Hello, hello, hello! Thank you! Thank you! Thank you! Everybody, please have a seat. Have a seat. Take a load off. Thank you. Thank you, so much. Thank you. Thank you, very much. Thank you. Thank you, very much. Please, please have a seat. Good morning, Urban Leaguers. 你好，你好，你好！谢谢！谢谢！谢谢！各位，请坐。请坐。歇一歇。谢谢。非常感谢。谢谢。非常感谢。谢谢。非常感谢。请，请坐。早上好，城市联盟的朋友们。
Audience Members: Good morning. 听众：早上好。
President Obama: Yeah. It is wonderful to be here with all of you. It is wonderful to be here. And let me begin by congratulating Marc Morial for his outstanding leadership, his great friendship. I want to thank the entire National Urban League on your centennial. From your founding, amid the great migration, to the struggles of the civil rights movement, to the battles of today, the Urban League has been on the ground, in our communities, working quietly -- day in, day out -- without fanfare; opening up opportunity, rolling back inequality, making our union just a little more perfect. 奥巴马总统：是啊。能与诸位共聚一堂真是太好了。能来这里真是太好了。首先，让我向马克·莫里亚尔表示祝贺，感谢他出色的领导力和深厚的友谊。我要感谢整个全国城市联盟迎来百年华诞。从你们在大迁徙中诞生，到民权运动的抗争，再到今日的诸般战役，城市联盟始终扎根社区，默默耕耘——日复一日——不事张扬；为人们打开机遇之门，扭转不平等，让我们的联邦再完美一些。
America is a better place because of the Urban League. And I'm grateful to all of you for the outstanding contributions that you've made. 因为有了城市联盟，美国变得更加美好。我对你们每一位所作出的杰出贡献心存感激。
The last time I spoke with you was during your Orlando conference in August -- got Orlando in the house -- Orlando conference back in August of 2008. I didn't have any gray hair back then. Say that's all right? But I want to remind you what things were like in August of 2008. Our economy was in freefall. We had just seen seven straight months of job loss. Foreclosures were sweeping the nation. And we were on the verge of a financial crisis that threatened to plunge our economy into a second Great Depression. 上次与诸位交谈是在你们八月的奥兰多大会上——奥兰多有人在场吗——2008年八月的奥兰多大会。那时我还没有白头发。能说还好吗？但我想提醒诸位，2008年8月的情形是怎样的。我们的经济正在自由落体。我们刚刚经历了连续七个月的就业流失。止赎潮席卷全国。我们正处于一场金融危机的边缘，这场危机有可能让我们的经济陷入第二次大萧条。
So, from the moment I took office, we had to act immediately to prevent an even greater catastrophe. And I knew that not everything we did would be popular. Sometimes when we do things, the scribes, the pundits here in Washington, they act surprised. They say, why would you do such a thing, it doesn't poll well. And I have to explain to them I've got my own pollsters. But I wasn't elected just to do what's popular; I was elected do what was right. That's what you supported me for. 因此，从我就职的那一刻起，我们就必须立即行动，以防止更大的灾难发生。我也清楚，我们所做的并非每件事都会受欢迎。有时我们做事，华盛顿这里的文人墨客、时评家们会故作惊讶。他们说，你为什么做这样的事，这民调不好看啊。我得向他们解释，我自己也有民调专家。但我当选并非只为做受欢迎之事；我当选是为了做正确之事。这正是你们支持我的原因。
And because of what we did, America, as a whole, is in a different place today. Our economy is growing, instead of shrinking. Our private sector has been adding jobs for six straight months, instead of losing them. 因为我们的努力，整体而言，美国今天已处在不同的境地。我们的经济在增长，而非萎缩。我们的私营部门已连续六个月新增就业岗位，而非流失。
Yesterday a report was put out by two prominent economists -- one of them John McCain's old economist -- that said if we hadn't taken the actions that we took, we would have had an additional 8 million people lose their jobs. 昨天两位著名经济学家——其中一位是约翰·麦凯恩的前经济学家——发表了一份报告，称如果我们当初没有采取那些行动，还会有800万人失去工作。
Now, that doesn't mean we're out of the woods yet. Every sector of our economy was shaking by the crisis; every demographic group felt its impact. And as has been true in the wake of other recent recessions, this one had an especially brutal impact on minority communities -- communities that were already struggling long before the financial crisis hit. 当然，这并不意味着我们已经走出困境。我们经济的每个部门都受到危机的冲击；每个群体都感受到了它的影响。正如近期其他几次经济衰退后所见，这次衰退对少数族裔社区的打击尤为惨重——这些社区早在金融危机到来之前就已在苦苦挣扎。
The African American unemployment rate was already much higher, the incomes and wealth of African American families already lower. There was less of a cushion. Many minority communities -- whether in big cities or rural towns -- had seen businesses and opportunities vanish for years, stores boarded up, young people hanging out on the street corners without prospects for the future. 非裔美国人的失业率本就高得多，非裔家庭的收入和财富本就更低。缓冲余地更小。许多少数族裔社区——无论在大城市还是乡村小镇——多年来眼睁睁看着企业和机会消失，店铺被封板，年轻人在街角游荡，看不到未来的前景。
So when we came in to office, we focused not just on rescuing our economy in the short run, but rebuilding our economy for the long run -- creating an economy that lifts up all Americans. Not just some, but all. 因此，当我们上任时，我们不仅着眼于短期内拯救经济，更着眼于长期重建经济——打造一个能惠及所有美国人的经济。不是只惠及一部分人，而是所有人。
That's why we passed health insurance reform that will give every American more choices, more control over their health care; will narrow the cruel disparities between Americans of different backgrounds. That's why we passed Wall Street reform -- not only to make sure that taxpayers aren't paying for somebody else's foolishness, but also to protect consumers from predatory credit cards and lending practices, regulating everything from mortgages to payday loans; making sure that we're protecting our economy from the recklessness and irresponsibility of a few. 正因如此，我们通过了医疗保险改革，让每个美国人拥有更多选择、对自己接受的医疗服务有更多掌控；缩小不同背景美国人之间残酷的差距。正因如此，我们通过了华尔街改革——不仅确保纳税人不再为别人的愚蠢买单，也保护消费者免受掠夺性信用卡和借贷做法之害，对从房贷到发薪日贷款的一切实施监管；确保我们的经济免受少数人的鲁莽与不负责任之害。
