Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: 议长先生，副总统先生，各位国会议员，我的美国同胞们：
Tonight marks the eighth year that I’ve come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I’m going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa. 今晚是我第八年来到这里汇报国情。而这最后一次，我会尽量讲得简短一些。我知道你们有些人已经急着要回爱荷华州了。
(I've been there. I'll be shaking hands afterwards if you want some tips.) （我懂那种感受。散会后我会和大家握手，如果你们想要点经验之谈的话。）
Now, I understand that because it’s an election season, expectations for what we will achieve this year are low. But Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach that you and other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on some bipartisan priorities -- like criminal justice reform, and helping -- and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse and heroin abuse. So, who knows, we might just surprise the cynics again. 我知道，因为这是一个选举年，大家对今年能取得的成就预期不高。但是议长先生，我赞赏您和其他领导人在去年年底采取的建设性做法，通过了预算法案并让工薪家庭的减税政策永久化。所以我希望今年我们能在一些两党共同的优先事项上合作——比如刑事司法改革，以及帮助——帮助那些与处方药滥用和海洛因成瘾作斗争的人们。所以，谁知道呢，我们也许会再次让那些愤世嫉俗者大吃一惊。
But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don’t worry, I’ve got plenty -- from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I will keep pushing for progress on the work that I believe still needs to be done: fixing a broken immigration system; protecting our kids from gun violence; equal pay for equal work; paid leave; raising the minimum wage. All these things -- All these things still matter to hardworking families. They’re still the right thing to do, and I won’t let up until they get done. 不过今晚，我不想按传统方式罗列来年的提案清单。别担心，我还有很多提案——从帮助学生学习编写计算机代码，到为患者提供个性化医疗。我会继续推动那些我认为仍需完成的工作：修复破碎的移民制度；保护我们的孩子免受枪支暴力；同工同酬；带薪休假；提高最低工资。所有这些事情——所有这些对辛勤工作的家庭来说都仍然重要。它们仍然是正确的事，在完成之前我不会松懈。
But for my final address to this chamber, I don’t want to just talk about next year. I want to focus on the next five years, the next ten years, and beyond. I want to focus on our future. We live in a time of extraordinary change -- change that’s reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet, our place in the world. It’s change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. 但在我对这个议院的最后一次演讲中，我不想只谈论明年。我想把焦点放在未来五年、十年，乃至更远。我想关注我们的未来。我们生活在一个剧烈变革的时代——这种变革正在重塑我们的生活方式、工作方式、我们的星球，以及我们在世界上的位置。这种变革有望带来惊人的医学突破，但也会造成经济动荡，给工薪家庭带来压力。
It promises education for girls in the most remote villages but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It’s change that can broaden opportunity or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate. 它让最偏远村庄的女孩也能获得教育，却也让远隔重洋的恐怖分子得以串联策划。这种变革既可以扩大机会，也可能加剧不平等。无论我们喜欢与否，变革的步伐只会越来越快。
America's been through big changes before -- wars and depression, the influx of new immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future, who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, who promised to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to "the dogmas of the quiet past." 美国以前也经历过巨大的变革——战争和大萧条，新移民的涌入，工人为公平待遇而战，民权运动的兴起。每一次，都有人告诉我们要恐惧未来，有人声称我们可以踩下变革的刹车，有人承诺只要我们控制住某个威胁美国的群体或思想，就能恢复昔日的荣光。而每一次，我们都战胜了那些恐惧。我们没有，用林肯的话来说，固守"沉寂过去的教条"。
Instead we thought anew and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America’s promise outward -- to the next frontier, to more people. And because we did, because we saw opportunity where there -- where others others saw peril, we emerged stronger and better than before. What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation, our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery, our diversity, our commitment to rule of law -- these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come. 相反，我们重新思考，重新行动。我们让变革为我们所用，始终将美国的承诺向外延伸——延伸到下一个前沿，延伸到更多的人。正因为我们这样做了，正因为我们在他人看到危险的地方看到了机遇，我们才变得比以前更强大、更美好。过去正确的，今天依然正确。我们作为一个国家的独特优势——我们的乐观精神和职业道德，我们的探索精神，我们的多样性，我们对法治的承诺——这一切给了我们确保子孙后代繁荣与安全所需的一切。
In fact, it’s in that spirit that we have made the progress these past seven years. That’s how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. That’s how we reformed our health care system and reinvented our energy sector. That’s how -- That’s how we -- That’s how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops coming home and our veterans. That’s how we -- That’s -- That’s how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love. 事实上，正是本着这种精神，我们在过去七年取得了这些进展。这就是我们如何从几代人以来最严重的经济危机中复苏的方式。这就是我们如何改革医疗体系、重塑能源行业的方式。这就是——这就是我们——这就是我们如何为归国的军人和退伍军人提供更多照料和福利的方式。这就是我们——这是——这就是我们如何确保每个州的人民都能与自己所爱的人结婚的自由的方式。
But -- But such progress is not inevitable. It’s the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear -- turning inward as a nation, turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, in what we stand for, and the incredible things that we can do together? 但是——但是这样的进步并非必然。它是我们共同选择的结果。而我们现在正面临着这样的选择。我们会以恐惧回应时代的变革吗——作为一个国家转向封闭，作为一个民族互相仇视？还是我们会带着自信面对未来，自信于我们是谁，自信于我们的立场，自信于我们共同能够成就的非凡事业？
