Franklin D. Roosevelt's 1937 Inaugural Address

When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President, the Republic, single-minded in anxiety, stood in spirit here. We dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision—to speed the time when there would be for all the people that security and peace essential to the pursuit of happiness. We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it; to end by action, tireless and unafraid, the stagnation and despair of that day. We did those first things first. 四年前我们聚集在这里举行总统就职典礼时,共和国人民怀着焦虑的心情站在这里。我们致力于实现一个愿景——加速为全体人民带来追求幸福所必需的安全与和平的时刻。我们共和国的人民发誓要把亵渎我们古老信仰圣殿的人驱逐出去;要通过行动,毫不畏惧地结束那个时代的停滞和绝望。我们首先做了那些首要的事情。

Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there. Instinctively we recognized a deeper need—the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization. Repeated attempts at their solution without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered. 我们对自己的承诺并未到此为止。我们本能地认识到更深层次的需求——需要通过政府找到我们共同目标的工具,来解决个人在复杂文明中日益增长的问题。在没有政府帮助的情况下反复尝试解决这些问题,使我们感到困惑和迷茫。

For, without that aid, we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind. To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men. 因为没有这种帮助,我们无法对科学的应用建立道德控制,而这些控制对于使科学成为人类有用的仆人而非无情的主人是必要的。要做到这一点,我们知道必须找到对盲目的经济力量和盲目自私的人的实际控制。

We of the Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable, to solve problems once considered unsolvable. We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as, after centuries of fatalistic suffering, we had found a way to master epidemics of disease. We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster. 我们共和国的人民意识到一个真理:民主政府天生有能力保护其人民免受曾经被认为不可避免的灾难,解决曾经被认为无法解决的问题。我们不承认我们无法找到掌握经济流行病的方法,就像经过几个世纪宿命论的苦难后,我们找到了掌握疾病流行病的方法一样。我们拒绝将共同福利的问题留给偶然的风灾和灾难的飓风去解决。

In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth; we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government. 在这一点上,我们美国人发现的并不是全新的真理;我们正在为我们的自治之书写下新的篇章。

This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation. At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War; they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution. A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to the American people. 今年是制宪会议一百五十周年,那次会议使我们成为一个国家。在那次会议上,我们的先辈找到了摆脱革命战争后混乱局面的出路;他们创建了一个强大的政府,拥有足够的联合行动权力,在当时和现在都能解决完全超出个人或地方能力范围的问题。一个半世纪前,他们建立了联邦政府,以促进普遍福利并确保美国人民享有自由的福祉。

Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the same objectives. 今天,我们援引政府的同样权力来实现同样的目标。

Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct. They hold out the clear hope that government within communities, government within the separate States, and government of the United States can do the things the times require, without yielding its democracy. Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday. 四年的新经验并没有违背我们的历史本能。它们明确表明,社区内的政府、各州的政府以及美国联邦政府可以做时代要求的事情,而不放弃其民主。我们过去四年的任务并没有迫使民主休假。

Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase, so power to govern them also must increase--power to stop evil; power to do good. The essential democracy of our Nation and the safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power, but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections. The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent. 我们几乎所有人都认识到,随着人际关系的复杂性增加,治理它们的权力也必须增加——制止邪恶的权力;行善的权力。我们国家的基本民主和人民的安全不在于没有权力,而在于将权力交给人民可以通过诚实和自由的选举制度在规定的时间间隔内更换或继续任职的人。1787年宪法并没有使我们的民主变得无能。

In fact, in these last four years, we have made the exercise of all power more democratic; for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public's government. The legend that they were invincible above and beyond the processes of a democracy—has been shattered. They have been challenged and beaten. 事实上,在过去的四年里,我们使所有权力的行使更加民主;因为我们已经开始使私人独裁权力适当服从于人民的政府。认为它们在民主进程之上和之外是不可战胜的神话——已经被粉碎。它们受到了挑战并被击败。

