Good afternoon, or good evening -- we're running a little bit late. 大家下午好，或者说晚上好——我们有点迟了。
Earlier today, we finished a very productive summit that will be, I believe, a turning point in our pursuit of global economic recovery. 今天早些时候，我们结束了一场非常有成效的峰会，我相信，这将成为我们寻求全球经济复苏的一个转折点。
By any measure, the London summit was historic. It was historic because of the size and the scope of the challenges that we face, and because of the timeliness and magnitude of our response. 无论用什么标准衡量，伦敦峰会都具有历史意义。它之所以具有历史意义，是因为我们所面临挑战的规模和范围，以及我们应对的及时性和力度。
The challenge is clear. The global economy is contracting. Trade is shrinking. Unemployment is rising. The international finance system is nearly frozen. Even these facts can't fully capture the crisis that we're confronting, because behind them is the pain and uncertainty that so many people are facing. We see it back in the United States. We see it here in London. We see it around the world: families losing their homes, workers losing their jobs and their savings, students who are deferring their dreams. So many have lost so much. 挑战是清晰的。全球经济正在萎缩。贸易正在萎缩。失业率正在上升。国际金融体系几近冻结。即便这些事实也无法完全概括我们正在应对的危机，因为在其背后是如此多民众所面临的痛苦与不确定。我们在美国看到了这一点。我们在伦敦看到了这一点。我们在世界各地都看到这一点：家庭失去住房，工人失去工作和积蓄，学生们推迟梦想。这么多人失去了这么多。
Just to underscore this point, back in the United States, jobless claims released today were the highest in 26 years. We owe it to all of our citizens to act, and to act with a sense of urgency. 仅为了强调这一点，在美国，今天公布的失业救济申领人数创下了26年来的新高。我们有责任为所有公民采取行动，并以紧迫感采取行动。
In an age where our economies are linked more closely than ever before, the whole world has been touched by this devastating downturn. And today, the world's leaders have responded with an unprecedented set of comprehensive and coordinated actions. 在我们的经济比以往任何时候都更加紧密相连的时代，整个世界都受到了这场毁灭性衰退的影响。而今天，世界各国领导人以一套前所未有的、全面而协调的行动作出了回应。
Now, just keep in mind some historical context. Faced with similar global challenges in the past, the world was slow to act, and people paid an enormous price. That was true in the Great Depression, when nations prolonged and worsened the crisis by turning inward, waiting for more than a decade to meet the challenge together. Even as recently as the 1980s, the slow global response deepened and widened a debt crisis in Latin America that pushed millions into poverty. 现在，请记住一些历史背景。过去面对类似的全球性挑战时，世界行动迟缓，人民付出了巨大代价。在大萧条时期情况即是如此，各国因转向内部而延长并加剧了危机，等了十多年才共同应对挑战。即便到了上世纪80年代，缓慢的全球反应也加深并扩大了拉丁美洲的债务危机，使数百万人陷入贫困。
Today, we've learned the lessons of history. I know that in the days leading up to the summit, some of you in the press, some commentators, confused honest and open debate with irreconcilable differences. But after weeks of preparation, and two days of careful negotiation, we have agreed on a series of unprecedented steps to restore growth and prevent a crisis like this from happening again. 今天，我们已从历史中汲取了教训。我知道，在峰会召开前的几天里，你们新闻界中的一些人、一些评论员，把坦诚而开放的辩论与不可调和的分歧混为一谈。但经过数周的准备以及两天的审慎谈判，我们已在一系列前所未有的步骤上达成一致，以恢复增长并防止此类危机再次发生。
Let me outline what I think has been most significant. 让我概述一下我认为最重要的内容。
Number one, we are committed to growth and job creation. All G20 nations have acted to stimulate demand, which will total well over $2 trillion in global fiscal expansion. The United States is also partnering with the private sector to clean out the troubled assets, the legacy assets that are crippling some banks, and using the full force of the government to ensure that our action leads directly to loans to businesses large and small, as well as individuals who depend on credit. And these efforts will be amplified by our G20 partners, who are pursuing similarly comprehensive programs. 第一，我们致力于增长和就业创造。所有G20国家都已采取行动刺激需求，全球财政扩张总额将远超2万亿美元。美国还与私营部门合作，清理那些困扰部分银行的不良资产、遗留资产，并动用政府的全部力量确保我们的行动直接转化为对大中小企业以及依赖信贷的个人的贷款。而这些努力将被我们的G20伙伴所放大，他们也在推行类似的全面计划。
And we also agreed on bold action to support developing countries, so that we aren't faced with declining markets that the global economy depends on. Together, the G20 is tripling the IMF's lending capacity and promoting lending by multilateral development banks to increase the purchasing power and expand markets in every country. 我们还就大胆行动支持发展中国家达成一致，这样我们就不会面临全球经济所依赖的市场萎缩。G20合计正在将IMF的贷款能力扩大三倍，并推动多边开发银行放贷，以增强各国的购买力并拓展市场。