So let’s talk about the future, and four big questions that I believe we as a country have to answer, regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress. First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy? Second, how do we make technology work for us and not against us, especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change? Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman? And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what’s best in us, and not what’s worst? 那么让我们来谈谈未来，以及我认为我们作为一个国家必须回答的四个重大问题，无论下一任总统是谁，无论下一届国会由谁掌控。第一，我们如何让每个人在这个新经济中都有获得机会和安全的公平机会？第二，我们如何让技术为我们服务而不是与我们作对，尤其是在应对气候变化等紧迫挑战方面？第三，我们如何在不充当世界警察的前提下保障美国的安全并领导世界？最后，我们如何让我们的政治反映出我们最好的一面，而不是最坏的一面？
Let me start with the economy and a basic fact: The United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We’re in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history -- more than 14 million new jobs, the strongest two years of job growth since the 1990s, an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. That’s just part of a manufacturing surge that’s created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we’ve done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters. 让我从经济和一个基本事实说起：美利坚合众国，此时此刻，拥有世界上最强大、最具韧性的经济。我们正处于历史上持续时间最长的私营部门就业增长期中——新增了超过1400万个就业岗位，是自1990年代以来最强劲的两年就业增长，失业率减半。我们的汽车工业刚刚度过了有史以来最好的一年。这只是制造业热潮的一部分，过去六年中制造业创造了近90万个新工作岗位。而我们在做到这一切的同时，还将赤字削减了近四分之三。
Anyone claiming that America’s economy is in decline is peddling fiction. 任何声称美国经济正在衰落的人都是在兜售虚构。
Now -- What is true, and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious, is that the economy has been changing in profound ways -- changes that started long before the Great Recession hit, changes that have not let up. Today, technology doesn’t just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere and they face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top. 然而——事实是，也是许多美国人感到焦虑的原因，那就是经济正在发生深刻的变化——这些变化早在大衰退来袭之前就已开始，而且丝毫没有减弱的迹象。如今，技术不仅取代装配线上的工作，还取代任何可以自动化的工作。在全球经济中，企业可以选址于任何地方，它们面临着更激烈的竞争。结果就是，工人要求加薪的筹码更少了。企业对社区的忠诚度更低了。越来越多的财富和收入集中在最顶层。
All these trends have squeezed workers -- even when they have jobs, even when the economy is growing. It’s made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start their careers, tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are [sic] unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot. 所有这些趋势都挤压着工人们——即使他们有工作，即使经济在增长。这使得一个勤劳的家庭更难摆脱贫困，年轻人更难开启职业生涯，工人们更难在想要的时候退休。尽管这些趋势并非美国独有，但它们确实冒犯了我们独特的美国信念——每个努力工作的人都应该获得公平的机会。
For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that also works better for everybody. We’ve made progress, but we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments that we’ve had these past few years, there are actually some areas where Americans broadly agree. We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. 过去七年，我们的目标一直是建立一个也能更好地为每个人服务的增长型经济。我们取得了进展，但还需要更多。尽管过去几年我们有过种种政治争论，但实际上在一些领域美国人有着广泛共识。我们一致认为，真正的机会要求每个美国人都能获得所需的教育和培训，以找到一份高薪工作。
The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start. And together we’ve increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, boosted graduates in fields like engineering. 对《不让一个孩子掉队》法案的两党改革就是一个重要的开端。我们共同增加了幼儿教育，将高中毕业率提升至新高，增加了工程等领域的毕业生人数。
In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all and offering every student -- offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one. We should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids. 在未来几年，我们应该在这一进展的基础上继续努力，为所有人提供学前教育，为每位学生——为每位学生提供实践性的计算机科学和数学课程，让他们第一天就能胜任工作。我们应该为我们的孩子招募和培养更多优秀的教师。
And -- And we have to make college affordable for every American. No hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We’ve already reduced student loan payments by -- to 10 percent of a borrower’s income, and that’s good. But now we’ve actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I’m going to keep fighting to get that started this year. It’s the right thing to do. 而且——而且我们必须让每个美国人都上得起大学。任何勤奋的学生都不应该陷入债务困境。我们已经将学生贷款还款额降至——降至借款人收入的10%，这很好。但现在我们确实需要降低大学成本。为每个负责任的学生提供两年免费社区大学教育是实现这一目标的最佳途径之一，我将继续为之奋斗，争取在今年启动。这是正确的事。
But a great education isn’t all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. It’s not too much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job in the same place with a health and a retirement package for 30 years are sitting in this chamber. 但在这个新经济中，良好的教育并不是我们所需要的全部。我们还需要提供基本安全保障的福利和保护。可以毫不夸张地说，在美国，能够在同一个地方做同一份工作、拥有医疗保险和退休福利长达30年的人，其中一些就坐在这个议院里。
For everyone else, especially folks in their 40s and 50s, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, in this new economy, they may have to retool; they may have to retrain; but they shouldn’t loose what they’ve already worked so hard to build in the process. 对于其他人来说，尤其是四五十岁的人，为退休储蓄或从失业中恢复已经变得困难得多。美国人明白，在这个新经济中，他们职业生涯的某个阶段可能需要重新调整技能；他们可能需要重新培训；但他们不应该在这个过程中失去已经辛辛苦苦积累的一切。
That’s why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever. We shouldn’t weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That, by the way, is what the Affordable Care Act is all about. 这就是为什么社会保障和医疗保险比以往任何时候都更重要。我们不应该削弱它们，而应该加强它们。对于还未到退休年龄的美国人来说，基本福利应该像今天的其他一切一样具有流动性。顺便说一句，这正是《平价医疗法案》的意义所在。