Across agencies, we're taking on the structural inequalities that have held so many of our fellow citizens back, whether it's making more housing available and more affordable, making sure civil rights and anti-discrimination laws are enforced, making sure our crime policy is not only tough, but also smart. 在各个机构，我们正着手解决阻碍太多同胞前进的结构性不平等，无论是增加可负担住房的供给、确保民权与反歧视法律得到执行，还是确保我们的治安政策既强硬又明智。
So yesterday, we took an important step forward when Congress passed a fair sentencing bill that I look forward to signing into law -- a bipartisan bill to help right a longstanding wrong by narrowing sentencing disparities between those convicted of crack cocaine and powder cocaine. It's the right thing to do. We've gotten that done. 因此，昨天我们迈出了重要一步，国会通过了一项公平量刑法案，我期待将其签署成法——这是一项两党法案，通过缩小快克可卡因和粉末可卡因量刑差距来纠正一桩长期的不公。这是应当做的事。我们做到了。
So we've made progress. And yet, for all of our progress -- progress that's come through the efforts of groups like the Urban League; progress that makes it possible for me to stand here as President -- we were reminded this past week that we still got work to do when it comes to promoting the values of fairness and equality and mutual understanding that must bind us together as a nation. 因此，我们取得了进步。然而，尽管我们取得了进步——这些进步来自城市联盟等团体的努力；这些进步使我得以总统身份站在这里——上周的事件提醒我们，在推动公平、平等和相互理解这些必须将我们凝聚为一国的价值观方面，我们仍有工作要做。
Now, last week, I had the chance to talk to Shirley Sherrod -- an exemplary woman whose experiences mark both the challenges we have faced and the progress that we've made. She deserves better than what happened last week when a bogus controversy based on selective and deceiving excerpts of a speech led her -- led to her forced resignation. 上周，我有机会与雪莉·谢罗德交谈——她是一位典范女性，她的经历既标示了我们曾面临的挑战，也标示了我们已取得的进步。上周发生的事让她受到了不应有的对待：基于一段演讲被断章取义、具有误导性的片段而引发的虚假风波，导致她——导致她被迫辞职。
Now, many are to blame for the reaction and overreaction that followed these comments -- including my own administration. And what I said to Shirley was that the full story she was trying to tell -- a story about overcoming our own biases and recognizing ourselves in folks who, on the surface, seem different -- is exactly the kind of story we need to hear in America. 对于这些言论之后引发的反应和过度反应，许多方面都有责任——包括我自己的政府。我对雪莉说的是，她试图讲述的完整故事——一个关于克服自身偏见、在表面看似不同的人身上看到自己影子的故事——正是我们在美国需要听到的那种故事。
It's exactly what we need to hear because we've all got our biases. And rather than jump to conclusions and point fingers, and play some of the games that are played on cable TV, we should all look inward and try to examine what's in our own hearts. 这正是我们需要听到的，因为我们每个人都有偏见。与其妄下定论、互相指责，玩有线电视上那些把戏，我们倒不如都向内审视，检视自己心中所想。
We should all make more of an effort to discuss with one another, in a truthful and mature and responsible way, the divides that still exist -- the discrimination that's still out there, the prejudices that still hold us back -- a discussion that needs to take place not on cable TV, not just through a bunch of academic symposia or fancy commissions or panels, not through political posturing, but around kitchen tables, and water coolers, and church basements, and in our schools, and with our kids all across the country. 我们都应更加努力地以真实、成熟、负责的方式彼此讨论仍存在的裂痕——仍存在的歧视、仍阻碍我们的偏见——这场讨论不应发生在有线电视上，不应仅仅通过一堆学术研讨会或华而不实的委员会或小组，不应通过政治作秀，而应围绕餐桌、饮水机、教堂地下室，在我们的学校里，在全国各地的孩子们中间展开。
If we can have that conversation in our own lives, if we can take an opportunity to learn from our imperfections and our mistakes, to grow as individuals and as a country, and if we engage in the hard work of translating words into deeds -- because words are easy and deeds are hard -- then I'm confident that we can move forward together and make this country a little more perfect than it was before. 如果我们能在自己的生活中展开那样的对话，如果我们能借机从自身的不完美和错误中学习，作为个体和作为一个国家不断成长，如果我们致力于把言辞化为行动的艰苦工作——因为言辞容易，行动艰难——那么我坚信，我们能携手前行，让这个国家比以往更加完美。
Now, since we're on the topic of speaking honestly with one another, I want to devote the balance of my time, the balance of my remarks, to an issue that I believe will largely determine not only African American success, but the success of our nation in the 21st century -- and that is whether we are offering our children the very best education possible. 既然谈到坦诚对话这个话题，我想把剩下的大部分时间、大部分讲话，专门用于讨论一个我认为将在很大程度上决定非裔美国人乃至我们整个国家21世纪成败的议题——那就是，我们是否在为孩子提供尽可能最好的教育。
I know some argue that as we emerge from a recession, my administration should focus solely on economic issues. They said that during health care as if health care had nothing to do with economics; said it during financial reform as if financial reform had nothing to do with economics; and now they're saying it as we work on education issues. But education is an economic issue -- if not "the" economic issue of our time. 我知道有人主张，当我们走出衰退之际，我的政府应当只专注于经济议题。他们在医改期间这样说，仿佛医改与经济毫无关系；在金融改革期间这样说，仿佛金融改革与经济毫无关系；如今我们在做教育工作，他们又这样说。但教育就是一个经济议题——如果不是我们这个时代"那个"经济议题的话。