We've also rejected the protectionism that could deepen this crisis. History tells us that turning inward can help turn a downturn into a depression. And this cooperation between the world's leading economies signals our support for open markets, as does our multilateral commitment to trade finance that will grow our exports and create new jobs. 我们也拒绝了可能加剧这场危机的保护主义。历史告诉我们，转向内部可能将衰退变为萧条。世界主要经济体之间的这种合作表明了我们对开放市场的支持，正如我们对贸易融资的多边承诺一样，这将促进我们的出口并创造新的就业岗位。
That's all on the growth front. 增长方面就讲这些。
And next we made enormous strides in committing ourselves to comprehensive reform of a failed regulatory system. And together, I believe that we must put an end to the bubble-and-bust economy that has stood in the way of sustained growth and enabled abusive risk-taking that endangers our prosperity. 接下来，我们在致力于对失败的监管体系进行全面改革方面取得了巨大进展。我坚信，我们必须共同终结那种阻碍持续增长、助长危及我们繁荣的滥用性冒险的“泡沫—破裂”经济模式。
At home, back in the States, our efforts began with the approach that Secretary Geithner proposed last week, the strongest regulatory reforms any nation has contemplated so far to prevent the massive failure of responsibility that we have already seen. Today, these principles have informed and enabled the coordinated action that we will take with our G20 partners. 在国内，回到美国，我们的努力始于盖特纳部长上周提出的方案，这是迄今为止任何国家所考虑过的最强有力的监管改革，旨在防止我们已经看到的那种大规模责任失守。今天，这些原则已为我们将与G20伙伴共同采取的协调行动提供了指引并奠定了基础。
To prevent future crises, we agreed to increased transparency and capital protections for financial institutions. We're extending supervision to all systemically important institutions, markets and products, including hedge funds. We'll identify jurisdictions that fail to cooperate, including tax havens, and take action to defend our financial system. We will reestablish the Financial Stability Forum with a stronger mandate. And we will reform and expand the IMF and World Bank so they are more efficient, effective and representative. 为防止未来危机，我们同意提高金融机构的透明度和资本保护。我们将监管范围扩大至所有具有系统重要性的机构、市场和产品，包括对冲基金。我们将识别不合作的司法管辖区，包括避税天堂，并采取行动捍卫我们的金融体系。我们将重建金融稳定论坛并赋予其更强有力的使命。我们将改革并扩大IMF和世界银行，使其更高效、更有效、更具代表性。
Finally, we are protecting those who don't always have a voice at the G20, but who have suffered greatly in this crisis. And the United States is ready to lead in this endeavor. In the coming days, I intend to work with Congress to provide $448 million in immediate assistance to vulnerable populations -- from Africa to Latin America -- and to double support for food safety to over $1 billion so that we are giving people the tools they need to lift themselves out of poverty. 最后，我们正在保护那些在G20中并不总有发言权、但在此次危机中受害最深的人。美国准备在这一努力中发挥领导作用。在接下来的几天里，我打算与国会合作，向从非洲到拉丁美洲的脆弱人群提供4.48亿美元的紧急援助，并将食品安全支持增加一倍至超过10亿美元，以便为人民提供摆脱贫困所需的工具。
We will also support the United Nations and World Bank as they coordinate the rapid assistance necessary to prevent humanitarian catastrophe. 我们还将支持联合国和世界银行，由它们协调防止人道主义灾难所需的快速援助。
I have to say, though, that this is not just charity. These are all future markets for all countries, and future drivers of world economic growth. 不过我必须说，这不仅仅是慈善。这些都是所有国家的未来市场，是世界经济增长的未来引擎。
Let me also underscore my appreciation to Prime Minister Brown, his entire team, and all my colleagues from around the world who contributed to the summit's success. You know, it's hard for 20 heads of state to bridge their differences. We've all got our own national policies; we all have our own assumptions, our own political cultures. But our citizens are all hurting. They all need us to come together. So I'm pleased that the G20 has agreed to meet again this fall, because I believe that this is just the beginning. 我还要向布朗首相、他的整个团队以及所有为峰会成功作出贡献的来自世界各地的同事们表达我的感谢。你们知道，让20位国家元首弥合分歧并不容易。我们都有各自的国家政策；我们都有自己的假设、自己的政治文化。但我们的公民都在受苦。他们都需要我们团结一致。因此我很高兴G20已同意今年秋天再次会面，因为我相信这只是一个开始。
Our problems are not going to be solved in one meeting; they're not going to be solved in two meetings. We're going to have to be proactive in shaping events and persistent in monitoring our progress to determine whether further action is needed. 我们的问题不会在一次会议中解决；也不会在两次会议中解决。我们必须主动塑造事件，并坚持监测我们的进展，以确定是否需要采取进一步行动。