It’s about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when you lose a job, or you go back to school, or you strike out and launch that new business you’ll still have coverage. Nearly 18 million people have gained coverage so far, and in the process -- in the process health care inflation has slowed, our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law. 它旨在填补基于雇主的医疗保险的空白，这样当你失去工作，或者回到学校，或者辞职创业时，你仍然有保险。到目前为止，已有近1800万人获得了保险，而且在此过程中——在此过程中，医疗通胀已经放缓，自该法案成为法律以来，我们的企业每个月都在创造就业岗位。
Now, I’m guessing we won’t agree on health care anytime soon. But -- (a little applause right there; just a guess) -- But there should be other ways parties can work together improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job, we shouldn’t just make sure that he can get unemployment insurance. We should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that’s ready to hire him. 我猜我们不会很快在医疗保健问题上达成一致。但是——（那边有一点掌声，我只是猜猜）——但是两党应该有其他方式可以合作来改善经济安全。比如说一个勤奋的美国人失去了工作，我们不应该只确保他能获得失业保险。我们应该确保该计划鼓励他为一家准备聘用他的企业重新接受培训。
If that new job doesn’t pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he’s going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That’s the way we make the new economy work better for everybody. 如果那份新工作的薪水没有那么高，就应该有一个工资保险制度，以便他仍然能够支付账单。即使他不断换工作，他也应该能够为退休储蓄并带走他的积蓄。这就是我们让新经济更好地为每个人服务的方式。
I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a chance, a hand up, and I’d welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support -- like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers who don’t have children. 我也知道瑞安议长谈到过他对解决贫困问题的兴趣。美国就是要给每个愿意工作的人一个机会，一个帮助，我欢迎就我们都能支持的策略进行认真讨论——比如扩大对没有孩子的低收入工人的税收减免。
But there are some areas where we just have to be honest: It has been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years, and a lot of them fall under the category of what role the government should play in making sure the system’s not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And it’s an honest disagreement. And the American people have a choice to make. I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed. There is red tape that needs to be cut. 但在有些领域我们必须坦诚相待：过去七年要达成一致更加困难，其中很多都属于政府应该扮演什么角色的范畴——即如何确保制度不会偏向最富有的人和最大的公司。这是一个真诚的分歧。美国人民需要做出选择。我相信蓬勃发展的私营部门是我们经济的命脉。我认为有些过时的法规需要改变。有些繁文缛节需要削减。
(There you go. Yeah. See?) （你们看，就是这样。没错吧？）
But after years now of record corporate profits, working families won’t get more opportunity or bigger paychecks just by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at everybody else’s expense. The middle -- Middle-class families are not going to feel more secure because we allowed attacks on collect -- collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients did not cause the financial crisis -- recklessness on Wall Street did. 但在企业利润连续多年创纪录之后，工薪家庭不会仅仅因为让大银行、大石油公司或对冲基金可以不惜牺牲其他人的利益来制定自己的规则，就获得更多机会或更高薪水。中——中产阶级家庭不会因为我们任由对集体——集体谈判的攻击得不到回应而感到更有安全感。食品券领取者并没有引发金融危机——是华尔街的鲁莽行为造成的。
Immigrants aren’t the principal reason wages haven’t gone up. Those decisions are made in the boardrooms that all too often put quarterly earnings over long-term returns. It’s sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. 移民不是工资没有上涨的主要原因。那些决定是在董事会会议室里做出的，而那些会议室往往过于重视季度收益而非长期回报。今晚观看演讲的普通家庭当然不会通过离岸账户逃税。
The point is, I believe, that in this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And I’m not alone in this. This year, I plan to lift up the many businesses who’ve figured out that doing right by their workers or their customers or their communities ends up being good for their shareholders. And I want to spread those best practices across America. That’s part of a brighter future. In fact, it turns out many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. 关键是，我相信，在这个新经济中，工人、初创企业和小企业需要更多的话语权，而不是更少。规则应该为他们服务。在这一点上我并不孤单。今年，我计划宣扬那些已经认识到善待员工、善待客户、善待社区最终对股东有利的企业。我想把这些最佳实践推广到全美各地。这是光明未来的一部分。事实上，事实证明，我们许多最优秀的企业公民也是最具创造力的。
And this brings me to the second big question we as a country have to answer: How do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges? 这就引出了我们作为一个国家必须回答的第二个重大问题：我们如何重新点燃创新精神，以迎接我们最大的挑战？
Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn’t deny Sputnik was up there. We didn’t argue about the science or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later we were walking on the moon. Now, that spirit of discovery is in our DNA. America is Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. America is Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. America is every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better future. 六十年前，当俄国人抢先进入太空时，我们没有否认斯普特尼克卫星就在那里。我们没有就科学争论不休，也没有削减我们的研发预算。我们几乎在一夜之间建立了太空计划，十二年后我们就登上了月球。现在，那种探索精神流淌在我们的DNA中。美国是托马斯·爱迪生，是莱特兄弟，是乔治·华盛顿·卡佛。美国是格蕾丝·霍珀，是凯瑟琳·约翰逊，是萨莉·莱德。美国是每一个从波士顿到奥斯汀到硅谷的移民和企业家，他们竞相塑造一个更美好的未来。
That’s who we are. And over the past seven years, we’ve nurtured that spirit. We’ve protected an open Internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We’ve launched next-generation manufacturing hubs and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day. But we can do so much more. 这就是我们。在过去七年里，我们培育了这种精神。我们保护了开放的互联网，并采取了大胆的新举措，让更多学生和低收入美国人能够上网。我们推出了下一代制造业中心和在线工具，让企业家在一天之内就能获得创业所需的一切。但我们还可以做得更多。
