Thank you very much. 非常感谢大家。
On behalf of the great Empire State and the whole family of New York, let me thank you for the great privilege of being able to address this convention. Please allow me to skip the stories and the poetry and the temptation to deal in nice but vague rhetoric. Let me instead use this valuable opportunity to deal immediately with the questions that should determine this election and that we all know are vital to the American people. 代表伟大的帝国州和纽约州全体人民，感谢你们给予我在这次大会上发言的殊荣。请允许我跳过故事和诗歌，也不使用那些漂亮但空洞的华丽辞藻。相反，让我利用这个宝贵的机会，直接讨论应该决定这次选举的问题，这些问题我们都知道对美国人民至关重要。
Ten days ago, President Reagan admitted that although some people in this country seemed to be doing well nowadays, others were unhappy, even worried, about themselves, their families, and their futures. The President said that he didn't understand that fear. He said, "Why, this country is a shining city on a hill." And the President is right. In many ways we are a shining city on a hill. 十天前，里根总统承认，虽然这个国家的某些人现在似乎过得不错，但另一些人对自己、对家人、对未来感到不满，甚至担忧。总统说他不理解这种恐惧。他说："为什么，这个国家是山巅之城。"总统说得对。在很多方面，我们确实是山巅之城。
But the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this city's splendor and glory. A shining city is perhaps all the President sees from the portico of the White House and the veranda of his ranch, where everyone seems to be doing well. But there's another city; there's another part to the shining the city; the part where some people can't pay their mortgages, and most young people can't afford one; where students can't afford the education they need, and middle-class parents watch the dreams they hold for their children evaporate. 但严峻的事实是，并非每个人都在分享这座城市的辉煌与荣耀。一座光辉灿烂的城市，也许只是总统从白宫的门廊和他牧场的阳台看到的景象，在那里每个人似乎都过得很好。但还有另一座城市；这座光辉城市还有另一面；那是有些人付不起房贷的地方，大多数年轻人买不起房子；学生负担不起所需的教育，中产阶级父母眼睁睁看着他们为孩子编织的梦想化为泡影。
In this part of the city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more people who need help but can't find it. Even worse: There are elderly people who tremble in the basements of the houses there. And there are people who sleep in the city streets, in the gutter, where the glitter doesn't show. There are ghettos where thousands of young people, without a job or an education, give their lives away to drug dealers every day. There is despair, Mr. President, in the faces that you don't see, in the places that you don't visit in your shining city. 在这座城市的这部分，穷人比以往任何时候都多，更多家庭陷入困境，越来越多的人需要帮助却找不到帮助。更糟糕的是：那里有老人在房子的地下室里瑟瑟发抖。还有人睡在城市的街道上，睡在阴沟里，那里没有光彩。有些贫民窟里，成千上万的年轻人没有工作，没有教育，每天把生命交给毒贩。总统先生，在您看不到的面孔上，在您在光辉城市中没有访问过的地方，存在着绝望。
In fact, Mr. President, this is a nation -- Mr. President you ought to know that this nation is more a "Tale of Two Cities" than it is just a "Shining City on a Hill." 事实上，总统先生，这个国家——总统先生您应该知道，这个国家与其说是"山巅之城"，不如说是"双城记"。
Maybe, maybe, Mr. President, if you visited some more places; maybe if you went to Appalachia where some people still live in sheds; maybe if you went to Lackawanna where thousands of unemployed steel workers wonder why we subsidized foreign steel. Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President, if you stopped in at a shelter in Chicago and spoke to the homeless there; maybe, Mr. President, if you asked a woman who had been denied the help she needed to feed her children because you said you needed the money for a tax break for a millionaire or for a missile we couldn't afford to use. 也许，也许，总统先生，如果您访问更多的地方；也许如果您去阿巴拉契亚，那里有些人仍然住在棚屋里；也许如果您去拉卡瓦纳，那里成千上万的失业钢铁工人想知道为什么我们要补贴外国钢铁。也许——也许，总统先生，如果您在芝加哥的收容所停下来，与那里的无家可归者交谈；也许，总统先生，如果您问一位被拒绝提供所需帮助来喂养孩子的妇女，因为您说您需要这笔钱为百万富翁减税或购买我们负担不起使用的导弹。
Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President. But I'm afraid not. Because the truth is, ladies and gentlemen, that this is how we were warned it would be. President Reagan told us from the very beginning that he believed in a kind of social Darwinism. Survival of the fittest. "Government can't do everything," we were told, so it should settle for taking care of the strong and hope that economic ambition and charity will do the rest. Make the rich richer, and what falls from the table will be enough for the middle class and those who are trying desperately to work their way into the middle class. 也许——也许，总统先生。但恐怕不会。因为事实是，女士们先生们，这正是我们被警告过会发生的情况。里根总统从一开始就告诉我们，他相信一种社会达尔文主义。适者生存。"政府不能做所有事情，"我们被告知，因此政府应该满足于照顾强者，并希望经济野心和慈善能完成剩下的事情。让富人更富，从桌子上掉落的东西对中产阶级和那些拼命努力想进入中产阶级的人来说就足够了。
You know, the Republicans called it "trickle-down" when Hoover tried it. Now they call it "supply side." But it's the same shining city for those relative few who are lucky enough to live in its good neighborhoods. But for the people who are excluded, for the people who are locked out, all they can do is stare from a distance at that city's glimmering towers. 你知道，胡佛尝试时，共和党人称之为"涓滴效应"。现在他们称之为"供给侧"。但对于那些有幸住在好社区的相对少数人来说，这是同一座光辉城市。但对于被排斥的人，对于被拒之门外的人，他们所能做的就是从远处凝视那座城市闪闪发光的塔楼。
It's an old story. It's as old as our history. The difference between Democrats and Republicans has always been measured in courage and confidence. The Republicans -- The Republicans believe that the wagon train will not make it to the frontier unless some of the old, some of the young, some of the weak are left behind by the side of the trail. "The strong" -- "The strong," they tell us, "will inherit the land." 这是一个古老的故事。和我们的历史一样古老。民主党人和共和党人之间的区别总是用勇气和信心来衡量。共和党人——共和党人认为，除非一些老人、一些年轻人、一些弱者被留在路边，否则马车队无法到达边疆。"强者"——他们告诉我们，"强者将继承这片土地。"
We Democrats believe in something else. We democrats believe that we can make it all the way with the whole family intact, and we have more than once. 我们民主党人相信的是另一回事。我们民主党人相信，我们可以让整个家庭完整地一路前进，而且我们不止一次做到了。
Ever since Franklin Roosevelt lifted himself from his wheelchair to lift this nation from its knees -- wagon train after wagon train -- to new frontiers of education, housing, peace; the whole family aboard, constantly reaching out to extend and enlarge that family; lifting them up into the wagon on the way; blacks and Hispanics, and people of every ethnic group, and native Americans -- all those struggling to build their families and claim some small share of America. 自从富兰克林·罗斯福从轮椅上站起来，将这个国家从膝盖上抬起——一支又一支马车队——驶向教育、住房、和平的新边疆；全家人都在车上，不断伸出援手扩大这个家庭；在路上把他们拉上车；黑人和西班牙裔，以及每个种族的人，还有美洲原住民——所有那些努力建设家庭并争取美国一小份份额的人。
For nearly 50 years we carried them all to new levels of comfort, and security, and dignity, even affluence. And remember this, some of us in this room today are here only because this nation had that kind of confidence. And it would be wrong to forget that. 近50年来，我们把他们都带到了新的舒适、安全、尊严甚至富裕水平。请记住，今天在这个房间里的我们中的一些人之所以在这里，只是因为这个国家有那种信心。忘记这一点是错误的。
So, here we are at this convention to remind ourselves where we come from and to claim the future for ourselves and for our children. Today our great Democratic Party, which has saved this nation from depression, from fascism, from racism, from corruption, is called upon to do it again -- this time to save the nation from confusion and division, from the threat of eventual fiscal disaster, and most of all from the fear of a nuclear holocaust. 所以，我们聚集在这次大会上，是为了提醒自己我们从哪里来，并为我们自己和我们的孩子争取未来。今天，我们伟大的民主党，这个拯救了这个国家免于萧条、法西斯主义、种族主义和腐败的政党，被召唤再次这样做——这次是为了拯救国家免于混乱和分裂，免于最终财政灾难的威胁，最重要的是免于核浩劫的恐惧。
That's not going to be easy. Mo Udall is exactly right -- it won't be easy. And in order to succeed, we must answer our opponent's polished and appealing rhetoric with a more telling reasonableness and rationality. 这并不容易。莫·尤德尔说得完全正确——这不容易。为了成功，我们必须用更有力的理性和合理性来回应对手那华丽而诱人的言辞。
We must win this case on the merits. We must get the American public to look past the glitter, beyond the showmanship to the reality, the hard substance of things. 我们必须凭是非曲直赢得这场争论。我们必须让美国公众透过光彩，超越表演，看到现实，看到事物的本质。