I also want to just make a few remarks about additional meetings I had outside of the G20 context. While here in London I had the opportunity to hold bilateral meetings with leaders of Russia, China, South Korea, Saudi Arabia and India, as well as Great Britain. And these discussions were extraordinarily valuable and productive. Of course, we spoke about additional steps to promote economic recovery and growth. 我还想就我在G20框架之外进行的其他会谈作几点说明。在伦敦期间，我有机会与俄罗斯、中国、韩国、沙特阿拉伯、印度以及英国的领导人举行双边会谈。这些讨论极为宝贵且富有成效。当然，我们讨论了促进经济复苏和增长的进一步措施。
But we also discussed coordinated actions on a range of issues: how we could reduce the nuclear threat; how we could forge a coordinated response to North Korea's planned missile launch; how we can turn back terrorism and stabilize Afghanistan; how we can protect our planet from the scourge of climate change. I'm encouraged that we laid the groundwork for real and lasting progress on a host of these issues. 但我们也讨论了在一系列问题上的协调行动：我们如何减少核威胁；我们如何对朝鲜计划中的导弹发射作出协调回应；我们如何击退恐怖主义并稳定阿富汗；我们如何保护我们的星球免受气候变化的祸害。令我鼓舞的是，我们在这些问题上为取得真正而持久的进展奠定了基础。
Ultimately, the challenges of the 21st century can't be met without collective action. Agreement will almost never be easy, and results won't always come quickly. But I am committed to respecting different points of view, and to forging a consensus instead of dictating our terms. That's how we made progress in the last few days. And that's how we will advance and uphold our ideals in the months and years to come. 归根结底，21世纪的挑战无法在没有集体行动的情况下得到应对。达成一致几乎从来都不容易，结果也不会总是迅速到来。但我致力于尊重不同观点，致力于通过达成共识而不是强加我们的条件。这就是我们在过去几天里取得进展的方式。这也是我们在未来数月和数年里推进和维护我们理想的方式。
You know, at home, I've often spoken about a new era of responsibility. And I believe strongly that this era must not end at our borders. In a world that's more and more interconnected, we all have responsibilities to work together to solve common challenges. And although it will take time, I am confident that we will rebuild global prosperity if we act with a common sense of purpose, persistence, and the optimism that the moment demands. 你们知道，在国内，我经常谈到一个责任的新时代。我坚信，这个时代不应止于我们的国境。在一个日益相互联结的世界里，我们都有责任共同努力解决共同面临的挑战。尽管需要时间，但我相信，如果我们怀着共同的使命感、坚持和此刻所要求的乐观精神行动，我们将重建全球繁荣。
So I appreciate your attention, and I'm going to take a few questions. I've got a list of a few people I'm going to call on and then I will intersperse some folks I'm calling on randomly. 所以感谢各位的关注，我将回答几个问题。我有一份我要点名的人员名单，然后我会随机穿插点名一些人。
Helene Cooper. (There you are.) 海伦·库珀。（你在这儿。）
Question: [Questions calling for President Obama to assess his performance during this, his first G20 conference.] 提问：[要求奥巴马总统评估他在此次首次G20峰会上的表现的问题。]
President Obama: Well, I think we did okay. You know, when I came here, it was with the intention of listening and learning, but also providing American leadership. And I think that the document that has been produced as well as the concrete actions that will follow reflect a range of our priorities. 奥巴马总统：嗯，我觉得我们做得还不错。你们知道，我来这里时带着倾听和学习的意图，但也提供美国的领导力。我认为已经产生的文件以及将随之而来的具体行动，反映了我们的一系列优先事项。
We wanted to make sure that we had a strong, coordinated response to growth -- and that's reflected in the document and in the actions that will be taken. We thought it was important to make sure that we had a strong, coordinated regulatory response -- and many of the details of the regulatory response draw from principles that we had developed prior to coming here. 我们希望确保对增长有强有力、协调的回应——这一点体现在文件和将采取的行动中。我们认为确保对监管有强有力、协调的回应很重要——监管回应的许多细节都借鉴了我们来此之前所制定的原则。
We felt that it was very important to strengthen our international financial institutions because developing countries, emerging markets are threatened -- even though they may not have been the cause of this crisis -- they are threatened by capital flight; they're threatened by reduced trade finance; drops in consumer demand in developed countries that were their export markets, and so we knew that it was going to be important to provide those countries with assistance. 我们感到加强国际金融机构非常重要，因为发展中国家、新兴市场受到威胁——尽管它们可能不是这场危机的起因——它们受到资本外流的威胁；它们受到贸易融资减少的威胁；发达国家消费者需求下降使其出口市场受挫，因此我们知道向这些国家提供援助将非常重要。
And we have created as fundamental a reworking of the resources available to these international financial institutions as anything we've done in the last several decades. 我们对这些国际金融机构可用资源的重新调整，是我们过去几十年所做的任何工作中最根本的一次。