You know, last year Vice President Biden said that, with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources that they’ve had in over a decade. Well, so -- so tonight, I’m announcing a new national effort to get it done. 你们知道，去年拜登副总统说过，通过一次新的"登月计划"，美国可以治愈癌症。上个月，他与本届国会合作，为国立卫生研究院的科学家们提供了十多年来最充足的资源。那么——那么今晚，我宣布一项新的全国性努力来实现这一目标。
And because he’s gone to the mat for all of us on so many issues over the past 40 years, I’m putting Joe in charge of mission control. For the loved ones we’ve all lost, for the families that we can still save, let’s make America the country that cures cancer once and for all. 因为过去40年来他在这么多问题上为我们所有人倾力而为，我要让乔负责这次任务的指挥中心。为了我们所有人失去的亲人，为了我们仍然可以拯救的家庭，让美国成为一劳永逸治愈癌症的国家吧。
(What do you think, Joe? Let’s make it happen.) （你觉得怎么样，乔？让我们实现它。）
And medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources. Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You will be pretty lonely because you’ll be debating our military, most of America’s business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, 3 and 200 nations around the world who agree it’s a problem and intend to solve it. 医学研究至关重要。在开发清洁能源方面，我们需要同样程度的投入。听着，如果还有人想就气候变化的科学争论不休，尽管来吧。你会非常孤单的，因为你要和我们的军方辩论，和美国大多数商界领袖辩论，和大多数美国人民辩论，和几乎整个科学界辩论，和全球200个同意这是一个问题并打算解决它的国家辩论。
But -- But even if -- even if the planet wasn’t at stake, even if 2014 wasn’t the warmest year on record until 2015 turned out to be even hotter -- why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future? 但是——但是即使——即使地球没有危在旦夕，即使2014年还不是有记录以来最热的年份，直到2015年变得更热——我们为什么要放过让美国企业生产和销售未来能源的机会呢？
Listen, seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results: In fields from Iowa to Texas wind power is now cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills and employs more Americans than coal, in jobs that pay better than average. 听着，七年前，我们对清洁能源进行了我国历史上最大规模的一次投资。结果是这样的：从爱荷华州到得克萨斯州的田野上，风能现在比更脏的传统能源更便宜。从亚利桑那州到纽约州的屋顶上，太阳能每年为美国人节省数千万美元的能源账单，雇佣的美国人比煤炭行业还多，而且工资高于平均水平。
We’re taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy -- something, by the way, that environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. And meanwhile, we’ve cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly 60 percent and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth. Gas under two bucks a gallon ain’t bad either. 我们正在采取措施，让房主能够自由地生产和储存自己的能源——顺便说一句，这是环保主义者和茶党人士联手支持的事情。与此同时，我们将外国石油进口减少了近60%，碳污染的削减幅度超过了地球上任何其他国家。每加仑汽油不到两美元也不赖嘛。
Now we’ve got to accelerate the transition away from old, dirtier energy sources. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future, especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. We do them no favor when we don’t show them where the trends are going. And that’s why I’m going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. And that way we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system. 现在我们必须加快从旧的、更脏的能源来源转型的步伐。与其补贴过去，不如投资未来，尤其是在那些依赖化石燃料的社区。如果我们不告诉他们趋势的方向，那对他们没有任何好处。这就是为什么我要推动改变我们管理石油和煤炭资源的方式，使其更好地反映它们给纳税人和我们的星球带来的成本。这样我们就能把资金放回那些社区，让数以万计的美国人投入到建设21世纪交通系统的工作中。
Now, none of this is going to happen overnight. And yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But the jobs we’ll create, the money we’ll save, the planet we’ll preserve -- that is the kind of future our kids and our grandkids deserve; and it’s within our grasp. 当然，这一切不会在一夜之间发生。是的，有很多既得利益者想要维持现状。但我们将创造的就业机会，我们将节省的资金，我们将保护的星球——那才是我们的子孙后代应得的未来；而且这是我们力所能及的。
Now, climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world, and that’s why the third big question that we have to answer together is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there’s a problem. 气候变化只是我们的安全与世界其他地区息息相关的众多问题之一，这就是为什么我们必须共同回答的第三个重大问题是：如何在既不自我孤立，也不在哪里出了问题就去哪里搞国家建设的情况下，保持美国的安全与强大。
I told you earlier all the talk of America’s economic decline is political hot air. Well so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. Let me -- Let me tell you something: The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth -- period. Period. It’s not even close. It’s not even close. It’s not even close. 我早前告诉过你们，所有关于美国经济衰落的言论都是政治空话。那么，你们听到的所有关于我们的敌人变得更强大、美国变得更虚弱的言辞也一样。让我——让我告诉你们一件事：美利坚合众国是地球上最强大的国家——绝对的。绝对的。根本没有可比性。根本没有可比性。根本没有可比性。
We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation attacks us directly or our allies because they know that’s the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office. And when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead. They call us. 我们的军费开支超过接下来八个国家的总和。我们的军队是世界历史上最精锐的战斗力量。没有哪个国家会直接攻击我们或我们的盟友，因为他们知道那是自取灭亡。调查显示，我们在世界上的地位比我当选时更高。而在每一个重要的国际问题上，世界人民都不会指望北京或莫斯科来领导。他们会找我们。
So it’s useful to level set here because when we don’t we don’t make good decisions. Now, as someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that’s not primarily because of some looming superpower out there, and it’s certainly not because of diminished American strength. 所以在这里摆正心态是有益的，因为如果我们摆不正心态，就做不出好的决策。现在，作为一个每天以情报简报开始一天的人，我知道这是一个危险的时代。但这主要不是因为某个若隐若现的超级大国，当然也不是因为美国实力的削弱。
