员享有这些权利。”
Now, the other specification is in the covenant. The covenant in another portion guarantees to the members the independent control of their domestic questions. There is not a leg for these gentlemen to stand on when they say that the interests of the United States are not safeguarded in the very points where we are most sensitive. You do not need to be told again that the covenant expressly says that nothing in this covenant shall be construed as affecting the validity of the Monroe Doctrine, for example. 另一项具体原则写在盟约中。盟约另有条款保证成员独立管理本国事务。那些声称美国利益在我们最敏感之处没有得到保障的人，完全没有立足之地。各位无需再次听人说明，盟约已经明确规定，本盟约任何内容都不得解释为影响门罗主义的效力。
You could not be more explicit than that. And every point of interest is covered, partly for one very interesting reason. This is not the first time that the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate of the United States has read and considered this covenant. I brought it to this country in March last in a tentative, provisional form, in practically the form that it now has, with the exception of certain additions which I shall mention immediately. 这项规定再明确不过。所有相关利益都得到了保障，其中有一个很有意思的原因：美国参议院外交委员会并非第一次阅读和审议这份盟约。今年三月，我曾把一份试行的暂定文本带回国内；除我稍后要提到的几处补充外，它与现在的文本基本相同。
I asked the Foreign Relations Committees of both Houses to come to the White House and we spent a long evening in the frankest discussion of every portion that they wished to discuss. They made certain specific suggestions as to what should be contained in this document when it was to be revised. I carried those suggestions to Paris, and every one of them was adopted. 我请参众两院的外交委员会来到白宫，我们用整整一个晚上，以最坦诚的方式讨论他们希望讨论的每一部分。他们就文件修订时应当加入的内容提出了若干具体建议。我把这些建议带到巴黎，每一项都得到采纳。
What more could I have done? What more could have been obtained? The very matters upon which these gentlemen were most concerned were the right of withdrawal, which is now expressly stated; the safeguarding of the Monroe Doctrine, which is now accomplished; and the exclusion from action by the League of domestic questions, which is now accomplished. 我还能做什么？还有什么能够争取到而没有争取到？这些先生最关心的事项包括：现在已明确规定的退出权；现在已得到保障的门罗主义；以及现在已实现的、把国内问题排除在联盟行动范围之外的规定。
All along the line, every suggestion of the United States was adopted after the covenant had been drawn up in its first form and had been published for the criticism of the world. There is a very true sense in which I can say this is a tested American document. 盟约初稿拟定并公布以接受全世界批评后，美国提出的每一项建议都得到采纳。因此，在非常真实的意义上，我可以说这是一份经过检验的美国文件。
I am dwelling upon these points, my fellow citizens, in spite of the fact that I dare say to most of you they are perfectly well known, because in order to meet the present situation we have got to know what we are dealing with. 各位同胞，尽管我敢说这里大多数人已经完全了解这些要点，我仍要详加说明，因为要应对当前局面，我们必须知道自己面对的究竟是什么。
We are not dealing with the kind of document which this is represented by some gentlemen to be; and inasmuch as we are dealing with a document simon-pure in respect of the very principles we have professed and lived up to, we have got to do one or other of two things—we have got to adopt it or reject it. There is no middle course. You cannot go in on a special-privilege basis of your own. 它并不是某些先生所描述的那种文件；我们面对的是一份在我们始终宣扬并践行的原则上纯正无瑕的文件，所以只能二选一——接受它，或者拒绝它。没有中间道路。美国不能凭借一套只属于自己的特殊待遇加入联盟。
I take it that you are too proud to ask to be exempted from responsibilities which the other members of the League will carry. 我相信各位有足够的自尊，不会要求免除其他联盟成员都将承担的责任。
We go in upon equal terms or we do not go in at all; and if we do not go in, my fellow citizens, think of the tragedy of that result—the only sufficient guaranty to the peace of the world withheld! Ourselves drawn apart with that dangerous pride which means that we shall be ready to take care of ourselves, and that means that we shall maintain great standing armies and an irresistible navy. 我们要么以平等条件加入，要么根本不加入。如果不加入，各位同胞，请想一想那将造成怎样的悲剧——世界和平唯一充分的保证将被撤走！美国将带着危险的骄傲与其他国家分离，声称自己能够照顾自己；这意味着我们要维持庞大的常备军和一支不可抗拒的海军。
