What a singular honor it is for me to be here today. I want to thank, first and foremost, the Johnson family for giving us this opportunity and the graciousness with which Michelle and I have been received. 今天能来到这里，对我来说是无比殊荣。首先，我要感谢约翰逊一家给我们这个机会，也感谢他们如此热情地接待米歇尔和我。
We came down a little bit late because we were upstairs looking at some of the exhibits and some of the private offices that were used by President Johnson and Mrs. Johnson. And Michelle was in particular interested to -- of a recording in which Lady Bird is critiquing President Johnson’s performance. And she said, come, come, you need to listen to this. And she pressed the button and nodded her head. Some things do not change -- even 50 years later. 我们下来得稍晚了一点，因为刚才在楼上参观展品，以及约翰逊总统和约翰逊夫人曾用过的一些私人办公室。米歇尔尤其对一段录音感兴趣，录音里伯德夫人正在评价约翰逊总统的表现。她对我说：“来，来，你得听听这个。”她按下按钮，一边听一边点头。有些事情即使过了五十年也不会改变。
To all the members of Congress, the warriors for justice, the elected officials and community leaders who are here today -- I want to thank you. 今天来到这里的国会议员、争取正义的斗士、民选官员和社区领袖，我要感谢你们。
Four days into his sudden presidency -- and the night before he would address a joint session of the Congress in which he once served -- Lyndon Johnson sat around a table with his closest advisors, preparing his remarks to a shattered and grieving nation. 林登·约翰逊突然就任总统的第四天，就在他准备向自己曾经任职的国会两院联席会议发表演说的前夜，他与最亲近的顾问围坐在一张桌旁，为一个因悲剧而震惊、哀痛的国家准备讲话。
He wanted to call on senators and representatives to pass a civil rights bill -- the most sweeping since Reconstruction. And most of his staff counseled him against it. They said it was hopeless; that it would anger powerful Southern Democrats and committee chairmen; that it risked derailing the rest of his domestic agenda. And one particularly bold aide said he did not believe a President should spend his time and power on lost causes, however worthy they might be. 他想呼吁参众两院通过一项民权法案，那将是重建时期以来最全面的一项法案。但大多数幕僚劝他不要这样做。他们说这毫无希望，会激怒有权势的南方民主党人和委员会主席，还可能使他其余的国内议程脱轨。一位尤其敢言的助手说，他认为总统不该把时间和权力花在没有胜算的事业上，无论那事业多么值得追求。
To which, it is said, President Johnson replied, “Well, what the hell’s the presidency for?” What the hell’s the presidency for if not to fight for causes you believe in? 据说，约翰逊总统回答：“那总统这个职位究竟是干什么的？”如果不是为了自己坚信的事业而奋斗，总统这个职位究竟是干什么的？
Today, as we commemorate the 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Act, we honor the men and women who made it possible. Some of them are here today. We celebrate giants like John Lewis and Andrew Young and Julian Bond. We recall the countless unheralded Americans, black and white, students and scholars, preachers and housekeepers -- whose names are etched not on monuments, but in the hearts of their loved ones, and in the fabric of the country they helped to change. 今天，我们纪念《民权法案》通过五十周年，向促成这项法律的男女先驱致敬。其中一些人今天就在这里。我们颂扬约翰·刘易斯、安德鲁·杨和朱利安·邦德这样的巨人，也缅怀无数默默无闻的美国人：黑人和白人、学生和学者、传教士和家政工。他们的名字没有刻在纪念碑上，却铭刻在亲人的心中，也融入了他们帮助改变的这个国家。
But we also gather here, deep in the heart of the state that shaped him, to recall one giant man’s remarkable efforts to make real the promise of our founding: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.” 我们还在深深塑造了他的这片土地腹地相聚，回顾这位伟人为兑现美国立国承诺付出的非凡努力：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等。”
Those of us who have had the singular privilege to hold the office of the Presidency know well that progress in this country can be hard and it can be slow, frustrating and sometimes you’re stymied. The office humbles you. You’re reminded daily that in this great democracy, you are but a relay swimmer in the currents of history, bound by decisions made by those who came before, reliant on the efforts of those who will follow to fully vindicate your vision. 我们这些有幸担任总统的人深知，这个国家的进步可能艰难而缓慢，令人沮丧，有时甚至寸步难行。这个职位使人谦卑。你每天都会想起，在这个伟大的民主国家里，自己不过是历史激流中的一名接力泳者：受前人决策的约束，也有赖后来者的努力，才能让自己的愿景充分实现。