It's an economic issue when the unemployment rate for folks who've never gone to college is almost double what it is for those who have gone to college. It's an economic issue when eight in 10 new jobs will require workforce training or a higher education by the end of this decade. It's an economic issue when countries that out-educate us today are going to out-compete us tomorrow. 当从未上过大学的人的失业率几乎是上过大学的人的两倍时，这就是经济议题。当本十年末十份新工作中就有八份需要职业培训或高等教育时，这就是经济议题。当今天在教育上超越我们的国家明天会在竞争中超越我们时，这就是经济议题。
Now, for years, we've recognized that education is a prerequisite for prosperity. And yet, we've tolerated a status quo where America lags behind other nations. Just last week, we learned that in a single generation, America went from number one to 12th in college completion rates for young adults. Used to be number one, now we're number 12. 多年来，我们一直承认教育是繁荣的前提。然而，我们却容忍了一种美国落后于他国的现状。就在上周，我们了解到，仅在一代人的时间里，美国年轻成人大学完成率从第一位跌至第十二位。过去是第一，如今是第十二。
At the same time, our 8th graders trail about eight -- 10 other nations -- 10 other nations in science and math. Meanwhile, when it comes to black students, African American students trail not only almost every other developed nation abroad, but they badly trail their white classmates here at home -- an achievement gap that is widening the income gap between black and white, between rich and poor. 与此同时，我们的八年级学生在科学与数学上落后于大约八到十个其他国家——十个其他国家。另一方面，黑人学生、非裔美国学生不仅落后于几乎所有其他发达国家的同龄人，在国内也大幅落后于白人同学——这一成就差距正在扩大黑人与白人、富人与穷人之间的收入差距。
We've talked about it, we know about it, but we haven't done enough about it. And this status quo is morally inexcusable, it s economically indefensible, and all of us are going to have to roll up our sleeves to change it. 我们谈论过它，我们了解它，但我们做得还不够。这种现状在道德上不可原谅，在经济上无法辩护，我们所有人都必须卷起袖子去改变它。
And that's why -- that is why, from day one of this administration, we've made excellence in American education -- excellence for all our students -- a top priority. And no one has shown more leadership on this issue than my Secretary of Education, Arne Duncan, who is here today. 正因如此——正因如此，从本届政府执政第一天起，我们就把美国教育的卓越——为所有学生追求卓越——列为头等大事。在这个议题上，没有人比我的教育部长阿恩·邓肯表现出更多的领导力，他今天也在场。
I chose Arne not only because he's a great ballplayer -- Arne and I play a little bit on the weekends -- I choose Arne because I knew that for him, closing the achievement gap, unlocking the potential of every child, isn't just a job, it's been the cause of his life. 我选择阿恩不仅因为他是个出色的球手——阿恩和我周末会打打球——我选择阿恩，是因为我知道，对他而言，弥合成就差距、释放每个孩子的潜能，不仅是一份工作，更是他毕生的事业。
Now, because a higher education has never been more important -- or more expensive -- it's absolutely essential that we put a college degree within reach for anyone who wants it. And that's why we're making higher education more affordable, so we can meet the goals I've set of producing a higher share of college graduates than any other nation by 2020. I want us to be back at number one instead of number 12. 如今，高等教育前所未有地重要——也前所未有地昂贵——让任何想获得大学学位的人都能触及这一目标，已成为绝对必要。正因如此，我们正在让高等教育变得更可负担，以便我们能实现我设定的目标：到2020年培养出比任何其他国家比例更高的大学毕业生。我希望我们重新回到第一，而不是第十二。
And in pursuit of that goal, we eliminated taxpayer subsidies to big banks. We saved tens of billions of dollars, and we used those savings to open the door to additional financial aid -- to open the door for college to millions more students. This is something that a lot of you may not be aware of, but we have added tens of billions of dollars that were going to bank middlemen, so that that money is now going to students -- millions more students who are getting scholarships to go to college. That's already been done. 为了实现这一目标，我们取消了对大银行的纳税人补贴。我们省下了数百亿美元，并用这些钱打开了更多助学金的大门——为数百万更多的学生打开了上大学的大门。这一点你们中许多人可能并不知晓，但我们已经把原本流向银行中间人的数百亿美元转给了学生——数百万更多的学生因此获得了上大学奖学金。这件事已经办成了。
We're making loan repayment more manageable, so young people don't graduate -- like Michelle and me -- with such big loan payments every month. 我们也在让贷款偿还变得更可承受，让年轻人不至于像米歇尔和我一样——毕业时每月背着那么沉重的还款。
Audience Member: Thank you! 听众：谢谢！
President Obama: You're welcome. Right there. You can relate. 奥巴马总统：不客气。就在那儿。你感同身受。
And we're reinvesting in our Historically Black Colleges and Universities. Our HBCUs, we are reinvesting in them, while at the same time reforming and strengthening our community college, which are great, undervalued assets -- great assets that are a lifeline to so many working families in every community across America. 我们也在重新投资于我们的历史性黑人学院和大学。我们的HBCU，我们正在重新投入，与此同时改革并强化我们的社区学院——它们是被低估的伟大资产——是全美每个社区无数工薪家庭的救命稻草。
But here's the thing. Even if we do all this good stuff for higher education, too many of our children see college as nothing but a distant dream -- because their education went off the rails long before they turned 18. These are young people who've been relegated to failing schools in struggling communities, where there are too many obstacles, too few role models -- communities that I represented as a state senator; communities that I fought to lift up as a community organizer. 但问题在于。即便我们在高等教育上做了所有这些好事，仍有太多孩子把大学视作遥不可及的梦——因为他们的教育在他们18岁之前很久就已脱轨。这些年轻人被放逐到苦苦挣扎的社区里那些失败的学校中，那里障碍重重，榜样寥寥——这些社区是我担任州参议员时所代表的；这些社区是我作为社区组织者曾奋力去托举的。
I remember going to a school back in my organizing days and seeing children -- young children, maybe five or six -- eyes were brimming with hope, had such big dreams for the future. You'd ask them, what do you want to be when you grow up? They'd want to be a doctor; they'd want to be a lawyer. 我记得在做组织工作的年代去过一所学校，看到孩子们——年幼的孩子，五六岁的样子——眼中满是希望，对未来怀有那么大的梦想。你问他们，长大后想做什么？他们想做医生，想做律师。