That means we shall have the organization of a military nation; that means we shall have a general staff, with the kind of power that the general staff of Germany had, to mobilize this great manhood of the Nation when it pleases, all the energy of our young men drawn into the thought and preparation for war. 这意味着我们将建立军事国家的组织，设立拥有德国总参谋部那种权力的总参谋部，可以随意动员这个国家强健的男子，使青年人的全部精力都被引向思考战争、准备战争。
What of our pledges to the men that lie dead in France? We said that they went over there not to prove the prowess of America or her readiness for another war but to see to it that there never was such a war again. It always seems to make it difficult for me to say anything, my fellow citizens, when I think of my clients in this case. My clients are the children; my clients are the next generation. 我们对长眠法国的那些人作出的承诺又怎么办？我们曾说，他们远赴海外，不是为了证明美国的武力，也不是为了证明美国准备再打一场战争，而是为了确保这种战争永远不再发生。各位同胞，每当想到我在这件事中所代表的委托人，我总觉得难以开口。我的委托人是孩子，是下一代。
They do not know what promises and bonds I undertook when I ordered the armies of the United States to the soil of France, but I know, and I intend to redeem my pledges to the children; they shall not be sent upon a similar errand. 他们不知道，当我命令美国军队踏上法国土地时承担了什么诺言和义务，但我知道。我决心履行对孩子们的承诺；他们绝不能再被派去执行同样的使命。
Again and again, my fellow citizens, mothers who lost their sons in France have come to me and, taking my hand, have shed tears upon it, but they have added, "God bless you, Mr. President!" Why, my fellow citizens, should they pray God to bless me? I advised the Congress of the United States to create the situation that led to the death of their sons. I ordered their sons overseas. 各位同胞，一次又一次，那些在法国失去儿子的母亲来到我面前，握着我的手，把眼泪洒在上面，并且说：“总统先生，愿上帝保佑您！”各位同胞，她们为什么祈求上帝保佑我？是我建议美国国会作出导致她们儿子死亡的决定，是我命令她们的儿子远赴海外。
I consented to their sons being put in the most difficult parts of the battle line, where death was certain, as in the impenetrable difficulties of the forest of Argonne. Why should they weep upon my hand and call down the blessings of God upon me? Because they believe that their boys died for something that vastly transcends any of the immediate and palpable objects of the war. They believe, and they rightly believe, that their sons saved the liberty of the world. 我同意把她们的儿子派到战线最艰难的地段，派到阿尔贡森林那种几乎无法突破、死亡几乎是确定无疑的地方。她们为什么在我的手上落泪，还祈求上帝赐福于我？因为她们相信，孩子们的牺牲远远超越战争眼前可见的任何目标。她们相信，而且完全有理由相信，她们的儿子拯救了全世界的自由。
They believe that wrapped up with the liberty of the world is the continuous protection of that liberty by the concerted powers of all civilized people. 她们相信，世界自由本身也包含着这样的要求：所有文明民族必须以协调一致的力量持续保护这种自由。
They believe that this sacrifice was made in order that other sons should not be called upon for a similar gift—the gift of life, the gift of all that died—and if we did not see this thing through, if we fulfilled the dearest present wish of Germany and now dissociated ourselves from those alongside whom we fought in the war, would not something of the halo go away from the gun over the mantelpiece, or the sword? 她们相信，作出这场牺牲，是为了不让其他人的儿子再被要求献上同样的礼物——生命的礼物，死者献出的一切。如果我们不把这件事坚持到底，如果我们实现德国眼下最渴望的愿望，同那些曾在战争中与我们并肩作战的国家分道扬镳，那么壁炉上方那支枪或那把剑的光环，难道不会黯淡一些吗？
Would not the old uniform lose something of its significance? These men were crusaders. They were not going forth to prove the might of the United States. They were going forth to prove the might of justice and right, and all the world accepted them as crusaders, and their transcendent achievement has made all the world believe in America as it believes in no other nation organized in the modern world. 那身旧军装难道不会失去一部分意义吗？这些人是十字军战士。他们出征不是为了证明美国的威力，而是为了证明正义与公理的力量。全世界都把他们视为十字军战士；他们卓越的成就，使全世界对美国的信任超过了对现代世界任何其他国家的信任。
There seems to me to stand between us and the rejection or qualification of this treaty the serried ranks of those boys in khaki, not only these boys who came home, but those dear ghosts that still deploy upon the fields of France. 在我看来，阻挡在我们与拒绝或限制这项条约之间的，是那些身着卡其军服的青年整齐密集的队列；其中不仅有已经回国的人，还有那些亲爱的英灵，他们仍列队行进在法国的原野上。