So, overall, I'm pleased with the product. And I'll leave it to others to determine whether me and my team had anything to do with that. All right? 所以，总体而言，我对成果感到满意。至于我和我的团队是否对此有所贡献，我就留给他人去评判了。好吗？
Chuck Todd. Chuck. 查克·托德。查克。
Question: What concrete items that you got out of this G20 can you tell the American people back home who are hurting, the family struggling, seeing their retirement go down, or worrying about losing their job -- what happened here today that helps that family back home in the heartland? 提问：您能从这次G20中获得哪些具体成果，告诉国内正在受苦的美国人民——那些挣扎的家庭，眼看着退休金缩水，或担心失去工作的家庭——今天这里发生了什么，能帮助国内腹地的那个家庭？
President Obama: Well, as I said before, we've got a global economy, and if we're taking actions in isolation in the United States, but those actions are contradicted overseas, then we're only going to be halfway effective -- maybe not even half. 奥巴马总统：嗯，正如我之前所说，我们有一个全球经济，如果我们仅在美国孤立地采取行动，而那些行动在海外被抵消，那么我们只能发挥一半的作用——也许连一半都不到。
You've seen, for example, a drastic decline in U.S. exports over the last several months. You look at a company like Caterpillar, in my home state of Illinois, which up until last year was doing extraordinarily well; in fact, export growth was what had sustained it even after the recession had begun. As a consequence of the world recession, as a consequence of the contagion from the financial markets debilitating the economies elsewhere, Caterpillar is now in very bad shape. 例如，你们已经看到过去几个月美国出口急剧下降。你们看一家像卡特彼勒这样的公司，它位于我的家乡伊利诺伊州，直到去年表现一直非常出色；事实上，出口增长是即使在衰退开始后仍支撑它的因素。由于全球经济衰退，由于金融市场蔓延的传染性削弱了其他地区的经济，卡特彼勒现在处境非常糟糕。
So if we want to get Caterpillar back on its feet, if we want to get all those export companies back on their feet, so that they are hiring, putting people back to work, putting money in people's pockets, we've got to make sure that the global economy as a whole is successful. 所以如果我们想让卡特彼勒重回正轨，如果我们想让所有那些出口公司重回正轨，让它们招聘员工、让人们重新就业、把资金放入民众口袋，我们就必须确保全球经济整体上是成功的。
And this document, which affirms the need for all countries to take fiscal responses that increase demand, that encourages the openness of markets, those are all going to be helpful in us being able to fix what ails the economy back home. 而这份文件确认了所有国家采取财政回应以提振需求、鼓励市场开放的必要性，这些都将有助于我们修复国内经济的痼疾。
Let me mix in a -- Justin Webb, BBC. Where's Justin? There he is. Go ahead. 让我穿插一个——贾斯汀·韦伯，BBC。贾斯汀在哪儿？他在那儿。请讲。
Question: Mr. President, in the spirit of openness, with which you say you're -- 提问：总统先生，本着您所说的——开放的精神——
President Obama: Why don't you get a microphone? See, everybody is complaining. I'm sure that's all your fellow British journalists. 奥巴马总统：你为什么不去拿个麦克风？看，大家都在抱怨。我敢肯定那都是你们英国记者同行。
Question: They're extraordinarily well behaved, Mr. President. In the spirit of openness, with which you say you're going to run your Administration, could you give us an insight into an area or areas where you came to London wanting something and you didn't get it; where you compromised, where you gave something away to achieve the wider breakthrough agreement? 提问：他们表现得非常文明，总统先生。本着您所说的将用以治理本届政府的开放精神，您能否让我们了解一下，您来伦敦时想要什么却没得到的领域或某些领域；您在哪些地方妥协，在哪些地方做出让步以达成更广泛的突破性协议？
President Obama: Well, I think that if you look at the language of the document, there are probably some areas where it wasn't so much of a sacrifice as it might not have been our number-one priority, but it became clear that it was very important to certain other actors. 奥巴马总统：嗯，我认为如果你看文件的语言，可能有些领域与其说是牺牲，不如说不是我们的头号优先事项，但显然对某些其他方面来说非常重要。
I'd rather not specify what those precise items would be, because this is a collective document. But there's no doubt that each country has its own quirks and own particular issues that a leader may decide is really, really important; something that is non-negotiable for them. And what we tried to do as much as possible was to accommodate those issues in a way that didn't -- did not hamper the effectiveness of the overall document to address what I think are the core issues related to this crisis. 我宁愿不具体说明那些精确的条款是什么，因为这是一份集体文件。但毫无疑问，每个国家都有其自己的特性和特定问题，一位领导人可能决定某件事非常非常重要；对他们来说是不能妥协的。而我们尽可能做的就是以不损害整体文件应对我认为与这场危机相关的核心问题的效力的方式来包容这些问题。