And we'll do it not so much with speeches that sound good as with speeches that are good and sound; not so much with speeches that will bring people to their feet as with speeches that will bring people to their senses. We must make -- We must make the American people hear our "Tale of Two Cities." We must convince them that we don't have to settle for two cities, that we can have one city, indivisible, shining for all of its people. 我们将不是用听起来不错的演讲，而是用真正好的演讲来做到这一点；不是用让人们站起来的演讲，而是用让人们清醒的演讲。我们必须让——我们必须让美国人民听到我们的"双城记"。我们必须说服他们，我们不必满足于两座城市，我们可以拥有一座城市，不可分割，为所有人闪耀。
Now, we will have no chance to do that if what comes out of this convention is a babel of arguing voices. If that's what's heard throughout the campaign, dissident sounds from all sides, we will have no chance to tell our message. 现在，如果这次大会传出的是一片争论的嘈杂声，我们就没有机会做到这一点。如果整个竞选过程中听到的是各方不同的声音，我们就没有机会传达我们的信息。
To succeed we will have to surrender some small parts of our individual interests, to build a platform that we can all stand on, at once, and comfortably -- proudly singing out. We need -- We need a platform we can all agree to so that we can sing out the truth for the nation to hear, in chorus, its logic so clear and commanding that no slick Madison Avenue commercial, no amount of geniality, no martial music will be able to muffle the sound of the truth. 为了成功，我们将不得不放弃我们个人利益的一小部分，建立一个我们都能立即、舒适地站在上面的平台——自豪地齐声歌唱。我们需要——我们需要一个我们都能同意的平台，这样我们就能齐声唱出真相让全国听到，其逻辑如此清晰有力，以至于任何圆滑的麦迪逊大道广告、任何亲切友好、任何军乐都无法掩盖真相的声音。
And we Democrats must unite. We Democrats must unite so that the entire nation can unite, because surely the Republicans won't bring this country together. Their policies divide the nation into the lucky and the left-out, into the royalty and the rabble. The Republicans are willing to treat that division as victory. They would cut this nation in half, into those temporarily better off and those worse off than before, and they would call that division recovery. 我们民主党人必须团结起来。我们民主党人必须团结起来，这样整个国家才能团结起来，因为共和党人肯定不会让这个国家团结起来。他们的政策将国家分为幸运者和被抛弃者，分为皇室和乌合之众。共和党人愿意将这种分裂视为胜利。他们会将这个国家一分为二，分为暂时过得更好的人和比以前更糟的人，他们会称这种分裂为复苏。
Now, we should not -- we should not be embarrassed or dismayed or chagrined if the process of unifying is difficult, even wrenching at times. Remember that, unlike any other Party, we embrace men and women of every color, every creed, every orientation, every economic class. In our family are gathered everyone from the abject poor of Essex County in New York, to the enlightened affluent of the gold coasts at both ends of the nation. 现在，我们不应该——我们不应该因为统一的过程是困难的，有时甚至是痛苦的而感到尴尬或沮丧。请记住，与其他任何政党不同，我们接纳各种肤色、各种信仰、各种取向、各个经济阶层的男女。在我们的家庭中，聚集了从纽约埃塞克斯县赤贫的人，到国家两端黄金海岸开明富裕的人。
And in between is the heart of our constituency -- the middle class, the people not rich enough to be worry-free, but not poor enough to be on welfare; the middle class -- those people who work for a living because they have to, not because some psychiatrist told them it was a convenient way to fill the interval between birth and eternity. White collar and blue collar. Young professionals. Men and women in small business desperate for the capital and contracts that they need to prove their worth. 而中间是我们选民的核心——中产阶级，那些不够富裕到无忧无虑，但也不够贫穷到需要福利的人；中产阶级——那些为了生计而工作的人，因为他们必须这样做，而不是因为某个精神病医生告诉他们这是填补出生到永恒之间间隔的便捷方式。白领和蓝领。年轻专业人士。小企业中的男女迫切需要资本和合同来证明自己的价值。
We speak for the minorities who have not yet entered the mainstream. We speak for ethnics who want to add their culture to the magnificent mosaic that is America. We speak -- We speak for women who are indignant that this nation refuses to etch into its governmental commandments the simple rule "thou shalt not sin against equality," a rule so simple -- I was going to say, and I perhaps dare not but I will. It's a commandment so simple it can be spelled in three letters: E.R.A. 我们为尚未进入主流的少数民族发声。我们为想要将他们的文化添加到美国这个宏伟马赛克中的族裔发声。我们为——我们为那些对这个国家拒绝将简单规则"你不应违背平等"刻入其政府戒律感到愤慨的妇女发声，这条规则如此简单——我本来想说，也许我不敢，但我要说。这是一条如此简单的戒律，用三个字母就能拼写：E.R.A.（平等权利修正案）。