My friends, on last Decoration Day I went to a beautiful hillside near Paris, where was located the cemetery of Suresnes, a cemetery given over to the burial of the American dead. Behind me on the slopes was rank upon rank of living American soldiers, and lying before me upon the levels of the plain was rank upon rank of departed American soldiers. 朋友们，今年的阵亡将士纪念日，我来到巴黎附近一座美丽的山坡，那里坐落着专门安葬美国阵亡者的叙雷讷公墓。山坡上，我身后是一排又一排活着的美国军人；平地上，我面前是一排又一排已经离世的美国军人。
Right by the side of the stand where I spoke there was a little group of French women who had adopted those graves, had made themselves mothers of those dear ghosts by putting flowers every day upon those graves, taking them as their own sons, their own beloved, because they had died in the same cause—France was free and the world was free because America had come! 就在我演讲台旁边，有一小群法国妇女认领了那些墓地。她们每天为墓地献花，仿佛成为那些亲爱英灵的母亲，把他们当作自己的儿子、自己的至爱，因为他们为同一事业而死——法国获得了自由，世界获得了自由，因为美国来了！
I wish some men in public life who are now opposing the settlement for which these men died could visit such a spot as that. I wish that the thought that comes out of those graves could penetrate their consciousness. I wish that they could feel the moral obligation that rests upon us not to go back on those boys, but to see the thing through, to see it through to the end and make good their redemption of the world. For nothing less depends upon this decision, nothing less than the liberation and salvation of the world. 我希望，一些正在反对那项由这些死者用生命换来的和平安排的公共人物，也能到这样的地方看一看。我希望从这些坟墓中传出的思想能够穿透他们的意识，希望他们能够感受到我们所承担的道德义务：不能背弃这些青年，必须把事情坚持到底，坚持到最终完成他们对世界的拯救。这个决定所关系的绝不少于全世界的解放与救赎。
You will say, "Is the League an absolute guaranty against war?" No; I do not know any absolute guaranty against the errors of human judgment or the violence of human passion, but I tell you this: With a cooling space of nine months for human passion, not much of it will keep hot. I had a couple of friends who were in the habit of losing their tempers, and when they lost their tempers they were in the habit of using very unparliamentary language. 有人会问：“国际联盟是防止战争的绝对保证吗？”不是。我不知道有什么东西能够绝对保证人类判断不会犯错、人类激情不会走向暴力。但我要告诉各位：如果给人类激情九个月冷却时间，其中没有多少还能保持炽热。我有两个朋友经常发脾气，而且发脾气时总爱使用很不适合议会场合的语言。
Some of their friends induced them to make a promise that they never would swear inside the town limits. When the impulse next came upon them, they took a streetcar to go out of town to swear, and by the time they got out of town they did not want to swear. They came back convinced that they were just what they were, a couple of unspeakable fools, and the habit of getting angry and of swearing suffered great inroads upon it by that experience. 他们的一些朋友劝他们作出承诺，绝不在城镇范围内骂人。下一次冲动来临时，他们乘上有轨电车，准备到城外去骂；然而等出了城，他们已经不想骂了。他们回来时确信自己本来就是两个不可理喻的傻瓜。经过这次经历，他们发怒和咒骂的习惯受到极大削弱。
Now, illustrating the great by the small, that is true of the passions of nations. It is true of the passions of men however you combine them. Give them space to cool off. I ask you this: If it is not an absolute insurance against war, do you want no insurance at all? Do you want nothing? Do you want not only no probability that war will not recur, but the probability that it will recur? The arrangements of justice do not stand of themselves, my fellow citizens. 以小见大，国家的激情也是如此；无论人们以何种方式结合起来，人类激情都遵循同一道理。给它们冷却的空间。我问各位：如果这不是防止战争的绝对保险，你们就宁愿完全没有保险吗？你们什么都不想要吗？你们难道不仅不希望降低战争重演的可能，反而愿意增加它重演的可能吗？各位同胞，正义的安排不会自动维持自身。
The arrangements of this treaty are just, but they need the support of the combined power of the great nations of the world. And they will have that support. Now that the mists of this great question have cleared away, I believe that men will see the truth, eye to eye and face to face. There is one thing that the American people always rise to and extend their hand to, and that is the truth of justice and of liberty and of peace. 这项条约的各项安排是公正的，但它们需要世界各大国联合力量的支持，而它们将获得这种支持。如今这个重大问题周围的迷雾已经散去，我相信人们会眼对眼、面对面地看清真相。美国人民总会为一种东西挺身而出并伸手迎接，那就是正义、自由与和平的真理。
We have accepted that truth and we are going to be led by it, and it is going to lead us, and through us the world, out into pastures of quietness and peace such as the world never dreamed of before. 我们已经接受这一真理，也将由它引领。它将引领我们，并通过我们引领全世界，走入宁静与和平的牧场；那是世界过去从未梦想过的境地。