But the presidency also affords a unique opportunity to bend those currents -- by shaping our laws and by shaping our debates; by working within the confines of the world as it is, but also by reimagining the world as it should be. 但总统职位也提供了一个独特的机会，可以改变历史激流的方向：通过塑造法律、引导辩论，在现实世界的约束中行事，同时重新想象世界应有的模样。
This was President Johnson’s genius. As a master of politics and the legislative process, he grasped like few others the power of government to bring about change. 这就是约翰逊总统的卓越之处。作为政治和立法程序的行家，他比绝大多数人更懂得政府促成变革的力量。
LBJ was nothing if not a realist. He was well aware that the law alone isn’t enough to change hearts and minds. A full century after Lincoln’s time, he said, 林登·约翰逊是个十足的现实主义者。他清楚，仅凭法律不足以改变人心。林肯时代整整一个世纪之后，他说：
“Until justice is blind to color, until education is unaware of race, until opportunity is unconcerned with the color of men’s skins, emancipation will be a proclamation but not a fact.” “除非正义不再分辨肤色，教育不再计较种族，机会不再在意人的皮肤颜色，否则解放只是一纸宣言，而非现实。”
He understood laws couldn’t accomplish everything. But he also knew that only the law could anchor change, and set hearts and minds on a different course. And a lot of Americans needed the law’s most basic protections at that time. As Dr. King said at the time, 他明白，法律不能成就一切。但他也知道，唯有法律能够使变革扎根，引导人们的思想和观念走向另一条道路。当时，许多美国人需要法律给予最基本的保护。正如金博士当时所说：
“It may be true that the law can’t make a man love me but it can keep him from lynching me, and I think that’s pretty important.” “法律或许不能让一个人爱我，却能阻止他私刑处死我；我认为这相当重要。”
And passing laws was what LBJ knew how to do. No one knew politics and no one loved legislating more than President Johnson. He was charming when he needed to be, ruthless when required. He could wear you down with logic and argument. He could horse trade, and he could flatter. “You come with me on this bill,” he would reportedly tell a key Republican leader from my home state during the fight for the Civil Rights Bill, “and 200 years from now, schoolchildren will know only two names: Abraham Lincoln and Everett Dirksen!” And he knew that senators would believe things like that. 而制定法律，正是约翰逊最擅长的事。没有人比约翰逊总统更懂政治，也没有人比他更热爱立法。他需要时能魅力十足，必要时也能毫不留情。他能用逻辑和辩论磨到你让步，也能讨价还价、巧言称赞。据说，在争取通过民权法案时，他对一位来自我的家乡州的重要共和党领袖说：“在这项法案上跟我合作吧，两百年后，学童只会记得两个名字：亚伯拉罕·林肯和埃弗雷特·德克森！”他知道参议员会相信这样的话。
President Johnson liked power. He liked the feel of it, the wielding of it. But that hunger was harnessed and redeemed by a deeper understanding of the human condition; by a sympathy for the underdog, for the downtrodden, for the outcast. And it was a sympathy rooted in his own experience. 约翰逊总统喜欢权力。他喜欢拥有权力的感觉，也喜欢运用权力。但他对权力的渴望，受到对人类处境更深刻理解的驾驭和升华；他同情弱者、受压迫者和被排斥者。这份同情植根于他自己的经历。
As a young boy growing up in the Texas Hill Country, Johnson knew what being poor felt like. “Poverty was so common,” he would later say, “we didn’t even know it had a name.” The family home didn’t have electricity or indoor plumbing. Everybody worked hard, including the children. President Johnson had known the metallic taste of hunger; the feel of a mother’s calloused hands, rubbed raw from washing and cleaning and holding a household together. 约翰逊在得克萨斯丘陵地区长大，小时候就知道贫穷是什么滋味。他后来回忆说：“贫穷太普遍了，我们甚至不知道它有个名字。”他家没有电，也没有室内管道设施。人人都辛苦劳动，孩子也不例外。约翰逊尝过饥饿带来的金属般滋味，感受过母亲那双因洗衣、打扫和支撑家庭而磨得粗糙疼痛的手。
His cousin Ava remembered sweltering days spent on her hands and knees in the cotton fields, with Lyndon whispering beside her, “Boy, there’s got to be a better way to make a living than this. There’s got to be a better way.” 他的表亲艾娃记得，在闷热的日子里，她跪在棉田里干活，林登在她身旁低声说：“嘿，谋生一定还有比这个更好的办法。一定还有更好的办法。”