In today’s world, we’re threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds are blowing in from a Chinese economy that is in significant transition. Even as their economy severely contracts, Russia is pouring resources in to prop up Ukraine and Syria -- client states that they saw slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality. 在当今世界，对我们威胁更大的不是邪恶帝国，而是失败国家。中东正在经历一场将持续一代人的转型，其根源可以追溯到几千年前的冲突。中国经济正处于重大转型之中，经济逆风由此吹来。尽管俄罗斯经济严重收缩，它仍在倾注资源来支撑乌克兰和叙利亚——这两个它认为正在脱离其势力范围的附庸国。而我们在二战后建立的国际体系，如今正难以跟上这一新现实的步伐。
It’s up to us, the United States of America, to help remake that system; and to do that well it means that we’ve got to set priorities. Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both Al Qaida and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today’s world even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country. Their actions undermine and destabilize our allies. We have to take them out. 要由我们，美利坚合众国，来帮助重塑这个体系；而要做好这件事，意味着我们必须设定优先事项。首要任务是保护美国人民，打击恐怖主义网络。基地组织和现在的伊斯兰国都对我们的人民构成直接威胁，因为在当今世界，即使是少数不珍惜人类生命、包括自己生命的恐怖分子，也能造成巨大伤害。他们利用互联网毒害我们国家内部个人的思想。他们的行动破坏和动摇我们的盟友。我们必须消灭他们。
But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks, twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages -- they pose an enormous danger to civilians. They have to be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That -- That is the story ISIL wants to tell. 但是，当我们专注于摧毁伊斯兰国的时候，那些声称这是第三次世界大战的过分言论正中他们的下怀。坐在皮卡车后的大批武装分子，在公寓或车库里策划阴谋的扭曲灵魂——他们对平民构成巨大威胁。他们必须被制止。但他们并不威胁我们的国家存亡。那——那正是伊斯兰国想要讲述的故事。
That’s the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don’t need to build them up to show that we’re serious; and we sure don’t need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is somehow representative of one of the world’s largest religions. We just need to call them what they are: killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed. 那是他们用来招募人员的宣传手段。我们不需要吹捧他们来显示我们的认真；我们当然也不需要通过重复伊斯兰国以某种方式代表世界上最大宗教之一的谎言，来推开这场斗争中的重要盟友。我们只需要认清他们的真面目：必须被根除、追捕和消灭的杀手和狂热分子。
And that’s exactly what we’re doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL’s financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we're taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we’re taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, their weapons. We’re training, arming and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria. 而这正是我们正在做的。一年多来，美国领导了一个由60多个国家组成的联盟，切断伊斯兰国的资金来源，破坏他们的阴谋，阻止恐怖分子的流动，并铲除他们邪恶的意识形态。通过近一万次空袭，我们正在消灭他们的领导人、他们的石油、他们的训练营、他们邪恶的意识形态。通过近一万次空袭，我们正在消灭他们的领导人、他们的石油、他们的训练营、他们的武器。我们正在训练、武装和支持那些正在稳步收复伊拉克和叙利亚领土的部队。
If this Congress is serious about winning this war and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. Take a vote. But the American people should know that, with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America’s commitment -- or mine -- to see that justice is done, just ask Osama bin Laden. 如果本届国会真的想赢得这场战争，并想向我们的军队和世界发出一个信息，那就授权对伊斯兰国使用武力吧。投票吧。投票吧。但美国人民应该知道，无论国会是否采取行动，伊斯兰国都将吸取与之前的恐怖分子同样的教训。如果你怀疑美国的承诺——或者我的承诺——去实现正义，那就去问乌萨马·本·拉登吧。
Ask -- Ask the leader of Al Qaida in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. And it may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limits. 问问——问问也门基地组织的头目，他去年被消灭了，或者班加西袭击的实施者，他现在正坐在监狱里。当你攻击美国人，我们就会追杀你。这可能需要时间，但我们记性很好，我们的触角无处不在。
Our foreign policy has to be focused on the threat from ISIL and Al Qaida, but it can’t stop there. For even without ISIL, even without Al Qaida, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world -- in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and parts of Pakistan, in parts of Central America and Africa and Asia. Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks. 我们的外交政策必须聚焦于伊斯兰国和基地组织的威胁，但不能止步于此。因为即使没有伊斯兰国，即使没有基地组织，世界许多地区的不稳定仍将持续数十年——在中东，在阿富汗和巴基斯坦部分地区，在中美洲、非洲和亚洲的部分地区。其中一些地方可能成为新恐怖主义网络的避风港。
Others will just fall victim to ethnic conflict or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet-bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite but it doesn’t pass muster on the world stage. 另一些则会沦为种族冲突或饥荒的受害者，催生下一波难民潮。世界会指望我们帮助解决这些问题，而我们的答案需要不仅仅是强硬的言辞或呼吁地毯式轰炸平民。那可能在电视上听起来不错，但在世界舞台上是行不通的。
We also can’t try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis -- even if it’s done with the best of intentions. That’s not leadership; that’s a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately will weaken us. It’s the lesson of Vietnam. It’s the lesson of Iraq -- and we should have learned it by now. 我们也不能试图接管和重建每一个陷入危机的国家——即使是出于最好的意图。那不是领导力；那是陷入泥潭的良方，会消耗美国的鲜血和财富，最终削弱我们自己。这是越南的教训。这是伊拉克的教训——我们早该吸取教训了。
Now, fortunately there is a smarter approach -- a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us -- and make sure other countries pull their own weight. That’s our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we’re partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace. 幸运的是，有一个更明智的方法——一个耐心而有纪律的战略，运用我们国家力量的每一个要素。它主张美国将始终采取行动，必要时独自行动，以保护我们的人民和盟友；但在全球关注的问题上，我们将动员世界与我们合作——并确保其他国家尽到自己的责任。这就是我们处理叙利亚等冲突的方式，我们与当地部队合作，并领导国际社会帮助那个破碎的社会寻求持久和平。