We speak -- We speak for young people demanding an education and a future. We speak for senior citizens. We speak for senior citizens who are terrorized by the idea that their only security, their Social Security, is being threatened. We speak for millions of reasoning people fighting to preserve our environment from greed and from stupidity. 我们为——我们为要求教育和未来的年轻人发声。我们为老年人发声。我们为那些因唯一的保障——社会保障——受到威胁而感到恐惧的老年人发声。我们为数百万为保护我们的环境免受贪婪和愚蠢侵害而奋斗的理性人士发声。
And we speak for reasonable people who are fighting to preserve our very existence from a macho intransigence that refuses to make intelligent attempts to discuss the possibility of nuclear holocaust with our enemy. They refuse. They refuse, because they believe we can pile missiles so high that they will pierce the clouds and the sight of them will frighten our enemies into submission. 我们为那些为保护我们的生存而奋斗的理性人士发声，他们反对那种拒绝与我们的敌人就核浩劫可能性进行明智讨论的男子气概的顽固态度。他们拒绝。他们拒绝，因为他们相信我们可以将导弹堆得很高，高到刺破云层，它们的景象会吓到我们的敌人屈服。
Now we're proud of this diversity as Democrats. We're grateful for it. We don't have to manufacture it the way the Republicans will next month in Dallas, by propping up mannequin delegates on the convention floor. But we, while we're proud of this diversity, we pay a price for it. 作为民主党人，我们为这种多样性感到自豪。我们对此心存感激。我们不必像共和党人下个月在达拉斯那样，通过在大会场地上支撑人体模型代表来制造这种多样性。但我们虽然为这种多样性感到自豪，却为此付出了代价。
The different people that we represent have different points of view. And sometimes they compete and even debate, and even argue. That's what our primaries were all about. But now the primaries are over and it is time, when we pick our candidates and our platform here, to lock arms and move into this campaign together. 我们所代表的不同人群有不同的观点。有时他们会竞争，甚至辩论，甚至争论。这就是我们初选的全部内容。但现在初选已经结束，是时候在我们在这里挑选候选人和平台时，挽起手臂，一起进入这场竞选了。
If you need any more inspiration to put some small part of your own difference aside to create this consensus, then all you need to do is to reflect on what the Republican policy of divide and cajole has done to this land since 1980. Now the President has asked the American people to judge him on whether or not he's fulfilled the promises he made four years ago. I believe, as Democrats, we ought to accept that challenge. And just for a moment let us consider what he has said and what he's done. 如果你需要更多的灵感来放下自己的一些分歧来达成共识，那么你所需要做的就是反思自1980年以来共和党分而治之的政策对这片土地做了什么。现在总统要求美国人民根据他是否兑现了四年前的承诺来评判他。我相信，作为民主党人，我们应该接受这个挑战。让我们花一点时间考虑一下他说了什么，做了什么。
Inflation -- Inflation is down since 1980, but not because of the supply-side miracle promised to us by the President. Inflation was reduced the old-fashioned way: with a recession, the worst since 1932. Now how did we -- We could have brought inflation down that way. How did he do it? 通货膨胀——自1980年以来通货膨胀下降了，但这不是因为总统承诺的供给侧奇迹。通货膨胀是用老式方法降低的：通过衰退，这是自1932年以来最严重的衰退。现在我们怎么——我们本可以用那种方式降低通货膨胀。他是怎么做的？
55,000 bankruptcies; two years of massive unemployment; 200,000 farmers and ranchers forced off the land; more homeless -- more homeless than at any time since the Great Depression in 1932; more hungry, in this world of enormous affluence, the United States of America, more hungry; more poor, most of them women. And -- And he paid one other thing, a nearly 200 billion dollar deficit threatening our future. 55000起破产；两年大规模失业；20万农民和牧场主被迫离开土地；更多无家可归者——比1932年大萧条以来的任何时候都多；更多饥饿的人，在这个富裕的世界里，美利坚合众国，更多饥饿的人；更多穷人，其中大多数是妇女。还有——还有他付出的另一件事，近2000亿美元的赤字威胁着我们的未来。
Now, we must make the American people understand this deficit because they don't. The President's deficit is a direct and dramatic repudiation of his promise in 1980 to balance the budget by 1983. How large is it? The deficit is the largest in the history of the universe. It -- President Carter's last budget had a deficit less than one-third of this deficit. 现在，我们必须让美国人民理解这个赤字，因为他们不理解。总统的赤字是对他1980年承诺到1983年平衡预算的直接而戏剧性的否定。它有多大？这个赤字是宇宙历史上最大的。卡特总统的最后一份预算赤字不到这个赤字的三分之一。