It wasn’t until years later when he was teaching at a so-called Mexican school in a tiny town in Texas that he came to understand how much worse the persistent pain of poverty could be for other races in a Jim Crow South. Oftentimes his students would show up to class hungry. And when he’d visit their homes, he’d meet fathers who were paid slave wages by the farmers they worked for. Those children were taught, he would later say, “that the end of life is in a beet row, a spinach field, or a cotton patch.” 多年后，他在得克萨斯州一个小镇所谓的“墨西哥人学校”教书，才懂得在实行吉姆·克劳种族隔离制度的南方，其他种族因贫困而遭受的持久痛苦会严重到什么地步。学生们常常饿着肚子来上课。他去家访时，会见到那些父亲：他们为农场主干活，却只拿得到奴隶般的微薄工资。他后来谈到，那些孩子从小被教导：“人生的尽头，就是一垄甜菜、一片菠菜地，或一块棉田。”
Deprivation and discrimination -- these were not abstractions to Lyndon Baines Johnson. He knew that poverty and injustice are as inseparable as opportunity and justice are joined. So that was in him from an early age. 匮乏与歧视，对林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊来说绝非抽象概念。他知道，贫穷与不公密不可分，正如机会与正义紧密相连。这种认识从很小的时候就深植于他心中。
Now, like any of us, he was not a perfect man. His experiences in rural Texas may have stretched his moral imagination, but he was ambitious, very ambitious, a young man in a hurry to plot his own escape from poverty and to chart his own political career. And in the Jim Crow South, that meant not challenging convention. 当然，和我们每个人一样，他并非完人。得克萨斯乡村的经历或许扩展了他的道德想象，但他雄心勃勃，甚至非常有野心；这个急于摆脱贫穷、规划政治生涯的年轻人，在吉姆·克劳制度下的南方，选择了不去挑战常规。
During his first 20 years in Congress, he opposed every civil rights bill that came up for a vote, once calling the push for federal legislation “a farce and a sham.” He was chosen as a vice presidential nominee in part because of his affinity with, and ability to deliver, that Southern white vote. And at the beginning of the Kennedy administration, he shared with President Kennedy a caution towards racial controversy. 在国会任职的头二十年里，每逢民权法案提交表决，他都投反对票，还曾把推动联邦立法称为“一出闹剧、一场骗局”。他获提名为副总统候选人，部分原因是他与南方白人选民关系密切，并能为选票作出贡献。肯尼迪政府初期，他也同肯尼迪总统一样，对种族争议抱谨慎态度。
But marchers kept marching. Four little girls were killed in a church. Bloody Sunday happened. The winds of change blew. And when the time came, when LBJ stood in the Oval Office -- I picture him standing there, taking up the entire doorframe, looking out over the South Lawn in a quiet moment -- and asked himself what the true purpose of his office was for, what was the endpoint of his ambitions, he would reach back in his own memory and he’d remember his own experience with want. 但游行者仍不断前进。四名小女孩在教堂遇害。“血腥星期日”发生了。变革之风吹了起来。当约翰逊站在椭圆形办公室里，我想象他高大的身影几乎占满整个门框，在一个宁静的时刻望向南草坪，问自己这个职位真正的目的是什么、自己的雄心最终要抵达何处，他便会回想起自己缺衣少食的经历。
And he knew that he had a unique capacity, as the most powerful white politician from the South, to not merely challenge the convention that had crushed the dreams of so many, but to ultimately dismantle for good the structures of legal segregation. He’s the only guy who could do it -- and he knew there would be a cost, famously saying the Democratic Party may “have lost the South for a generation.” 他知道，作为来自南方最有权势的白人政治家，自己有独特的能力，不仅挑战那种压碎无数人梦想的旧规矩，而且彻底拆除法律上的种族隔离架构。他是唯一能做到这一点的人，也知道这会付出代价；他曾说过一句著名的话：民主党可能“失去南方一代人的支持”。
That’s what his presidency was for. That’s where he meets his moment. And possessed with an iron will, possessed with those skills that he had honed so many years in Congress, pushed and supported by a movement of those willing to sacrifice everything for their own liberation, President Johnson fought for and argued and horse traded and bullied and persuaded until ultimately he signed the Civil Rights Act into law. 这就是他担任总统的意义。这就是他迎接时代考验的时刻。凭着钢铁般的意志和多年国会生涯磨炼出的本领，在一场愿意为自身解放牺牲一切的运动推动与支持下，约翰逊总统不断奋斗、辩论、谈判、施压、说服，最终签署了《民权法案》，使之成为法律。