Now, keep in mind -- I think that this kind of coordination really is historic. I said in the meeting that if you had imagined 10 years ago, or 20 years ago, or 30 years ago, that you'd have the leaders of Germany, France, China, Russia, Brazil, South Africa, a President of the United States named Obama -- former adversaries, in some cases former mortal enemies, negotiating this swiftly on behalf of fixing the global economy, you would have said, that's crazy. And yet it was happening, and it happened with relatively little -- relatively few hiccups. 现在，请记住——我认为这种协调确实具有历史意义。我在会上说，如果你在10年前、20年前或30年前想象，德国、法国、中国、俄罗斯、巴西、南非的领导人以及一位名叫奥巴马的美国总统——前对手，在某些情况下曾是死敌——如此迅速地代表修复全球经济进行谈判，你会说，这太疯狂了。然而这正在发生，而且发生得相对顺利——几乎没有波折。
And I think that's a testimony to the great work that Gordon Brown did, and his team, in organizing the summit, the collective work in our teams in doing some good preparation, some good ground work. So I'm very proud of what's been done. 我认为这要归功于戈登·布朗及其团队在组织峰会方面所做的出色工作，也要归功于我们团队在做一些良好准备和基础工作上所做的集体努力。所以我为所完成的工作感到非常自豪。
This alone is not enough. And obviously the actions that each of us take in our individual countries are still absolutely vital. So we have a set of principles, for example, around dealing with systemic risk that I think will be very important in preventing the kinds of financial crises that we've seen. 仅此一项是不够的。显然，我们每个人在各自国家采取的行动仍然绝对至关重要。因此，我们有一套原则，例如，关于应对系统性风险的原则，我认为这对于防止我们所见到的那种金融危机将非常重要。
That does not entirely solve the problem of toxic assets that are still in U.S. banks and certain British banks and certain European banks. And how each individual nation acts to deal with that is still going to be vitally important. How well we execute the respective stimulus programs around the world is going to be very important. The quicker they are, the more effective they are at actually boosting demand, the more all of us will benefit. The more encumbered they are by bureaucracy and mismanagement and corruption, that will hamper our development efforts as a whole. 这并不能完全解决仍存在于美国银行、某些英国银行和某些欧洲银行中的有毒资产问题。每个国家如何单独处理这一问题仍将至关重要。我们如何在世界各地执行各自的刺激计划将非常重要。它们越快、在提振需求方面越有效，我们所有人就越受益。它们越被官僚主义、管理不善和腐败所拖累，就越会阻碍我们整体的发展努力。
So this is not a panacea, but it is a critical step, and I think it lays the foundation so that, should the actions that we've taken individually and collectively so far not succeed in boosting global demand and growth, should you continue to see a freezing of credit or a hemorrhaging of jobs around the world, I think we've created a good foundation for this leadership to come back together again and take additional steps until we get it right. 所以这并非万灵药，但它是关键一步，我认为它奠定了基础，这样，如果到目前为止我们各自和集体所采取的行动未能成功提振全球需求和增长，如果你们继续看到信贷冻结或世界各地就业岗位流失，我认为我们已为这一领导层再次聚首并采取更多步骤直至把事情做好奠定了良好基础。
Okay, Michael Shear. Where's Michael? 好的，迈克尔·希尔。迈克尔在哪儿？
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. I wonder if you view this trip that you're on and the actions that you've taken here at the G20 and with the bilateral meetings that you've had as representing a break from the foreign policy of your predecessor. And if so, could you describe where you see and how you see the principles that guide a different view of the world? 提问：谢谢您，总统先生。我想知道，您是否将您此次行程以及您在G20和双边会谈中所采取的行动视为与您前任外交政策的决裂。如果是的话，您能否描述一下您在何处以及如何看到指导一种不同世界观的那些原则？
President Obama: Well, you know, I didn't accompany President Bush on his various summits, so I don't know how he was operating. And I won't -- I won't warrant a guess on that. 奥巴马总统：嗯，你们知道，我没有陪同布什总统参加他的各种峰会，所以我不知道他是如何运作的。我也不会——我不会对此作出猜测。
I can tell you that what I've tried to do since I started running for President and since I was sworn in as President, is to communicate the notion that America is a critical actor and leader on the world stage, and that we shouldn't be embarrassed about that, but that we exercise our leadership best when we are listening; when we recognize that the world is a complicated place and that we are going to have to act in partnership with other countries; when we lead by example; 我可以告诉你们的是，自从我开始竞选总统以及我就任总统以来，我一直试图传达这样一个理念：美国是世界舞台上的关键参与者和领导者，我们不应为此感到尴尬，但我们行使领导力的最佳时机是当我们倾听时；当我们认识到世界是一个复杂的地方，我们必须与其他国家合作行动；当我们以身作则时；