It is a deficit that, according to the President's own fiscal adviser, may grow to as much 300 billion dollars a year for "as far as the eye can see." And, ladies and gentlemen, it is a debt so large -- that is almost one-half of the money we collect from the personal income tax each year goes just to pay the interest. It is a mortgage on our children's future that can be paid only in pain and that could bring this nation to its knees. 根据总统自己的财政顾问的说法，这个赤字可能会增长到每年高达3000亿美元，"直到目光所及之处"。而且，女士们先生们，这是一笔如此巨大的债务——我们从个人所得税中收取的钱几乎有一半只是用来支付利息。这是我们孩子未来的抵押品，只能用痛苦来偿还，可能会让这个国家屈膝。
Now don't take my word for it -- I'm a Democrat. Ask the Republican investment bankers on Wall Street what they think the chances of this recovery being permanent are. You see, if they're not too embarrassed to tell you the truth, they'll say that they're appalled and frightened by the President's deficit. Ask them what they think of our economy, now that it's been driven by the distorted value of the dollar back to its colonial condition. 别听我的——我是民主党人。问问华尔街的共和党投资银行家，他们认为这次复苏永久持续的可能性有多大。你会看到，如果他们不太尴尬而说出真相，他们会说他们对总统的赤字感到震惊和恐惧。问问他们对我们的经济有什么看法，现在经济已经被扭曲的美元价值驱动回到了殖民状态。
Now we're exporting agricultural products and importing manufactured ones. Ask those Republican investment bankers what they expect the rate of interest to be a year from now. And ask them -- if they dare tell you the truth -- you'll learn from them, what they predict for the inflation rate a year from now, because of the deficit. 现在我们出口农产品，进口制成品。问问那些共和党投资银行家，他们预计一年后的利率会是多少。问问他们——如果他们敢告诉你真相——你会从他们那里了解到，由于赤字，他们预测一年后的通货膨胀率是多少。
Now, how important is this question of the deficit. Think about it practically: What chance would the Republican candidate have had in 1980 if he had told the American people that he intended to pay for his so-called economic recovery with bankruptcies, unemployment, more homeless, more hungry, and the largest government debt known to humankind? 现在，这个赤字问题有多重要。实际想想：如果共和党候选人在1980年告诉美国人民，他打算用破产、失业、更多无家可归者、更多饥饿的人和人类历史上最大的政府债务来为他所谓的经济复苏买单，他会有多大的机会？
If he had told the voters in 1980 that truth, would American voters have signed the loan certificate for him on Election Day? Of course not! That was an election won under false pretenses. It was won with smoke and mirrors and illusions. And that's the kind of recovery we have now as well. 如果他在1980年告诉选民这个真相，美国选民会在选举日为他签署贷款证书吗？当然不会！那是一场在虚假借口下赢得的选举。它是用烟雾、镜子和幻想赢得的。我们现在的复苏也是这种类型的。
But what about foreign policy? They said that they would make us and the whole world safer. They say they have. By creating the largest defense budget in history, one that even they now admit is excessive -- by escalating to a frenzy the nuclear arms race; by incendiary rhetoric; by refusing to discuss peace with our enemies; by the loss of 279 young Americans in Lebanon in pursuit of a plan and a policy that no one can find or describe. 但外交政策呢？他们说他们会让我们和整个世界更安全。他们说他们做到了。通过创造历史上最大的国防预算，一个他们现在甚至承认过多的预算——通过将核军备竞赛升级到狂热；通过煽动性言辞；通过拒绝与我们的敌人讨论和平；通过在黎巴嫩失去279名年轻美国人，追求一项没有人能找到或描述的计划和政策。
We give money to Latin American governments that murder nuns, and then we lie about it. We have been less than zealous in support of our only real friend -- it seems to me, in the Middle East -- the one democracy there, our flesh and blood ally, the state of Israel. Our -- Our policy -- Our foreign policy drifts with no real direction, other than an hysterical commitment to an arms race that leads nowhere -- if we're lucky. And if we're not, it could lead us into bankruptcy or war. 我们向谋杀修女的拉美政府提供资金，然后对此撒谎。我们对我们在中东唯一真正的朋友——在我看来，那个民主国家，我们血肉相连的盟友，以色列国——的支持不够热情。我们的——我们的政策——我们的外交政策没有真正的方向，只是歇斯底里地致力于一场无处可去的军备竞赛——如果我们幸运的话。如果我们不幸运，它可能会导致我们破产或战争。
Of course we must have a strong defense! Of course Democrats are for a strong defense. Of course Democrats believe that there are times that we must stand and fight. And we have. Thousands of us have paid for freedom with our lives. But always -- when this country has been at its best -- our purposes were clear. Now they're not. Now our allies are as confused as our enemies. Now we have no real commitment to our friends or to our ideals -- not to human rights, not to the refuseniks, not to Sakharov, not to Bishop Tutu and the others struggling for freedom in South Africa. 当然我们必须有强大的国防！当然民主党人支持强大的国防。当然民主党人相信有些时候我们必须挺身而出战斗。我们也确实这样做了。我们成千上万的人为自由付出了生命。但总是——当这个国家处于最佳状态时——我们的目的是明确的。现在不是了。现在我们的盟友和我们的敌人一样困惑。现在我们对我们的朋友或我们的理想没有真正的承诺——不对人权，不对持不同政见者，不对萨哈罗夫，不对图图主教和其他在南非为自由奋斗的人。