And then I remember the principal telling me that soon, all that would change. The hope would start fading from their eyes as they started to realize that maybe their dreams wouldn't come to pass -- not because they weren't smart enough, not because they weren't talented enough, but because through a turn of fate they happened to be born in the wrong neighborhood. They became victim of low expectations, a community that was not supporting educational excellence. 然后我记得校长告诉我，很快，这一切都会改变。希望会从他们眼中渐渐消退，因为他们开始意识到自己的梦想也许无法成真——不是因为他们不够聪明，不是因为他们不够有天赋，而是因为命运的转折，他们恰好出生在了错误的街区。他们沦为低期望的受害者，一个不支持教育卓越的社区。
And it was heartbreaking. It is heartbreaking. And it reinforced in me a fundamental belief that we've got an obligation to lift up every child in every school in this country, especially those who are starting out furthest behind. 这令人心碎。这至今令人心碎。这也让我更加坚定一个基本信念：我们有义务托举这个国家每一所学校里的每一个孩子，尤其是那些起跑时就被甩得最远的孩子。
That's why I want to challenge our states to offer better early learning options to make sure our children aren't wasting their most formative years so that they can enter into kindergarten already ready to learn -- knowing their colors, knowing their numbers, knowing their shapes, knowing how to sit still. Right? That's no joke. You got to learn that, especially when you're a boy. That's why we placed such heavy emphasis on the education our children are getting from kindergarten through 12th grade. 正因如此，我要挑战我们的各州，提供更好的早期学习选项，确保孩子们不至于虚度最关键的成长岁月，让他们进入幼儿园时已做好学习准备——认得颜色，认得数字，认得形状，懂得坐得住。对吧？这不是玩笑。这一点必须学，尤其是男孩子。正因如此，我们把如此大的重心放在了孩子从幼儿园到十二年级所受的教育上。
Now, over the past 18 months, the single most important thing we've done -- and we've done a lot. I mean, the Recovery Act put a lot of money into schools, saved a lot of teacher jobs, made sure that schools didn't have to cut back even more drastically in every community across this country. 过去18个月里，我们所做的最重要的一件事——我们做了很多。我的意思是，《复苏法案》把大量资金投入学校，保住了许多教师的岗位，确保全国每个社区的学校不必进行更大幅度的削减。
But I think the single most important thing we've done is to launch an initiative called Race to the Top. We said to states, if you are committed to outstanding teaching, to successful schools, to higher standards, to better assessments -- if you're committed to excellence for all children -- you will be eligible for a grant to help you attain that goal. 但我认为，我们所做的最重要的一件事，是启动了一项名为"争优计划"的倡议。我们对各州说，如果你们致力于卓越的教学、成功的学校、更高的标准、更好的评估——如果你们致力于让所有孩子都享有卓越——你们就有资格获得一笔拨款，帮助你们实现这一目标。
And so far, the results have been promising and they have been powerful. In an effort to compete for this extra money, 32 states reformed their education laws before we even spent a dime. The competition leveraged change at the state level. 到目前为止，结果令人鼓舞，而且影响深远。为了争取这笔额外资金，在我们尚未花出一分钱之前，已有32个州改革了各自的教育法律。这场竞争撬动了州层面的变革。
And because the standards we set were high, only a couple of states actually won the grant in the first round, which meant that the states that didn't get the money, they've now strengthened their applications, made additional reforms. Now 36 have applied in the second round, and 18 states plus the District of Columbia are in the running to get a second grant. 由于我们设定的标准很高，第一轮只有少数几个州真正获得了拨款，这意味着那些没有拿到钱的州如今已加强了申请，做了额外的改革。现在第二轮已有36个州申请，18个州加上哥伦比亚特区正在角逐第二轮拨款。
So understand what's happened. In each successive round, we've leveraged change across the country. And even students in those districts that haven't gotten a grant, they've still benefited from the reforms that were initiated. And this process has sown the seeds of achievement. It's forced teachers and principals and officials and parents to forge agreements on tough, and often uncomfortable issues -- to raise their sights and embrace education. 所以请理解发生了什么。在每一轮中，我们都撬动了全国的变革。即便是在那些没有获得拨款的学区，学生们也从所启动的改革中受益。这一过程播下了成就的种子。它迫使教师、校长、官员和家长在棘手且往往令人不适的议题上达成共识——提高眼界，拥抱教育。
For the most part, states, educators, reformers, they've responded with great enthusiasm around this promise of excellence. But I know there's also been some controversy about Race to the Top. Part of it, I believe, reflects a general resistance to change. We get comfortable with the status quo even when the status quo isn't good. We make excuses for why things have to be the way they are. And when you try to shake things up, some people aren't happy. 在多数情况下，各州、教育工作者、改革者对这个卓越的承诺都报以极大的热情。但我也知道，围绕"争优计划"也存在一些争议。我相信其中一部分反映了对变革的普遍抵触。即便现状并不好，我们也安于现状。我们为事物为何必须如此寻找借口。当你试图打破现状，有些人就不高兴了。
There have been criticisms from some folks in the civil rights community about particular elements of Race to the Top. So I want to address some of those today. I told you we're going to have an honest conversation. 民权团体中有些人对"争优计划"的某些具体环节提出了批评。今天我想就其中一些作出回应。我跟你们说过，我们要进行一场坦诚的对话。