And he didn’t stop there -- even though his advisors again told him to wait, again told him let the dust settle, let the country absorb this momentous decision. He shook them off. “The meat in the coconut,” as President Johnson would put it, was the Voting Rights Act, so he fought for and passed that as well. Immigration reform came shortly after. And then, a Fair Housing Act. 他并未就此止步。顾问们再次劝他等一等，让风波平息，让国家消化这一重大决定。但他没有听从。用约翰逊总统的话说，真正的核心是《投票权法》，于是他也为此奋斗并促成了它的通过。紧接着是移民改革，然后是《公平住房法》。
And then, a health care law that opponents described as “socialized medicine” that would curtail America’s freedom, but ultimately freed millions of seniors from the fear that illness could rob them of dignity and security in their golden years, which we now know today as Medicare. 随后还有一项医疗法案。反对者称它是会削弱美国自由的“社会化医疗”，但它最终使数百万老年人不再担心疾病会夺走晚年的尊严与保障。这就是我们今天所说的联邦医疗保险。
What President Johnson understood was that equality required more than the absence of oppression. It required the presence of economic opportunity. He wouldn’t be as eloquent as Dr. King would be in describing that linkage, as Dr. King moved into mobilizing sanitation workers and a poor people’s movement, but he understood that connection because he had lived it. A decent job, decent wages, health care -- those, too, were civil rights worth fighting for. An economy where hard work is rewarded and success is shared, that was his goal. 约翰逊总统明白，平等不仅意味着不受压迫，还意味着拥有经济机会。在阐明这种联系时，他或许没有金博士那般雄辩；那时金博士开始动员环卫工人、发起穷人运动。但约翰逊凭亲身经历懂得这种联系。体面的工作、合理的工资、医疗保障，也都是值得争取的民权。他的目标是建立一个勤劳得到回报、成功由众人共享的经济。
And he knew, as someone who had seen the New Deal transform the landscape of his Texas childhood, who had seen the difference electricity had made because of the Tennessee Valley Authority, the transformation concretely day in and day out in the life of his own family, he understood that government had a role to play in broadening prosperity to all those who would strive for it. 他亲眼看到“新政”怎样改变了自己童年时得克萨斯州的面貌，也看到田纳西河流域管理局带来的电力，怎样日复一日、切切实实地改变自己家人的生活。因此他明白，政府有责任让所有愿意为之努力的人分享更广泛的繁荣。
“We want to open the gates to opportunity,” President Johnson said, “But we are also going to give all our people, black and white, the help they need to walk through those gates.” 约翰逊总统说：“我们要打开机会之门，但我们也要帮助所有人，无论黑人还是白人，迈过这道门。”
Now, if some of this sounds familiar, it’s because today we remain locked in this same great debate about equality and opportunity, and the role of government in ensuring each. As was true 50 years ago, there are those who dismiss the Great Society as a failed experiment and an encroachment on liberty; who argue that government has become the true source of all that ails us, and that poverty is due to the moral failings of those who suffer from it. 如果这些话听起来有些熟悉，那是因为今天我们仍陷在关于平等、机会，以及政府应如何保障两者的同一场重大辩论之中。和五十年前一样，有人把“伟大社会”斥为失败的实验和对自由的侵犯；他们认为，政府才是我们一切病症的真正根源，而贫穷是穷人自身道德缺陷造成的。
There are also those who argue, John, that nothing has changed; that racism is so embedded in our DNA that there is no use trying politics -- the game is rigged. 约翰，也有人认为一切都没有改变，种族主义已深植于我们的基因，参与政治毫无用处，因为规则从一开始就不公平。
But such theories ignore history. Yes, it’s true that, despite laws like the Civil Rights Act, and the Voting Rights Act and Medicare, our society is still racked with division and poverty. Yes, race still colors our political debates, and there have been government programs that have fallen short. 但这些论调忽视了历史。确实，尽管有《民权法案》《投票权法》和联邦医疗保险，我们的社会仍饱受分裂和贫困之苦。确实，种族问题仍影响政治辩论，也有政府项目未能达到预期。
In a time when cynicism is too often passed off as wisdom, it’s perhaps easy to conclude that there are limits to change; that we are trapped by our own history; and politics is a fool’s errand, and we’d be better off if we roll back big chunks of LBJ’s legacy, or at least if we don’t put too much of our hope, invest too much of our hope in our government. 在这个犬儒主义常被当成智慧的时代，人们很容易断言变革有其限度，我们受困于自身历史，投身政治是徒劳之举；还会认为，如果大幅撤销约翰逊的遗产，或者至少不把太多希望寄托在政府身上，我们或许会过得更好。