We -- We have in the last few years spent more than we can afford. We have pounded our chests and made bold speeches. But we lost 279 young Americans in Lebanon and we live behind sand bags in Washington. How can anyone say that we are safer, stronger, or better? 我们——我们在过去几年里花费了超出我们承受能力的钱。我们拍着胸脯，发表大胆的演讲。但我们在黎巴嫩失去了279名年轻美国人，我们在华盛顿躲在沙袋后面生活。怎么能有人说我们更安全、更强大或更好？
That -- That is the Republican record. That its disastrous quality is not more fully understood by the American people I can only attribute to the President's amiability and the failure by some to separate the salesman from the product. 那——那就是共和党的记录。我只能将其灾难性的性质没有被美国人民更充分理解归因于总统的亲和力和一些人未能将推销员与产品分开。
And, now -- now -- now it's up to us. Now it's up to you and to me to make the case to America. And to remind Americans that if they are not happy with all that the President has done so far, they should consider how much worse it will be if he is left to his radical proclivities for another four years unrestrained. 现在——现在——现在轮到我们了。现在轮到你和我向美国证明这一点。并提醒美国人，如果他们对总统到目前为止所做的一切不满意，他们应该考虑如果让他在未来四年不受约束地发挥他的激进倾向，情况会有多糟。
Unrestrained. 不受约束。
Now, if -- if July -- if July brings back Ann Gorsuch Burford -- what can we expect of December? Where would -- Where would another four years take us? Where would four years more take us? How much larger will the deficit be? How much deeper the cuts in programs for the struggling middle class and the poor to limit that deficit? How high will the interest rates be? How much more acid rain killing our forests and fouling our lakes? 现在，如果——如果七月——如果七月让安·戈尔苏奇·伯福德回来——我们能对十二月有什么期待？未来四年会带我们去哪里？再过四年会带我们去哪里？赤字会有多大？为了限制赤字，对苦苦挣扎的中产阶级和穷人的项目削减会有多深？利率会有多高？会有多少更多的酸雨杀死我们的森林并污染我们的湖泊？
And, ladies and gentlemen, please think of this -- the nation must think of this: What kind of Supreme Court will we have? Please. [beckons audience to settle down] 而且，女士们先生们，请想一想——国家必须想一想：我们会有什么样的最高法院？请。[示意观众安静]
We -- We must ask ourselves what kind of court and country will be fashioned by the man who believes in having government mandate people's religion and morality; the man who believes that trees pollute the environment; the man that believes that -- that the laws against discrimination against people go too far; a man who threatens Social Security and Medicaid and help for the disabled. How high will we pile the missiles? 我们——我们必须问问自己，一个相信政府应该规定人们的宗教和道德的人，一个相信树木污染环境的人，一个相信——相信反对歧视的法律走得太远的人；一个威胁社会保障和医疗补助以及对残疾人帮助的人，会塑造什么样的法院和国家。我们会把导弹堆多高？
How much deeper will the gulf be between us and our enemies? And, ladies and gentlemen, will four years more make meaner the spirit of the American people? This election will measure the record of the past four years. But more than that, it will answer the question of what kind of people we want to be. 我们和敌人之间的鸿沟会有多深？而且，女士们先生们，再过四年会让美国人民的精神变得更加卑鄙吗？这次选举将衡量过去四年的记录。但更重要的是，它将回答我们想成为什么样的人的问题。
We Democrats still have a dream. We still believe in this nation's future. And this is our answer to the question. This is our credo: 我们民主党人仍然有一个梦想。我们仍然相信这个国家的未来。这就是我们对这个问题的回答。这是我们的信条：
We believe in only the government we need, but we insist on all the government we need. 我们相信只需要必要的政府，但我们坚持要有所有必要的政府。
We believe in a government that is characterized by fairness and reasonableness, a reasonableness that goes beyond labels, that doesn't distort or promise to do things that we know we can't do. 我们相信一个以公平和合理为特征的政府，这种合理超越标签，不歪曲或承诺做我们知道做不到的事情。
We believe in a government strong enough to use words like "love" and "compassion" and smart enough to convert our noblest aspirations into practical realities. 我们相信一个足够强大的政府，能够使用"爱"和"同情"这样的词，并且足够聪明，能够将我们最高尚的愿望转化为实际现实。