First, I know there's a concern that Race to the Top doesn't do enough for minority kids, because the argument is, well, if there's a competition, then somehow some states or some school districts will get more help than others. Let me tell you, what's not working for black kids and Hispanic kids and Native American kids across this country is the status quo. That's what's not working. What's not working is what we've been doing for decades now. 首先，我知道有人担心"争优计划"对少数族裔孩子做得不够，理由是：既然是竞争，那么某些州或学区就会比其他州或学区得到更多帮助。让我告诉你们，对这个国家的黑人孩子、拉美裔孩子、印第安孩子来说，不起作用的正是现状。那才是不起作用的。不起作用的是我们几十年来一直在做的事。
So the charge that Race to the Top isn't targeted at those young people most in need is absolutely false because lifting up quality for all our children -- black, white, Hispanic -- that is the central premise of Race to the Top. And you can't win one of these grants unless you've got a plan to deal with those schools that are failing and those young people who aren't doing well. Every state and every school district is directly incentivized to deal with schools that have been forgotten, been given up on. 因此，关于"争优计划"没有针对最需要帮助的年轻人的指控是绝对错误的，因为提升所有孩子——黑人、白人、拉美裔——的教育质量，正是"争优计划"的核心前提。除非你有一套应对那些失败学校和表现不佳年轻人的方案，否则你拿不到这类拨款。每个州、每个学区都受到直接激励，去解决那些被遗忘、被放弃的学校。
I also want to directly speak to the issue of teachers. We may have some teachers here in the house. I know Urban League has got some teachers. Nothing is more important than teachers. My sister is a teacher. I'm here because of great teachers. The whole premise of Race to the Top is that teachers are the single most important factor in a child's education from the moment they step into the classroom. 我还想直接谈一谈教师这个议题。在场可能就有教师。我知道城市联盟里有教师。没有什么比教师更重要。我的姐姐就是教师。我能站在这里，是因为有出色的教师。"争优计划"的整个前提就是：从孩子踏入教室的那一刻起，教师是孩子教育中唯一最重要的因素。
And I know firsthand that the vast majority of teachers are working tirelessly, are passionate about their students, are often digging into their own pockets for basic supplies, are going above and beyond the call of duty. 我也切身了解，绝大多数教师都在不知疲倦地工作，对学生充满热情，常常自掏腰包购买基本教具，做的远超职责所求。
So I want teachers to have higher salaries. I want them to have more support. I want them to be trained like the professionals they are -- with rigorous residencies like the ones that doctors go through. I want to give them a career ladder so they've opportunities to advance, and earn real financial security. I don't want talented young people to say I'd love to teach but I can't afford it. 所以我希望教师获得更高的薪水。我希望他们获得更多支持。我希望他们像真正的专业人士那样接受培训——像医生那样经历严格的住院医师培训。我想给他们一条职业晋升阶梯，让他们有机会晋升，获得真正的财务保障。我不希望有才华的年轻人说，我想教书但我负担不起。
I want them to have a fulfilling and supportive workplace environment. I want them to have the resources -- from basic supplies to reasonable class sizes -- that help them succeed. And instead of a culture where we're always idolizing sports stars or celebrities, I want us to build a culture where we idolize the people who are shaping our children's future. I want some teachers on the covers of some of those magazines. Some teachers on MTV, featured. 我希望他们拥有充实且支持性的工作环境。我希望他们拥有帮助其成功所需的资源——从基本教具到合理的班级规模。我希望我们建立这样一种文化：不再一味追捧体育明星或名流，而是推崇那些塑造我们孩子未来的人。我希望看到一些教师登上那些杂志封面。希望看到一些教师在MTV上被报道。
I was on the "The View" yesterday, and somebody asked me who Snooki was. I said, I don't know who Snooki is. But I know some really good teachers that you guys should be talking about. I didn't say the teacher part, but I just -- The question is, who are we lifting up? Who are we promoting? Who are we saying is important? 昨天我上了《观点》节目，有人问我Snooki是谁。我说，我不知道Snooki是谁。但我认识一些非常出色的教师，你们才应该多谈谈他们。教师那部分我没说出来，但我只是——问题在于，我们在推崇谁？我们在宣传谁？我们在说谁重要？
So I am 110 percent behind our teachers. But all I'm asking in return -- as a President, as a parent, and as a citizen -- is some measure of accountability. So even as we applaud teachers for their hard work, we've got to make sure we're seeing results in the classroom. If we're not seeing results in the classroom, then let's work with teachers to help them become more effective. If that doesn't work, let's find the right teacher for that classroom. 所以我百分之百地支持我们的教师。但我所求回报的——作为总统、作为家长、作为公民——只是一定程度的问责。因此，在我们为教师的辛勤工作鼓掌的同时，我们必须确保课堂上看到了成果。如果课堂上没有看到成果，那就与教师合作，帮助他们提升效能。如果还是不行，那就为那间教室找到合适的教师。
Arne makes the point very simply: Our children get only one chance at an education, so we need to get it right. 阿恩说得很简单：孩子们的教育只有一次机会，所以我们必须把它做好。
I want to commend some of the teachers unions across this country who are working with us to improve teaching -- like the Delaware Education Association, which is working with state leaders as part of their Race to the Top efforts, not only to set aside 90 minutes of collaboration time a week to improve instruction, but to strengthen teacher development and evaluation. That's the right way to go. 我要赞扬全国一些与我们合作改进教学的教师工会——比如特拉华教育协会，作为其"争优计划"努力的一部分，他们与州领导人合作，不仅每周留出90分钟的合作时间来改进教学，还加强了教师发展与评价。这才是正确的方向。
So, for anyone who wants to use Race to the Top to blame or punish teachers -- you're missing the point. Our goal isn't to fire or admonish teachers; our goal is accountability. It's to provide teachers with the support they need to be as effective as they can be, and to create a better environment for teachers and students alike. 所以，对于任何想借"争优计划"来指责或惩罚教师的人——你们没有抓住重点。我们的目标不是解雇或训诫教师；我们的目标是问责。是为教师提供所需的支持，让他们尽可能高效，并为教师和学生创造更好的环境。