when we show some element of humility and recognize that we may not always have the best answer, but we can always encourage the best answer and support the best answer. 当我们展现出某种谦逊，并认识到我们可能并不总是拥有最佳答案，但我们总能鼓励最佳答案并支持最佳答案。
So I think that's the -- that's the approach that we've tried to take in our foreign policy since my Administration came in. Now, we come in at extraordinarily challenging times, and yet I actually think that that calls for this type of leadership even more. But, ultimately, we won't know how effective we are until we look back a year from now, or two years from now, or three years from now and see if it worked. 所以我认为这就是——自本届政府上台以来我们在外交政策中试图采取的方法。现在，我们在极具挑战性的时刻上任，然而我实际上认为这更加需要这种领导力。但归根结底，直到我们一年后、两年后或三年后回头看时才能知道我们有多大成效。
And what the American people care about I suspect are the same thing that the British people care about, and that is, are you putting people back to work? Are businesses growing again? Is business -- is credit flowing again? And, you know -- and that's just true with respect to this summit. But when it comes to our Afghanistan policy, the question is going to be, have we made ourselves safer; have we reduced the risks and incidents of terrorism? 我怀疑美国人民所关心的与英国人民所关心的是一样的，那就是：你们在让人们重新就业吗？企业在重新增长吗？信贷在重新流动吗？你们知道——这只是就这次峰会而言。但谈到我们的阿富汗政策，问题将是：我们使自己更安全了吗？我们减少了恐怖主义的风险和事件吗？
And so the proof of the pudding is in the eating. But hopefully, I think at least we've set a tone internationally where people don't -- where they give us the benefit of the doubt. They're still going to have their interests, and we're going to have ours. There are going to be tough negotiations, and sometimes we're going to have to walk away from those negotiations if we can't arrive at a common accord. There are going to be real dangers that can't always be talked through and have to be addressed. 所以事实胜于雄辩。但愿至少我们在国际上奠定了一种基调，让人们——给予我们怀疑的利益。他们仍会有他们的利益，我们也会有我们的利益。会有艰难的谈判，有时如果我们无法达成共同协议，我们将不得不离开那些谈判。会有无法总是通过谈判解决而必须采取行动加以应对的真实危险。
But at least we can start with the notion that we're prepared to listen and to work cooperatively with countries around the world. 但至少我们可以从我们准备倾听并与世界各国合作的想法开始。
All right, let me sprinkle in another -- it's got to be an international person. All right, this young lady right there. 好的，让我再穿插一个——必须是位国际人士。好的，那位女士。
Question: Mr. President, Emma Alberici from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. At the moment, in the U.S., the U.K., and in Australia, executive salaries and bonuses are decided in the boardrooms of major publicly listed companies. Who will be making those decisions on salaries and bonuses as a result of the agreement you've made here today? And if it is still the boards, will they be guided by principles or legislation? 提问：总统先生，我是澳大利亚广播公司的艾玛·阿尔贝里奇。目前，在美国、英国和澳大利亚，高管薪酬和奖金是在大型上市公司董事会中决定的。作为您今天在此达成协议的结果，将由谁来就薪酬和奖金作出这些决定？如果仍是董事会，它们将受原则还是立法的指引？
President Obama: The principles that we outlined I think put in place or move us in the direction of what I consider to be best practices, which is that there is some accountability with respect to executive compensation. 奥巴马总统：我们所概述的原则我认为确立或使我们朝着我认为是最佳实践的方向前进，即在高管薪酬方面存在某种问责。
Now, theoretically, that should be the shareholders. But the way that too many corporations have operated for too long is that you have a CEO who basically selects his board; the board, in a fairly cozy relationship oftentimes with the executive, hires a executive compensation firm, which, surprisingly, tends to think that it's necessary to retain the best talent to pay people $20 or $30 million a year; and we get into the kinds of habits and practices that I think have not been -- have not served shareholders well, I think ultimately distort the decision-making of many CEOs. 理论上，这应该是股东。但太多公司长期以来运作的方式是：你有一位基本上自己挑选董事会的CEO；董事会与高管的关系往往相当舒适，聘请一家高管薪酬公司，这家公司出人意料地倾向于认为保留最优秀的人才需要向他们支付每年2000万或3000万美元；然后我们就陷入了我认为没有——没有很好地服务于股东、我认为最终扭曲了许多CEO决策的那些习惯和做法。
When I was in the United States Senate, I actually worked on a piece of legislation that would -- made the simple proposition that executive compensation should be subject to a shareholder vote, even if it was nonbinding, so that there was transparency and accountability and perhaps a shame function that would take place. And that principle, I think, is reflected in these guidelines. 当我在美国参议院时，我实际上参与了一项立法的工作，该立法提出了一个简单的命题：高管薪酬应接受股东投票，即使是非约束性的，以实现透明度和问责，并可能产生一种羞耻功能。而我认为这一原则已体现在这些准则中。