That’s why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran; and as we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war. 这就是为什么我们建立了一个全球联盟，通过制裁和有原则的外交，来防止伊朗拥有核武器；就在我们说话的时候，伊朗已经缩减了其核计划，运出了其铀储备，世界避免了另一场战争。
That’s how -- That’s how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, our development workers -- they were heroic. They set up the platform that then allowed other countries to join in behind us and stamp out that epidemic. Hundreds of thousands -- maybe [a] couple million -- lives were saved. 这就是——这就是我们如何阻止了埃博拉在西非的蔓延。我们的军人，我们的医生，我们的发展工作者——他们都是英雄。他们搭建了平台，然后让其他国家能够加入我们的行列，共同扑灭了那场疫情。数十万人——也许有一两百万人——的生命得以挽救。
That’s how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, and protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products made in America, which will then support more good jobs here in America. With TPP, China does not set the rules in that region -- we do. You want to show our strength in this new century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it. It’s the right thing to do. 这就是我们如何达成《跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》，以开放市场、保护工人和环境，并提升美国在亚洲的领导地位。它削减了对美国制造产品的18000项关税，这将在美国支持更多的好工作。有了TPP，该地区的规则就不是由中国制定的——而是由我们制定的。你想展示我们在新世纪的实力吗？批准这项协议吧。给我们执行它的工具。这是正确的事。
Let me give you another example: Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy. It set us back in Latin America. That’s why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. So if you want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere, recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo. 让我再举一个例子：五十年孤立古巴未能促进民主。它让我们在拉丁美洲退步了。这就是为什么我们恢复了外交关系，打开了旅行和商业的大门，将自己定位为改善古巴人民生活的力量。所以，如果你想巩固我们在西半球的领导地位和信誉，那就承认冷战已经结束吧。解除禁运吧。
The -- The point is American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world, except when we kill terrorists, or, occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as a part of our national security -- not something separate, not charity. 关键——关键是，美国在21世纪的领导力，不是在无视世界其他地区（除了我们消灭恐怖分子的时候）和占领并重建任何正在瓦解的社会之间做选择。领导力意味着明智地运用军事力量，团结世界支持正义的事业。它意味着将我们的对外援助视为国家安全的一部分——而不是什么独立的东西，不是慈善。
When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change, yes, that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our kids. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend on. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, it’s the right thing to do, and it prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. 当我们带领近200个国家达成历史上应对气候变化最宏伟的协议时，是的，这帮助了脆弱国家，但也保护了我们的孩子。当我们帮助乌克兰捍卫其民主，或帮助哥伦比亚结束数十年的战争时，这加强了我们所依赖的国际秩序。当我们帮助非洲国家养活人民、照料病人时，这是正确的事，也能防止下一场大流行蔓延到我们的海岸。
You know, right now we're on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS -- that’s within our grasp. And we have the chance to accomplish the same thing with malaria -- something I’ll be pushing this Congress to fund this year. That’s American strength. That’s American leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That's why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo. It it expensive; it is unnecessary; and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies. There’s a better way. 你们知道，现在我们正走在终结艾滋病毒/艾滋病祸患的轨道上——这是我们力所能及的。我们有机会对疟疾做同样的事情——这是我今年将推动国会拨款的事项。这就是美国的力量。这就是美国的领导力。而这种领导力取决于我们榜样的力量。这就是为什么我将继续努力关闭关塔那摩监狱。它很昂贵；它没有必要；它只会成为我们敌人的招募手册。有更好的办法。
And that’s why we need to reject any politics, any politics that targets people because of race or religion. Alright, let me just say this: This is not a matter of political correctness. This is a matter of understanding just what it is that makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. 这就是为什么我们需要拒绝任何政治，任何基于种族或宗教针对人民的政治。好吧，让我这样说吧：这不是政治正确的问题。这是理解究竟是什么让我们强大的问题。世界尊重我们，不仅仅因为我们的军火库；它尊重我们，因为我们的多样性和开放性，因为我们尊重每一种信仰的方式。
His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot that I’m standing on tonight -- that "to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place." When politicians insult Muslims, whether abroad, or fellow citizens; when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid is called names, that doesn’t make us safer. That’s not telling it what -- telling it like it is: It’s just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. It betrays who we are as a country. 教宗方济各陛下，就在今晚我所站的这个地方，对这个机构说过——"模仿暴君和凶手的仇恨与暴力，是取而代之的最佳方式。"当政客们侮辱穆斯林时，无论是国外的还是本国公民；当清真寺被破坏，或者一个孩子被辱骂时，那并不能让我们更安全。那不是实话实说：那是错误的。它让我们在世界眼中变得渺小。它让我们更难实现我们的目标。它背叛了我们作为一个国家的本质。
"We the People": Our Constitution begins with those three simple words -- words we’ve come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together; that that’s how we might perfect our union. "我们人民"：我们的宪法以这三个简单的词开篇——这些词我们逐渐认识到意味着所有人，而不是一部分人；这些词坚称我们休戚与共；唯有如此，我们才能完善我们的联邦。
And that brings me to the fourth, and maybe most important thing, that I want to say tonight. The future we want, all of us want -- opportunity and security for our families, a rising standard of living, a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids -- all that is within our reach. But it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates. It will only happen if we fix our politics. 这就引出了我今晚想说的第四件事，也许也是最重要的事。我们想要的未来，我们所有人都想要的未来——我们家庭的机会与安全，生活水平的提高，一个可持续的、和平的星球留给我们的孩子——所有这一切都在我们的掌控之中。但只有我们共同努力才能实现。只有我们能够进行理性的、建设性的辩论才能实现。只有我们修复我们的政治才能实现。