Now, there's also the question of how hard our teachers should push students in the classroom. Nations in Asia and Europe have answered this question, in part by creating standards to make sure their teachers and students are performing at the same high levels throughout their nation. That's one of the reasons that their children are doing better than ours. But here at home, there's often a controversy about national standards, common standards -- that violates the principle of local control. Now, there's a history to local control that we need to think about, but that -- that's the argument. 现在，还有一个问题是我们的教师在课堂上应当把学生推动到何种程度。亚洲和欧洲的国家已经回答了这个问题，部分做法是通过制定标准，确保全国的教师和学生都达到同样高的水平。这是他们的孩子表现优于我们的原因之一。但在国内，关于国家标准、共同标准常常存在争议——说这违反了地方自治的原则。地方自治确实有一段值得我们思考的历史，但——那才是争议所在。
So here's what Race to the Top says: Instead of Washington imposing standards from the top down, let's challenge states to adopt common standards voluntarily, from the bottom up. That doesn't mean more standards; it means higher standards, better standards, standards that clarify what our teachers are expected to teach and what our children are expected to learn -- so high school graduates are actually prepared for college and a career. I do not want to see young people get a diploma but they can't read that diploma. 所以"争优计划"是这样说的：与其让华盛顿自上而下地强加标准，不如挑战各州自愿地自下而上采用共同标准。这不是说要更多标准；而是要更高、更好的标准，要让教师知道他们被期望教什么、让孩子知道他们被期望学什么——这样高中毕业生才真正为上大学和就业做好了准备。我不希望看到年轻人拿到文凭，却读不懂那张文凭。
Now, so far, about 30 states have come together to embrace and develop common standards, high standards. More states are expected to do so in the coming weeks. 截至目前，约30个州已联手拥抱并制定共同标准、高标准。预计未来几周还会有更多州这样做。
And by the way, this is different from No Child Left Behind, because what that did was it gave the states the wrong incentives. A bunch of states watered down their standards so that school districts wouldn't be penalized when their students fell short. And what's happened now is, at least two states -- Illinois and Oklahoma -- that lowered standards in response to No Child Behind -- No Child Left Behind -- are now raising those standards back up, partly in response to Race to the Top. 顺便说一句，这不同于《不让一个孩子掉队》法案，因为后者给各州传递了错误的激励。一批州为了在学校学生不达标时学区和学校不受惩罚，而稀释了他们的标准。如今发生的情况是，至少有两个州——伊利诺伊州和俄克拉荷马州——为应对《不让一个孩子掉队》而降低了标准，如今又把这些标准重新提高，部分原因正是"争优计划"。
And part of making sure our young people meet these high standards is designing tests that accurately measure whether they are learning. Now, here, too, there's been some controversy. When we talk about testing, parents worry that it means more teaching to the test. Some worry that tests are culturally biased. Teachers worry that they'll be evaluated solely on the basis of a single standardized test. Everybody thinks that's unfair. It is unfair. 而确保我们的年轻人达到这些高标准的一部分，是设计能够准确衡量他们是否在学习的测试。这方面也存在一些争议。当我们谈论测试时，家长担心这意味着更多"为考试而教"。有人担心测试存在文化偏见。教师担心自己将仅仅依据某一次标准化测试的成绩被评价。所有人都觉得这不公平。这确实不公平。
But that's not what Race to the Top is about. What Race to the Top says is, there's nothing wrong with testing -- we just need better tests applied in a way that helps teachers and students, instead of stifling what teachers and students do in the classroom. Tests that don't dictate what's taught, but tell us what has been learned. Tests that measure how well our children are mastering essential skills and answering complex questions. And tests that track how well our students are growing academically, so we can catch when they're falling behind and help them before they just get passed along. 但"争优计划"并非如此。"争优计划"说的是，测试本身没有错——我们只需要更好的测试，以一种帮助师生而非压制师生课堂所做之事的方式来运用。测试不应规定教什么，而应告诉我们学到了什么。测试应衡量我们的孩子对关键技能的掌握程度、对复杂问题的回答能力。测试还应追踪学生学业成长的状况，这样我们才能在他们掉队时及时察觉，在他们被轻易放过之前伸出援手。
Because of Race to the Top, states are also finding innovative ways to move beyond having just a snapshot of where students are, and towards a real-time picture that shows how far they've come and how far they have to go. And armed with this information, teachers can get what amounts to a game tape that they can study to enhance their teaching and their focus on areas where students need help the most. 由于"争优计划"，各州也在寻找创新方式，从只给学生所处位置拍"快照"，转向一种实时图景，展示他们已经走了多远、还要走多远。借助这些信息，教师可以获得相当于一份"比赛录像"的材料加以研究，从而改进教学，把精力集中在学生最需要帮助的地方。
Now, sometimes a school's problems run so deep that you can do the better assessments and the higher standards and a more challenging curriculum, and that's not enough. If a school isn't producing graduates with even the most basic skills -- year after year after year after year -- something needs to be done differently. You know, the definition, somebody once said, of madness is you do the same thing over and over again and keep expecting a different result. If we want success for our country, we can't accept failure in our schools decade after decade. 有时，一所学校的问题深到即便你做了更好的评估、更高的标准、更具挑战性的课程，也还不够。如果一所学校年复一年地培养不出具备最基本技能的毕业生，那就必须做出不同的改变。你们知道，有人曾说，疯狂的定义就是一遍又一遍地做同一件事，却期待不同的结果。如果我们希望国家成功，就不能 decade after decade 地接受学校的失败。
And that's why we're challenging states to turn around our 5,000 lowest performing schools. And I don't think it's any secret that most of those are serving African American or Hispanic kids. We're investing over $4 billion to help them do that, to transform those schools -- $4 billion, which even in Washington is real money. 正因如此，我们要挑战各州，去扭转我们5000所表现最差的学校。我想这不是什么秘密：这些学校中大多数服务于非裔或拉美裔孩子。我们投入了40多亿美元帮助他们做到这一点，去改造这些学校——40亿美元，即便在华盛顿也是实打实的大钱。