Our progress out of the depression is obvious. 我们摆脱大萧条的进步是显而易见的。

But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things. Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with second-hand materials. By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations. 但这并非你我所说的新秩序的全部。我们的承诺不仅仅是用二手材料做修补工作。通过使用社会正义的新材料,我们承诺在旧的基础上建立一个更持久的结构,供后代更好地使用。

In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit. Old truths have been relearned; untruths have been unlearned. We have always known that heedless self-interest was bad morals; we know now that it is bad economics. Out of the collapse of a prosperity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays. We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal; and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world. 在这一目标中,我们得到了思想和精神成就的帮助。旧的真理被重新学习;错误的观念被摒弃。我们一直知道,不顾他人利益的自私是不良道德;我们现在知道,它也是不良经济。从那些吹嘘自己务实的繁荣崩溃中,我们得出了这样的信念:从长远来看,经济道德是有益的。我们开始消除划分实用与理想的界限;在这样做的过程中,我们正在打造一种无法想象的力量工具,以建立一个道德上更美好的世界。

This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such. We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life. 这种新的理解削弱了对世俗成功本身的旧有崇拜。我们开始放弃对那些为了利益背叛生活基本体面的人滥用权力的容忍。

In this process evil things formerly accepted will not be so easily condoned. Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness. We are moving toward an era of good feeling. But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will. 在这个过程中,以前被接受的邪恶事物将不会那么容易被宽恕。精明不会那么容易成为冷酷无情的借口。我们正在走向一个善意的时代。但我们意识到,只有在善良的人之间才能有善意的时代。

For these reasons I am justified in believing that the greatest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America. 基于这些原因,我有理由相信,我们所见证的最大变化是美国道德风气的变化。

Among men of good will, science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual. With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to improve our economic order, we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress. 在善良的人之间,科学和民主共同为个人提供日益丰富的生活和越来越大的满足感。随着我们道德风气的这种变化以及我们重新发现的改善经济秩序的能力,我们已经踏上了持久进步的道路。

Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead? Shall we call this the promised land? Or, shall we continue on our way? For "each age is a dream that is dying, or one that is coming to birth." 我们现在是否应该停下来,转身背对前方的道路?我们是否应该称这为应许之地?或者,我们是否应该继续前进?因为"每个时代都是一个正在消逝的梦想,或是一个正在诞生的梦想。"

Many voices are heard as we face a great decision. Comfort says, "Tarry a while." Opportunism says, "This is a good spot." Timidity asks, "How difficult is the road ahead?" 当我们面临重大决策时,可以听到许多声音。安逸说:"稍等片刻。"机会主义说:"这里是个好地方。"胆怯问:"前方的道路有多艰难?"

True, we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair. Vitality has been preserved. Courage and confidence have been restored. Mental and moral horizons have been extended. 确实,我们已经远离了停滞和绝望的日子。生命力得以保存。勇气和信心得以恢复。精神和道德视野得以扩展。

But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstance. Advance became imperative under the goad of fear and suffering. The times were on the side of progress. 然而,我们目前的成就并非在普通情况下取得的。在恐惧和苦难的驱使下,前进变得势在必行。时代站在进步一边。

To hold to progress today, however, is more difficult. Dulled conscience, irresponsibility, and ruthless self-interest already reappear. Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster! Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose. 然而,今天要保持进步更加困难。麻木的良心、不负责任和无情的自私已经重新出现。繁荣的这些症状可能成为灾难的预兆!繁荣已经考验了我们进步目标的持久性。

Let us ask again: Have we reached the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March, 1933? Have we found our happy valley? 让我们再次问:我们是否已经达到了1933年3月4日我们愿景的目标?我们是否找到了我们的幸福谷?