A better politics doesn’t mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country -- different regions, different attitudes, different interests. That’s one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, fiercely, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security. 更好的政治并不意味着我们必须在所有事情上达成一致。这是一个大国——不同的地区，不同的态度，不同的利益。这也是我们的优势之一。我们的开国元勋们在各州和政府各部门之间分配权力，并预计我们会争论，就像他们当年激烈地争论政府的规模和形态、争论商业和外交关系、争论自由的含义和安全的必要性一样。
But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn’t -- It doesn’t work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice. It doesn’t work if we think that our political opponents are unpatriotic or trying to weaken America. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise, or when even basic facts are contested, or when we listen only to those who agree with us. 但民主确实需要公民之间基本的信任纽带。它不会——如果我们认为与我们意见相左的人都出于恶意，民主就无法运转。如果我们认为我们的政治对手不爱国或试图削弱美国，民主就无法运转。没有妥协的意愿，民主就会停滞不前；当连基本事实都遭到质疑时，当我们只听与自己意见一致的人的话时，民主就会停滞不前。
Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get all the attention. And most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn’t matter -- that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some special interest. 当只有最极端的声音获得所有关注时，我们的公共生活就会枯萎。最重要的是，当普通人觉得他们的声音无关紧要时——觉得制度被操纵，偏向富人、权贵或某些特殊利益集团时，民主就会崩溃。
Too many Americans feel that way right now. It’s one of the few regrets of my presidency -- that the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. I have no doubt a -- a President with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide. And I guarantee I’ll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office. 太多的美国人现在就是这种感受。这是我总统任期内为数不多的遗憾之一——两党之间的怨怼和猜疑非但没有改善，反而恶化了。我毫不怀疑，一个——一个拥有林肯或罗斯福那样天赋的总统也许能更好地弥合分歧。我保证，只要我还在任，我就会继续努力做得更好。
But my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task -- or any President’s -- alone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber -- good people -- who -- who would like to see more cooperation, would like to see a more elevated debate in Washington but feel trapped by the imperatives of getting elected, by the noise coming out of your base. I know -- you’ve told me. It’s the worst-kept secret in Washington. And a lot of you aren’t enjoying being trapped in that kind of rancor. 但是我的美国同胞们，这不能是我的任务——或者任何一位总统的——独自的任务。在这个议院里有很多人——好人——他们——他们希望看到更多合作，希望看到华盛顿有更高层次的辩论，但却被选举的必要性、被来自你们基本盘的噪音所困。我知道——你们告诉过我。这是华盛顿最不为人知的秘密。你们中的很多人并不享受被困在那种怨怼之中。
But that means if we want a better politics -- and I’m addressing the American people now -- if we want a better politics, it’s not enough just to change a congressman or change a senator or even change a President. We have to change the system to reflect our better selves. 但这意味着，如果我们想要更好的政治——我现在是在对美国人民说——如果我们想要更好的政治，仅仅换一个众议员或换一个参议员甚至换一位总统是不够的。我们必须改变制度，以反映我们更好的自我。
I think we’ve got to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters and not the other way around. Let a bipartisan group do it. I believe we’ve got to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families or hidden interests can’t bankroll our elections. And if our existing approach to campaign finance reform can’t pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution, because it’s a problem. 我认为我们必须结束划分国会选区的做法，这样政客就不能挑选他们的选民，而应该反过来。让一个两党小组来做这件事。我认为我们必须减少金钱对我们政治的影响，这样少数家族或隐性利益就不能资助我们的选举。如果我们现有的竞选财务改革方法无法在法庭上通过，我们需要共同努力找到一个真正的解决方案，因为这是一个问题。
And most of you don’t like raising money. I know. I’ve done it. We’ve got to make it easier to vote, not harder. We need to modernize it for the way we live now. 而且你们大多数人都不喜欢筹款。我知道。我做过。我们必须让投票变得更容易，而不是更难。我们需要让它现代化，以适应我们现在的生活方式。
This is America! We want to make it easier for people to participate. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do just that. But I can’t do these things on my own. Changes in our political process -- in not just who gets elected, but how they get elected -- that will only happen when the American people demand it. It depends on you. That’s what’s meant by a government of, by, and for the people. 这就是美国！我们要让人们更容易参与进来。在今年的时间里，我打算周游全国，推动实现这一目标的改革。但我不能独自做这些事。我们政治进程的变革——不仅是谁当选，还有他们如何当选——只有在美国人民要求时才会发生。这取决于你们。这就是民有、民治、民享政府的含义。
What I’m suggesting is hard. It’s a -- a lot easier to be cynical, to accept that change is not possible, and politics is hopeless, and the problem is, all the folks who are elected don’t care, and to believe that our voices and our actions don’t matter. But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to secure. 我所建议的事情很难。愤世嫉俗要容易得多，接受变革不可能、政治毫无希望、问题在于当选的人都不在乎、相信我们的声音和行动无关紧要，这些都要容易得多。但如果我们现在放弃，那我们就放弃了一个更美好的未来。那些拥有金钱和权力的人将获得对决策的更大控制权，这些决策可能会把一个年轻士兵送上战场，或者引发另一场经济灾难，或者推翻几代美国人历经奋斗甚至牺牲才争取到的平等权利和投票权。