This isn't about -- unlike No Child Left Behind, this isn't about labeling a troubled school a failure and then just throwing up your hands and saying, well, we're giving up on you. It's about investing in that school's future, and recruiting the whole community to help turn it around, and identifying viable options for how to move forward. 这不像《不让一个孩子掉队》——这不是给一所陷入困境的学校贴上"失败"的标签，然后双手一摊说，好吧，我们放弃你了。这是在投资那所学校的未来，动员整个社区帮助其扭转局面，并明确可行的前进方案。
Now, in some cases, that's going to mean restarting the school under different management as a charter school -- as an independent public school formed by parents, teachers, and civic leaders who've got broad leeway to innovate. 在某些情况下，这意味着以特许学校的形式在不同管理下重启这所学校——一种由家长、教师和公民领袖组成的独立公立学校，拥有广泛的创新自主权。
And some people don't like charter schools. They say, well, that's going to take away money from other public schools that also need support. Charter schools aren't a magic bullet, but I want to give states and school districts the chance to try new things. If a charter school works, then let's apply those lessons elsewhere. And if a charter school doesn't work, we'll hold it accountable; we'll shut it down. 有些人不喜欢特许学校。他们说，这会从其他同样需要支持的公立学校抽走资金。特许学校不是灵丹妙药，但我想给各州和学区尝试新事物的机会。如果一所特许学校行之有效，那就把这些经验推广到别处。如果一所特许学校不奏效，我们就会追究其责任，把它关掉。
So, no, I don't support all charter schools, but I do support good charter schools. I'll give you an example. There's a charter school called Mastery in Philadelphia. And in just two years, three of the schools that Mastery has taken over have seen reading and math levels nearly double -- in some cases, triple. 所以，不，我不支持所有特许学校，但我确实支持好的特许学校。我给你们举个例子。费城有一所叫Mastery的特许学校。短短两年里，Mastery接手的三所学校阅读和数学水平几乎翻番——某些情况下达到三倍。
Chaka Fattah is here, so he knows what I'm talking about. One school called Pickett went from just 14 percent of students being proficient in math to almost 70 percent. Now -- and here's the kicker -- at the same time academic performance improved, violence dropped by 80 percent -- 80 percent. And that's no coincidence. 查卡·法塔赫今天也在场，所以他知道我在说什么。一所叫皮克特的学校，数学达标的学生从仅14%上升到将近70%。而且——更妙的是——在学业表现提升的同时，暴力事件下降了80%——80%。这绝非巧合。
Now, if a school like Mastery can do it, if Pickett can do it, every troubled school can do it. But that means we're going to have to shake some things up. Setting high standards, common standards, empowering students to meet them; partnering with our teachers to achieve excellence in the classroom; educating our children -- all of them -- to graduate ready for college, ready for a career, ready to make most of their lives -- none of this should be controversial. There should be a fuss if we weren't doing these things. There should be a fuss if Arne Duncan wasn't trying to shake things up. 如果Mastery这样的学校能做到，如果皮克特能做到，每一所陷入困境的学校都能做到。但这意味着我们必须打破一些现状。设定高标准、共同标准，赋予学生达成标准的能力；与教师合作，在课堂上实现卓越；教育我们的孩子——所有孩子——让他们毕业时为上大学、为就业、为尽情把握人生做好准备——这些都不应有争议。如果我们没在做这些事，那才该大惊小怪。如果阿恩·邓肯没在努力打破现状，那才该大惊小怪。
So Race to the Top, isn't simply the name of an initiative. It sums up what's happening in our schools. It's the single most ambitious, meaningful education reform effort we've attempted in this country in generations. 所以"争优计划"不仅仅是一项倡议的名字。它概括了我们学校正在发生的事情。它是我们这个国家几代人所尝试过的最雄心勃勃、最有意义的教育改革努力。
And I know there are a number of other steps we need to take to lift up our education system -- like saving teachers' jobs across this country from layoffs -- and I'll continue fighting to take those steps and save those jobs. But I'll also continue to fight for Race to the Top with everything I've got, including using a veto to prevent some folks from watering it down. 我也知道，要提升我们的教育体系，还有许多其他步骤要走——比如拯救全国教师岗位免遭裁员——我会继续争取迈出这些步骤、保住这些岗位。但我也会倾尽全力继续为"争优计划"而战，包括动用否决权，防止某些人稀释它。
Now, let me wrap up by saying this. I know there are some who say that Race to the Top won't work. There are cynics and naysayers who argue that the problems in our education system are too entrenched, that think that we'll just fall back into the same old arguments and divides that have held us back for so long. And it is true, as I've said since I ran for President, and that everybody here knows firsthand, change is hard. I don't know if you've noticed. That's why I've got all this gray hair. 最后，让我这样说作结。我知道有些人说"争优计划"行不通。有些愤世嫉俗者和唱反调的人主张，我们教育体系中的问题积重难返，认为我们只会重新陷入那些长期拖累我们的旧争论与旧分歧。确实如此，正如我竞选总统以来一直所说，也是在座各位亲身所知，变革是艰难的。我不知道你们注意到没有。正因如此我才满头白发。
Fixing what was broken in our health care system is not easy. Fixing what was broken on Wall Street is not easy. Fixing what's broken in our education system is not easy. We won't see results overnight. It may take a decade for these changes to pay off. But that's not a reason not to make them. It's a reason to start making them right now, to feel a sense of urgency -- the fierce urgency of now. 修复医保体系中破碎之处不易。修复华尔街的破碎之处不易。修复我们教育体系中的破碎之处也不易。我们不会一夜之间看到成果。这些变革可能要十年才能见效。但这并非不去做的理由。反而是立刻动手的理由，去感受一种紧迫感——那种"当下的迫切紧迫感"。