We believe in encouraging the talented, but we believe that while survival of the fittest may be a good working description of the process of evolution, a government of humans should elevate itself to a higher order. 我们相信鼓励人才，但我们相信，虽然适者生存可能是进化过程的一个很好的描述，但人类政府应该提升到更高的层次。
We -- Our -- Our government -- Our government should be able to rise to the level where it can fill the gaps that are left by chance or by a wisdom we don't fully understand. We would rather have laws written by the patron of this great city, the man called the "world's most sincere Democrat," St. Francis of Assisi, than laws written by Darwin. 我们——我们的——我们的政府——我们的政府应该能够提升到填补偶然或我们不完全理解的智慧留下的空白的水平。我们宁愿让这座伟大城市的守护神，那个被称为"世界上最真诚的民主党人"的圣弗朗西斯·阿西西来制定法律，而不是达尔文。
We believe -- We believe as Democrats, that a society as blessed as ours, the most affluent democracy in the world's history, one that can spend trillions on instruments of destruction, ought to be able to help the middle class in its struggle, ought to be able to find work for all who can do it, room at the table, shelter for the homeless, care for the elderly and infirm, and hope for the destitute. 我们相信——我们作为民主党人相信，一个像我们这样受祝福的社会，世界历史上最富裕的民主国家，一个能够在毁灭工具上花费数万亿美元的国家，应该能够帮助中产阶级的斗争，应该能够为所有能工作的人找到工作，餐桌上的位置，无家可归者的住所，老年人和体弱者的照顾，以及穷人的希望。
And we proclaim as loudly as we can the utter insanity of nuclear proliferation and the need for a nuclear freeze, if only to affirm the simple truth that peace is better than war because life is better than death. 我们大声宣布，核扩散是完全疯狂的，需要核冻结，至少是为了确认一个简单的真理：和平比战争好，因为生命比死亡好。
We believe in firm -- We believe in firm but fair law and order. We believe proudly in the union movement. 我们相信坚定——我们相信坚定但公平的法律和秩序。我们自豪地相信工会运动。
We believe in a -- We believe -- We believe in privacy for people, openness by government. We believe in civil rights, and we believe in human rights. 我们相信——我们相信——我们相信人民的隐私，政府的开放。我们相信民权，我们相信人权。
We believe in a single -- We believe in a single fundamental idea that describes better than most textbooks and any speech that I could write what a proper government should be: the idea of family, mutuality, the sharing of benefits and burdens for the good of all, feeling one another's pain, sharing one another's blessings -- reasonably, honestly, fairly, without respect to race, or sex, or geography, or political affiliation. 我们相信一个单一的——我们相信一个单一的基本理念，它比大多数教科书和我能写的任何演讲都更好地描述了一个适当的政府应该是什么：家庭的理念，相互性，为了所有人的利益分享利益和负担，感受彼此的痛苦，分享彼此的祝福——合理地，诚实地，公平地，不分种族、性别、地理或政治派别。
We believe we must be the family of America, recognizing that at the heart of the matter we are bound one to another, that the problems of a retired school teacher in Duluth are our problems; that the future of the child -- that the future of the child in Buffalo is our future; that the struggle of a disabled man in Boston to survive and live decently is our struggle; that the hunger of a woman in Little Rock is our hunger; that the failure anywhere to provide what reasonably we might, to avoid pain, is our failure. 我们相信我们必须成为美国大家庭，认识到在问题的核心，我们彼此联系在一起，杜鲁门一名退休教师的问题就是我们的问题；布法罗一个孩子的未来就是我们的未来；波士顿一名残疾人争取生存和体面生活的斗争就是我们的斗争；小石城一名妇女的饥饿就是我们的饥饿；任何地方未能提供我们合理能够提供的东西来避免痛苦，都是我们的失败。
Now for 50 years -- for 50 years we Democrats created a better future for our children, using traditional Democratic principles as a fixed beacon, giving us direction and purpose, but constantly innovating, adapting to new realities: 50年来——50年来，我们民主党人使用传统的民主党原则作为固定的灯塔，为我们的孩子创造了更好的未来，给我们方向和目的，但不断创新，适应新的现实：
Roosevelt's alphabet programs; Truman's NATO and the GI Bill of Rights; Kennedy's intelligent tax incentives and the Alliance for Progress; Johnson's civil rights; Carter's human rights and the nearly miraculous Camp David Peace Accord. 罗斯福的字母计划；杜鲁门的北约和《退伍军人权利法案》；肯尼迪的智能税收激励和进步联盟；约翰逊的民权；卡特的人权和近乎奇迹的《戴维营和平协议》。
Democrats did it -- Democrats did it and Democrats can do it again. 民主党人做到了——民主党人做到了，民主党人可以再次做到。