I reject such thinking. Not just because Medicare and Medicaid have lifted millions from suffering; not just because the poverty rate in this nation would be far worse without food stamps and Head Start and all the Great Society programs that survive to this day. I reject such cynicism because I have lived out the promise of LBJ’s efforts. Because Michelle has lived out the legacy of those efforts. Because my daughters have lived out the legacy of those efforts. Because I and millions of my generation were in a position to take the baton that he handed to us. 我反对这种想法。不仅因为联邦医疗保险和医疗补助使数百万人免于苦难，也不仅因为若没有食品券、“启蒙计划”和那些延续至今的“伟大社会”项目，美国的贫困率会高得多。我反对这种犬儒主义，因为我亲身受益于约翰逊努力兑现的承诺。米歇尔得益于这些努力留下的遗产，我的女儿们也是如此。我和同代数百万人得以接过他交给我们的接力棒。
Because of the Civil Rights movement, because of the laws President Johnson signed, new doors of opportunity and education swung open for everybody -- not all at once, but they swung open. Not just blacks and whites, but also women and Latinos; and Asians and Native Americans; and gay Americans and Americans with a disability. They swung open for you, and they swung open for me. And that’s why I’m standing here today -- because of those efforts, because of that legacy. 由于民权运动，由于约翰逊总统签署的法律，机会与教育的大门向所有人打开了。不是一下子全部敞开，但确实打开了。不只向黑人和白人，也向女性、拉丁裔、亚裔、美洲原住民、同性恋美国人和残障美国人打开。它为你们而开，也为我而开。正是因为那些努力、那份遗产，我今天才能站在这里。
And that means we’ve got a debt to pay. That means we can’t afford to be cynical. Half a century later, the laws LBJ passed are now as fundamental to our conception of ourselves and our democracy as the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. They are foundational; an essential piece of the American character. 这意味着我们欠下一笔债，也意味着我们不能沉溺于犬儒主义。半个世纪后，约翰逊通过的法律，就像《宪法》和《权利法案》一样，已经成为我们理解自身和民主制度的根本依据。它们是美国精神不可或缺的基石。
But we are here today because we know we cannot be complacent. For history travels not only forwards; history can travel backwards, history can travel sideways. And securing the gains this country has made requires the vigilance of its citizens. Our rights, our freedoms -- they are not given. They must be won. They must be nurtured through struggle and discipline, and persistence and faith. 但我们今天来到这里，是因为知道自己不能自满。历史不会只向前走，也可能倒退，或是偏离方向。要守住这个国家已取得的成果，需要公民时刻警醒。我们的权利、我们的自由，不是别人白白赐予的，必须争取，并以奋斗、纪律、坚持和信念不断维护。
And one concern I have sometimes during these moments, the celebration of the signing of the Civil Rights Act, the March on Washington -- from a distance, sometimes these commemorations seem inevitable, they seem easy. All the pain and difficulty and struggle and doubt -- all that is rubbed away. And we look at ourselves and we say, oh, things are just too different now; we couldn’t possibly do what was done then -- these giants, what they accomplished. And yet, they were men and women, too. It wasn’t easy then. It wasn’t certain then. 每逢纪念《民权法案》签署、纪念华盛顿大游行，我有时会担心：隔着岁月回望，这些纪念中的成就仿佛都是顺理成章、轻而易举的。所有痛苦、艰难、挣扎和疑虑都被抹去了。于是我们看看自己，说现在完全不同了，我们不可能做到那些巨人当年做到的事。可他们也是普通的男女。那时并不容易，那时也没有必然的结果。
Still, the story of America is a story of progress. However slow, however incomplete, however harshly challenged at each point on our journey, however flawed our leaders, however many times we have to take a quarter of a loaf or half a loaf -- the story of America is a story of progress. And that’s true because of men like President Lyndon Baines Johnson. 尽管如此，美国的故事仍是进步的故事。无论前进多么缓慢、多么不完整，无论旅途中每一步遭遇多么严峻的挑战，无论我们的领袖有多少缺点，无论我们多少次只能取得四分之一或一半的成果，美国的故事仍是进步的故事。这之所以成立，正是因为有林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊总统这样的人。