We also know that as significant as these reforms are, there's going to be one more ingredient to really make a difference: parents are going to have to get more involved in their children's education. Now, in the past, even that statement has sparked controversy. Folks say, well, why are you talking about parents? Parents need help, too. I know that. Parents need jobs. They need housing. They need -- in some cases -- social services. They may have substance abuse problems. We're working on all those fronts. 我们也知道，尽管这些改革意义重大，但要真正见效还差一味药：父母必须更多地参与到孩子的教育中来。过去，连这句话都会引发争议。人们说，那你为什么要谈父母？父母也需要帮助。这我知道。父母需要工作。他们需要住房。他们需要——某些情况下——社会服务。他们可能有药物滥用问题。这些方面我们都在推进。
Then some people say, well, why are you always talking about parental responsibility in front of black folks? And I say, I talk about parent responsibility wherever I talk about education. 又有人说，那你为什么总在黑人面前谈父母责任？我说，我无论在哪里谈教育，都会谈父母责任。
Michelle and I happen to be black parents, so I may -- I may add a little umph to it when I'm talking to black parents. 米歇尔和我恰好就是黑人父母，所以我在跟黑人父母讲话时——可能——会多加一点劲。
But to paraphrase Dr. King, education isn't an either/or proposition. It's a both/and proposition. It will take both more focus from our parents, and better schooling. It will take both more money, and more reform. It will take both a collective commitment, and a personal commitment. 但套用金博士的话，教育不是一个非此即彼的命题。它是一个亦此亦彼的命题。它既需要我们的父母更多投入，也需要更好的学校教育。它既需要更多资金，也需要更多改革。它既需要集体承诺，也需要个人承诺。
So, yes, our federal government has responsibilities that it has to meet, and I will keep on making sure the federal government meets those responsibilities. Our governors, our superintendents, our states, our school districts have responsibilities to meet. And parents have responsibilities that they have to meet. And our children have responsibilities that they have to meet. 所以，是的，我们的联邦政府有必须履行的职责，我会继续确保联邦政府履行这些职责。我们的州长、督学、各州、各学区都有必须履行的职责。父母也有必须履行的职责。我们的孩子也有必须履行的职责。
It's not just parents. It's the children, too. Our kids need to understand nobody is going to hand them a future. An education is not something you just tip your head and they pour it in your ear. You've got to want it. You've got to reach out and claim that future for yourself. And you can't make excuses. 不仅是父母。孩子也是。我们的孩子需要明白，没人会把未来拱手送到他们手上。教育不是你歪着头，别人就把它倒进你耳朵里的东西。你必须自己渴望它。你必须伸出手，为自己争取那个未来。你不能找借口。
I know life is tough for a lot of young people in this country. The places where Urban League is working to make a difference, you see it every day. I'm coming from the Southside of Chicago. So I know -- I see what young people are going through there. And at certain points in our lives, young black men and women may feel the sting of discrimination. Too many of them may feel trapped in a community where drugs and violence and unemployment are pervasive, and they are forced to wrestle with things that no child should have to face. 我知道这个国家许多年轻人的生活很艰难。城市联盟努力去改变的地方，你们每天都在目睹这一切。我来自芝加哥南区。所以我知道——我看到那里的年轻人正在经历什么。在人生的某些时刻，年轻的黑皮肤男女会感受到歧视的刺痛。他们中太多人可能感到被困在一个毒品、暴力和失业无处不在的社区里，被迫去应对没有任何孩子应当面对的事情。
There are all kinds of reasons for our children to say, "No, I can't." But our job is to say to them, "Yes, you can." Yes, you can overcome. Yes, you can persevere. Yes, you can make what you will out of your lives. 我们的孩子有各种各样的理由说："不，我不行。"但我们的责任是对他们说："不，你行。"你行，你能克服。你行，你能坚持。你行，你能把自己的人生塑造成你想成为的样子。
I know they can, because I know the character of America's young people. I saw them volunteer on my campaign. They asked me questions in town hall meetings. They write me letters about their trials and aspirations. 我知道他们行，因为我了解美国年轻人的品格。我看到他们在我的竞选活动中当志愿者。他们在市政厅会议上向我提问。他们给我写信，讲述自己的磨砺与抱负。
I got a letter recently postmarked Covington, Kentucky. It was from Na'Dreya Lattimore, 10 years old -- about the same age as Sasha. And she told me about how her school had closed, so she had enrolled in another. Then she had bumped up against other barriers to what she felt was her potential. So Na'Dreya was explaining to me how we need to improve our education system. She closed by saying this: 最近我收到一封来自肯塔基州卡温顿的信。写信人是纳·德雷娅·拉蒂莫尔，10岁——和萨莎差不多大。她告诉我她的学校关了，所以她转到了另一所。之后她又遇到了其他阻碍她发挥潜力的障碍。于是纳·德雷娅向我说明我们需要如何改进教育体系。她在信末这样写道：
"One more thing," she said. It was a long letter. "You need to look at us differently. We are not black, we're not white, biracial, Hispanic, Asian, or any other nationality." No, she wrote -- "We are the future." "还有一件事，"她说。这是封长信。"你们需要换一种眼光看我们。我们不是黑人，不是白人，不是双族裔，不是拉美裔，不是亚裔，也不是任何其他族裔。"不，她写道——"我们就是未来。"
Na'Dreya, you are right. And that's why I will keep fighting to lead us out of this storm. But I'm also going to keep fighting alongside the Urban League to make America more perfect, so that young people like Na'Dreya -- people of every race, in every region -- are going to be able to reach for that American Dream. They're going to know that there are brighter days ahead; that their future is full of boundless possibilities. I believe that, and I know the Urban League does, too. 纳·德雷娅，你说得对。正因如此，我会继续战斗，引领我们走出这场风暴。但我也将与城市联盟并肩继续奋斗，让美国更加完美，让像纳·德雷娅这样的年轻人——每一个族裔、每一个地区的人——都能伸手触及那个美国梦。他们会知道前方有更光明的日子；他们的未来充满无限可能。我相信这一点，我也知道城市联盟同样如此。
Thank you very much, everybody. God bless you. God bless the United States of America. 非常感谢各位。愿上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。