And then, as frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into our respective tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens who don’t look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share the same background. We can’t afford to go down that path. It won’t deliver the economy we want. It will not produce the security we want. But most of all, it contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world. 然后，随着挫折感的增长，会有声音敦促我们退回到各自的部落中去，把那些与我们长相不同、信仰不同、投票不同或背景不同的同胞当作替罪羊。我们不能走那条路。它不会带来我们想要的经济。它不会带来我们想要的安全。但最重要的是，它违背了一切让我们成为世界羡慕对象的东西。
So my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer one party or no party, whether you supported my agenda or fought as hard as you could against it, our collective futures depends on your willingness to uphold your duties as a citizen -- to vote, to speak out, to stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable, knowing that each of us is only here because somebody somewhere stood up for us. 所以我的美国同胞们，无论你们信仰什么，无论你们支持一个政党还是不支持任何政党，无论你们支持我的议程还是竭尽全力反对它，我们共同的未来取决于你们履行公民义务的意愿——去投票，去发声，去为他人挺身而出，尤其是弱者，尤其是易受伤害的人，要知道我们每个人之所以能在这里，都是因为某地有人曾为我们挺身而出。
We need every American to stay active in our public life, and not just during election time, so that our public life reflects the goodness and the decency that I see in the American people every single day. It is not easy. Our brand of democracy is hard. 我们需要每个美国人都积极参与我们的公共生活，而不仅仅是在选举期间，这样我们的公共生活才能反映出我每天在美国人民身上看到的善良和正派。这并不容易。
But I can promise that, a little over a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I will be right there with you as a citizen -- inspired by those voices of fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness, that have helped America travel so far; voices that help us see ourselves not first and foremost as black or white or Asian or Latino; not as gay or straight, immigrant or native born; not Democrat or Republican; but as Americans first, bound by a common creed; voices Dr. King believed would have the final word -- voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love. 我们的民主模式是艰难的。但我可以保证，一年多以后，当我不再担任这一职务时，我将作为一名公民与你们站在一起——被那些公平与远见、坚韧与幽默与善良的声音所激励，正是这些声音帮助美国走了这么远；这些声音帮助我们首先不是把自己看作黑人或白人或亚裔或拉丁裔；不是看作同性恋或异性恋、移民或土生土长；不是看作民主党人或共和党人；而是首先看作美国人，被共同的信念所联结；金博士相信这些声音会拥有最终的话语权—— unarmed truth和无条件之爱的声音。
And they’re out there, those voices. They don’t get a lot of attention. They don’t seek a lot of fanfare. But they’re busy doing the work this country needs doing. I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible country of ours. I see you, the American people. And in your daily acts of citizenship, I see our future unfolding. 而这些声音就在那里，那些声音。它们没有得到很多关注。它们不追求很多掌声。但它们正忙着做这个国家需要做的工作。在这个令人惊叹的国家里，我每到一处都能看到它们。我看到了你们，美国人民。在你们日常的公民行动中，我看到了我们的未来正在展开。
I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts to keep his company open, and the boss who pays him higher wages instead of laying him off. 我在流水线上的工人身上看到了它——他加班加点以保住公司，而老板给他加薪而不是裁员。
I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late at night to finish her science project, and the teacher who comes in early, maybe with some extra supplies that she bought, because she knows that that young girl might someday cure a disease. 我在那个"追梦人"女孩身上看到了它——她熬夜完成她的科学项目，而老师早早到校，也许还自己掏钱买了些额外的教具，因为她知道那个年轻女孩有朝一日可能会治愈一种疾病。
I see it in the American who’s served his time, made bad mistakes as a child, but now is dreaming of starting over. And I see it in the business owner who gives him that second chance; the protester determined to prove that justice matters; and the young cop walking the beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work of keeping us safe. 我在那个服过刑的美国人身上看到了它——他年轻时犯过错，现在梦想着重新开始。我在给了他第二次机会的企业主身上看到了它；在决心证明正义很重要的抗议者身上看到了它；在那个巡逻的年轻警察身上看到了他——他尊重每一个人，做着勇敢而安静的工作，保护我们的安全。
I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his brothers, the nurse who tends to him until he can run a marathon, the community that lines up to cheer him on. 我在那个士兵身上看到了它——他几乎付出一切来拯救他的战友，护士照料他直到他能跑马拉松，社区排队为他加油。
It’s the son who finds the courage to come out as who he is, and the father whose love for that son overrides everything he’s been taught. 是那个儿子找到了勇气，勇敢地做真实的自己，而父亲对儿子的爱超越了他被教导的一切。
I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as long as she has to; the new citizen who casts his vote for the first time; the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count, because each of them, in different ways, know how much that precious right is worth. 我在那位年长的妇女身上看到了它——她愿意排多久的队都要投下她的一票；我在第一次投票的新公民身上看到了它；我在投票站的志愿者身上看到了他们——他们相信每一票都应该算数，因为他们每个人，以不同的方式，都知道这份珍贵的权利有多么重要。
That’s the America I know. That’s the country we love -- clear-eyed, big-hearted, undaunted by challenge, optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word. 这就是我所认识的美国。这就是我们热爱的国家——目光清醒，心胸宽广，不畏挑战，乐观地相信 unarmed truth和无条件之爱终将胜出。
That’s what makes me so hopeful about our future. 这就是让我对我们的未来充满希望的原因。
I believe in change because I believe in you, the American people. 我相信变革，因为我相信你们——美国人民。
And that’s why I stand here, as confident as I have ever been, that the state of our Union is strong. 这就是为什么我站在这里，比以往任何时候都更加坚信，我们的联邦依然强大。
Thank you. God bless you. God bless the United States of America. 谢谢你们。上帝保佑你们。上帝保佑美利坚合众国。