I see a great nation, upon a great continent, blessed with a great wealth of natural resources. Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves; they are making their country a good neighbor among the nations. I see a United States which can demonstrate that, under democratic methods of government, national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown, and the lowest standard of living can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence. 我看到一个伟大的国家,位于一个伟大的大陆上,拥有丰富的自然资源。它的一亿三千万人民彼此和平相处;他们正在使自己的国家成为各国之间的好邻居。我看到一个美国,它可以证明,在民主的治理方法下,国家财富可以转化为前所未有的广泛人类舒适,最低生活水平可以远高于仅仅维持生计的水平。

But here is the challenge to our democracy: In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens—a substantial part of its whole population—who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life. 但这是对我们民主的挑战:在这个国家,我看到数千万公民——占其总人口的很大一部分——此时此刻被剥夺了当今最低标准所要求的大部分生活必需品。

I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day. 我看到数百万家庭努力靠微薄的收入生活,家庭灾难的阴影每天都笼罩着他们。

I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago. 我看到数百万人在城市和农场的日常生活继续处于半个世纪前所谓上流社会认为不体面的条件下。

I see millions denied education, recreation, and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children. 我看到数百万人被剥夺了教育、娱乐和改善自己及其子女命运的机会。

I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions. 我看到数百万人缺乏购买农产品和工厂产品的手段,他们的贫困使其他数百万人无法工作和生产。

I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished. 我看到一个国家的三分之一人口住房不足、衣衫褴褛、营养不良。

It is not in despair that I paint you that picture. I paint it for you in hope—because the Nation, seeing and understanding the injustice in it, proposes to paint it out. We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country's interest and concern; and we will never regard any faithful, law-abiding group within our borders as superfluous. The test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little. 我描绘这幅图景并非出于绝望。我满怀希望地描绘它——因为国家看到并理解其中的不公,决心消除它。我们决心让每一位美国公民成为国家关心和关注的对象;我们永远不会将我们境内任何忠诚守法的群体视为多余。衡量我们进步的标准不是我们是否为拥有太多的人增加了更多的财富;而是我们是否为拥有太少的人提供了足够的东西。

If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation, we will not listen to Comfort, Opportunism, and Timidity. We will carry on. 如果我对我们国家的精神和目的有所了解,我们不会听从安逸、机会主义和胆怯的声音。我们将继续前进。

Overwhelmingly, we of the Republic are men and women of good will; men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication; men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well. They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will. 我们共和国绝大多数人都是善良的人;他们不仅有奉献的热心;还有务实的冷静头脑和愿意行动的双手。他们将坚持要求民选政府的每一个机构使用有效的工具来执行他们的意愿。

Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people. It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of all the facts. It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does. 当组成政府的所有人都作为全体人民的受托人工作时,政府才有能力。当政府与时俱进掌握所有事实时,它才能不断进步。当人民获得政府所作所为的真实信息时,它才能获得合理的支持和正当的批评。

If I know aught of the will of our people, they will demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained. They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and, therefore, strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace. 如果我对我们人民的意愿有所了解,他们将要求创造和维护有效政府的这些条件。他们将要求一个不受不公正癌症侵蚀的国家,因此,在其对和平意志的榜样下,在各国中保持强大。

Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization. In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together. In our personal ambitions we are individualists. But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation, we all go up, or else we all go down, as one people. 今天,在一个突然变化的文明中,我们重新将我们的国家奉献给长期珍视的理想。在每一片土地上,总是有驱使人们分离和吸引人们团结的力量在起作用。在个人抱负中,我们是个人主义者。但在我们作为一个国家寻求经济和政治进步时,我们所有人要么共同前进,要么共同后退,作为一个人民。

To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods, a vast amount of humility. But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need. Then political leadership can voice common ideals, and aid in their realization. 维持一个努力的民主要求在处理不同方法时要有极大的耐心,要有极大的谦逊。但从许多声音的混乱中,产生了对主导公共需求的理解。然后政治领导可以表达共同的理想,并帮助实现它们。

In taking again the oath of office as President of the United States, I assume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance. 在再次宣誓就任美国总统时,我承担起领导美国人民沿着他们选择前进的道路前进的庄严义务。

While this duty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do their will, seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace. 只要这项职责落在我身上,我将尽最大努力表达他们的目的并执行他们的意愿,寻求神圣的指引,帮助我们每个人为坐在黑暗中的人带来光明,并引导我们的脚步走上和平之路。

署名Franklin D. Roosevelt(富兰克林·D·罗斯福)  1937-01-20  发表于 United States Capitol, Washington D.C.