What it says is, is that if you get shareholders involved and those shareholders are given a set of principles and best practices by which they can judge executive compensation, then you can still have outsized rewards and success for successful business people, but it will be based on not short-term performance, not three-month performance, not your ability to flip quick profits off products like derivatives that don't turn out to be particularly productive to the company, but based on sustained, effective growth. 它的意思是，如果你让股东参与，并给那些股东一套可以用来评判高管薪酬的原则和最佳实践，那么你仍然可以为成功的商业人士提供丰厚的回报和成功，但这将不基于短期业绩，不基于三个月的业绩，不基于你从衍生品等最终对公司并不特别具有生产力的产品中迅速获利的能力，而是基于持续、有效的增长。
And that's what's embodied in these documents, and I think that you're going to see a lot of countries try to encourage that kind of transparency and accountability. 这就是这些文件所体现的内容，我认为你们将看到许多国家努力鼓励这种透明度和问责。
It doesn't mean the state micromanaging -- [sneezes] -- excuse me -- I've been fighting this all week -- it doesn't mean that we want the state dictating salaries; we don't. We -- I strongly believe in a free-market system, and as I -- as I think people understand in America, at least, people don't resent the rich; they want to be rich. And that's good. But we want to make sure that there's mechanisms in place that holds people accountable and produces results. Okay? 这并不意味着国家微观管理——[打喷嚏]——抱歉——我整个星期都在和这个作斗争——这并不意味着我们希望国家规定薪水；我们不希望。我坚信自由市场体制，而且正如我——正如我认为人们在美国所了解的那样，至少人们不仇富；他们想变富。这很好。但我们希望确保有机制来追究人们的责任并产生结果。好吗？
Got to go back to my crew. Jake Tapper. 得回到我的人那边了。杰克·塔珀。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. Two questions. One, can you say with confidence that the steps the G20 nations are taking today -- committing to today will help the world, or will prevent the world to avoid a depression or a deeper recession? 提问：谢谢您，总统先生。两个问题。第一，您能否有把握地说，G20国家今天正在采取——今天承诺采取的步骤将帮助世界，或将防止世界陷入萧条或更深的衰退？
And two, your friend and ally, Prime Minister Brown, said that "The old Washington consensus is over; today we have reached a new consensus." Is he right? And what do you think he meant by that? 第二，您的朋友和盟友布朗首相说：“旧的华盛顿共识已经结束；今天我们达成了新的共识。”他说得对吗？您认为他是什么意思？
President Obama: In life there are no guarantees; in economics there are no guarantees. The people who thought they could provide guarantees, many of them worked at AIG and it didn't work out so well. So there are always risks involved. 奥巴马总统：生活中没有保证；经济学中也没有保证。那些以为可以提供保证的人，许多在AIG工作，结果并不太好。所以总是存在风险。
I have no doubt, though, that the steps that have been taken are critical to preventing us sliding into a depression. They are bolder and more rapid than any international response that we've seen to a financial crisis in memory. And I think that they will have a concrete effect in our ability, individually, in each nation, to create jobs, save jobs that exist, grow the economy, loosen up credit, restore trust and confidence in the financial markets. 不过我毫不怀疑，已采取的步骤对于防止我们滑入萧条至关重要。它们比我们记忆中应对金融危机的任何国际回应都更大胆、更迅速。我认为它们将在我们各自在每个国家创造就业、保住现有就业、发展经济、放宽信贷、恢复对金融市场的信任和信心方面产生具体效果。
So these steps -- another way of putting it is I think the steps in the communiqué were necessary. Whether they're sufficient, we've got to -- we've got to wait and see. I'm actually confident, though, that given the common commitment in the United States and in the other G20 countries to act rapidly and boldly, that if we see other inklings of panic in the marketplace, or things unwinding, that this group, once again, will respond as needed. 所以这些步骤——换种说法就是，我认为公报中的步骤是必要的。它们是否足够，我们还得——还得等等看。不过我实际上很有信心，鉴于美国和其他G20国家共同承诺迅速而大胆地行动，如果我们看到市场中再有恐慌迹象或事态失控，这一群体将再次按需作出回应。
So I guess maybe just to use an analogy that was used several times in this meeting, an analogy that I've used in the past: You got a sick patient; I think we applied the right medicine; I think the patient is stabilized; there's still wounds that have to heal and there's still emergencies that could arise, but I think that you've got some pretty good care being applied. 所以我想也许可以用一个在此次会议中被多次使用的比喻，也是我过去用过的比喻：你有一位生病的病人；我认为我们用了正确的药；我认为病人已经稳定；还有伤口需要愈合，还可能出现紧急情况，但我认为你们已经给予了相当不错的治疗。