In so many ways, he embodied America, with all our gifts and all our flaws, in all our restlessness and all our big dreams. This man -- born into poverty, weaned in a world full of racial hatred -- somehow found within himself the ability to connect his experience with the brown child in a small Texas town; the white child in Appalachia; the black child in Watts. As powerful as he became in that Oval Office, he understood them. He understood what it meant to be on the outside. 在许多方面，他体现了美国：我们的天赋与缺陷、永不停歇的躁动与宏大的梦想。这个生于贫困、在充满种族仇恨的世界里长大的人，不知怎的，找到了把自己的经历与得克萨斯小镇里的棕色皮肤孩子、阿巴拉契亚的白人孩子、瓦茨区的黑人孩子联系起来的能力。即使后来在椭圆形办公室拥有巨大权力，他仍理解他们，理解被排斥在外是什么滋味。
And he believed that their plight was his plight too; that his freedom ultimately was wrapped up in theirs; and that making their lives better was what the hell the presidency was for. 他相信，他们的困境也是自己的困境；自己的自由终究与他们的自由紧密相连；而改善他们的生活，正是总统这个职位的意义所在。
And those children were on his mind when he strode to the podium that night in the House Chamber, when he called for the vote on the Civil Rights law. “It never occurred to me,” he said, “in my fondest dreams that I might have the chance to help the sons and daughters of those students” that he had taught so many years ago, “and to help people like them all over this country. But now I do have that chance. And I’ll let you in on a secret -- I mean to use it. And I hope that you will use it with me.” 那晚，他大步走向众议院议事厅的讲台、呼吁表决民权法案时，心里想着的正是那些孩子。他说：“即使在最美好的梦想里，我也从未想到，自己有机会帮助那些学生的子女”，也就是他多年前教过的学生的子女，“以及全国各地像他们一样的人。但现在我有这个机会了。我告诉你们一个秘密：我决心用好这个机会，也希望你们和我一起这样做。”
That was LBJ’s greatness. That’s why we remember him. And if there is one thing that he and this year’s anniversary should teach us, if there’s one lesson I hope that Malia and Sasha and young people everywhere learn from this day, it’s that with enough effort, and enough empathy, and enough perseverance, and enough courage, people who love their country can change it. 这就是约翰逊的伟大之处，也是我们铭记他的原因。如果说他和今年的周年纪念能教给我们一件事，如果说我希望玛丽娅、萨莎和各地年轻人从今天学到一个道理，那就是：只要有足够的努力、同理心、毅力和勇气，热爱自己国家的人就能够改变它。
In his final year, President Johnson stood on this stage, racked with pain, battered by the controversies of Vietnam, looking far older than his 64 years, and he delivered what would be his final public speech. 在生命的最后一年，约翰逊总统站在这个舞台上，饱受病痛折磨，也因越南战争的争议而身心俱疲，看起来远比六十四岁的实际年龄苍老。他发表了人生中最后一次公开演讲。
“We have proved that great progress is possible,” he said. “We know how much still remains to be done. And if our efforts continue, and if our will is strong, and if our hearts are right, and if courage remains our constant companion, then, my fellow Americans, I am confident, we shall overcome.” 他说：“我们已经证明，巨大的进步是可能的。我们知道还有多少事情有待完成。只要我们继续努力，意志坚定，心怀正义，让勇气始终与我们同行，那么，我的美国同胞们，我坚信，我们终将胜利。”
We shall overcome. We, the citizens of the United States. Like Dr. King, like Abraham Lincoln, like countless citizens who have driven this country inexorably forward, President Johnson knew that ours in the end is a story of optimism, a story of achievement and constant striving that is unique upon this Earth. He knew because he had lived that story. He believed that together we can build an America that is more fair, more equal, and more free than the one we inherited. He believed we make our own destiny. And in part because of him, we must believe it as well. 我们终将胜利。我们，美国的公民。和金博士、亚伯拉罕·林肯以及无数坚定推动国家前进的公民一样，约翰逊总统知道，美国的故事归根结底是乐观的故事，是一部在这个世界上独一无二的成就与不懈奋斗史。他知道，因为他亲身经历过。他相信，我们能够共同建设一个比继承而来的国家更加公正、更加平等、更加自由的美国。他相信，我们能够掌握自己的命运。也正因为有他的贡献，我们同样必须相信。
Thank you. God bless you. God bless the United States of America. 谢谢大家。愿上帝保佑你们，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。