We can build a future that deals with our deficit. Remember this, that 50 years of progress under our principles never cost us what the last four years of stagnation have. And we can deal with the deficit intelligently, by shared sacrifice, with all parts of the nation's family contributing, building partnerships with the private sector, providing a sound defense without depriving ourselves of what we need to feed our children and care for our people. We can have a future that provides for all the young of the present, by marrying common sense and compassion. 我们可以建设一个解决赤字问题的未来。请记住，在我们的原则下50年的进步从未让我们付出过去四年停滞不前的代价。我们可以通过共同牺牲来明智地处理赤字，让国家大家庭的所有成员都做出贡献，与私营部门建立伙伴关系，提供健全的国防，同时不剥夺我们养活孩子和照顾人民所需的东西。我们可以拥有一个通过结合常识和同情心来为现在所有年轻人提供机会的未来。
We know we can, because we did it for nearly 50 years before 1980. And we can do it again, if we do not forget -- if we do not forget that this entire nation has profited by these progressive principles; that they helped lift up generations to the middle class and higher; that they gave us a chance to work, to go to college, to raise a family, to own a house, to be secure in our old age and, before that, to reach heights that our own parents would not have dared dream of. 我们知道我们可以，因为我们在1980年之前近50年都做到了。我们可以再次做到，如果我们不忘记——如果我们不忘记这个国家整体都从这些进步原则中受益；它们帮助几代人提升到中产阶级及更高水平；它们给了我们工作的机会，上大学的机会，养育家庭的机会，拥有房子的机会，在晚年有保障的机会，以及在此之前，达到我们父母不敢梦想的高度的机会。
That struggle to live with dignity is the real story of the shining city. And it's a story, ladies and gentlemen, that I didn't read in a book, or learn in a classroom. I saw it and lived it, like many of you. I watched a small man with thick calluses on both his hands work 15 and 16 hours a day. I saw him once literally bleed from the bottoms of his feet, a man who came here uneducated, alone, unable to speak the language, who taught me all I needed to know about faith and hard work by the simple eloquence of his example. 那种有尊严地生活的斗争是光辉城市的真实故事。这是一个故事，女士们先生们，我不是从书中读到的，也不是在课堂上学到的。我看到了，经历了，就像你们中的许多人一样。我看着一个双手长满老茧的小个子男人每天工作15到16小时。我曾经看到他双脚底部流血，一个没有受过教育、独自来到这里、不会说语言的人，通过他简单雄辩的榜样教会了我关于信仰和努力工作的一切。
I learned about our kind of democracy from my father. And I learned about our obligation to each other from him and from my mother. They asked only for a chance to work and to make the world better for their children, and they -- they asked to be protected in those moments when they would not be able to protect themselves. This nation and this nation's government did that for them. 我从我父亲那里学到了我们这种民主。我从他和我母亲那里学到了我们对彼此的义务。他们只要求一个工作的机会，并让世界变得更适合他们的孩子，他们——他们要求在那些他们无法保护自己的时刻得到保护。这个国家和这个国家的政府为他们做到了这一点。
And that they were able to build a family and live in dignity and see one of their children go from behind their little grocery store in South Jamaica on the other side of the tracks where he was born, to occupy the highest seat, in the greatest State, in the greatest nation, in the only world we would know, is an ineffably beautiful tribute to the democratic process. 他们能够建立家庭，有尊严地生活，并看到他们的一个孩子从他出生的铁轨另一边南牙买加的小杂货店后面，占据美国最大州的最高职位，这是对民主进程难以言喻的美丽致敬。
And -- And ladies and gentlemen, on January 20, 1985, it will happen again -- only on a much, much grander scale. We will have a new President of the United States, a Democrat born not to the blood of kings but to the blood of pioneers and immigrants. And we will have America's first woman Vice President, the child of immigrants, and she -- she -- she will open with one magnificent stroke, a whole new frontier for the United States. 而且——女士们先生们，1985年1月20日，这将再次发生——只是规模宏大得多。我们将有一位新的美国总统，一位民主党人，不是出生于国王的血脉，而是出生于先驱和移民的血脉。我们将有美国第一位女性副总统，移民的孩子，她——她——她将以壮丽的一笔为美国打开一个全新的边疆。
Now, it will happen. It will happen if we make it happen; if you and I make it happen. And I ask you now, ladies and gentlemen, brothers and sisters, for the good of all of us, for the love of this great nation, for the family of America, for the love of God: Please, make this nation remember how futures are built. 现在，这将会发生。如果我们让它发生，它就会发生；如果你和我让它发生。现在我请求你们，女士们先生们，兄弟姐妹们，为了我们所有人的利益，为了对这个伟大国家的爱，为了美国大家庭，为了对上帝的爱：请让这个国家记住未来是如何建立的。
Thank you and God bless you. 谢谢大家，上帝保佑你们。