You had a second, follow-up question? 您有第二个后续问题吗？
Question: Prime Minister Brown saying -- 提问：布朗首相说——
President Obama: Oh, the Washington consensus. Well, the Washington consensus, as I'm sure you're aware, Jake, is sort of a term of art about a certain set of policies surrounding globalization and the application of a cookie-cutter model to economic growth, trade liberalization, deregulation that was popular and did help globalize and grow the economy, and was led by some of our leading economists and policymakers in Washington. 奥巴马总统：哦，华盛顿共识。嗯，华盛顿共识，正如我相信你所知道的，杰克，是一种术语，指的是围绕全球化和将千篇一律的模式应用于经济增长、贸易自由化、放松管制的一整套政策，这些政策曾流行并确实帮助全球化和发展了经济，由我们在华盛顿的一些主要经济学家和政策制定者主导。
I think that there's always been a spectrum of opinion about how unfettered the free market is. And along that spectrum, I think there have been some who believe in very fierce regulation and are very suspicious of globalization, and there are others who think that it's always -- that the market is always king. 我认为，关于自由市场应该多不受约束，一直存在不同观点的光谱。在这个光谱上，我认为有一些人相信非常严格的监管，对全球化非常怀疑，也有其他人认为市场总是——市场总是至高无上的。
And I think what we've learned here, but if anybody had been studying history they would have understood earlier, is that the market is the most effective mechanism for creating wealth and distributing resources to produce goods and services that history has ever known, but that it goes off the rail sometimes; that if it's completely unregulated, that if there are no thoughtful frameworks to channel the creative energy of the market, that it can end up in a very bad place. 我认为我们在这里学到的——但如果有人曾研究历史，他们早就会明白——市场是历史上创造财富和分配资源以生产商品和服务的最有效机制，但它有时会脱轨；如果完全不加监管，如果没有深思熟虑的框架来引导市场的创造性能量，它最终可能陷入非常糟糕的境地。
And so, in that sense, I think that we just went through a couple of decades where there was an artificial complacency about the dangers of markets going off the rails. And a crisis like this reminds us that we just have to put in some common-sense rules of the road, without throwing out the enormous benefits that globalization have brought in terms of improving living standards, reducing the cost of goods, and bringing the world closer together. 因此，从这个意义上说，我认为我们刚刚经历了二十几年，人们对市场脱轨的危险存在一种人为的自满。而像这样的危机提醒我们，我们必须制定一些常识性的“道路规则”，而不摒弃全球化在提高生活水平、降低商品成本、使世界更紧密团结方面所带来的巨大好处。
All right, I've got time for just a couple more questions. I'm going to find a journalist here -- 好的，我还有时间再回答几个问题。我要在这里找一位记者——
Question: -- [inaudible] 提问：——[听不清]
Question: How about me? 提问：叫我可以吗？
President Obama: All right, I'm going to call on this gentleman right here. He's been very persistent. 奥巴马总统：好的，我要叫这位先生。他一直非常执着。
Question: Excuse me. China Central Television. Since the world leaders have been talking about increasing the voice and voting rights of developing countries, I would like to ask two questions instead of just one. First of all, on behalf of China -- 提问：打扰一下。中国中央电视台。既然世界领导人一直在谈论增加发展中国家的话语权和投票权，我想提两个问题而不是一个。首先，代表中国——
President Obama: I may choose which one I want to answer. 奥巴马总统：我可能选择我想回答哪一个。
Question: Of course. 提问：当然。
President Obama: That's always the danger of asking two questions. 奥巴马总统：问两个问题总是有这种危险。
Question: First of all, you've had a very fruitful meeting with our President. And during the Clinton Administration, U.S.-China relationship were characterized, in Clinton's words, "strategic, constructive partnership." During the Bush era, it was -- the catchphrase was "stakeholder." The Bush Administration expects China to become a responsible stakeholder in international affairs. Have you come up with a catchphrase of your own? And certainly it is not the G2, is it? 提问：首先，您与我们的总统进行了非常富有成果的会晤。在克林顿政府时期，美中关系被克林顿描述为“战略性、建设性伙伴关系”。在布什时代，关键词是“利益攸关方”。布什政府期望中国在国际事务中成为负责任的利益攸关方。您是否想出了自己的关键词？当然不会是G2，对吧？
My second question is, on behalf of the world, politics is very local, even though we've been talking about global solution, as indicated by your recent preference over American journalists and British -- which is okay. How can you make sure that you will do whatever you can so that -- that local politics will not trump or negatively affect good international economics? Thank you, Mr. President. 我的第二个问题是，代表世界问一下，政治是非常地方性的，尽管我们一直在谈论全球解决方案，正如您近期对美国记者和英国记者的偏好所表明的那样——这没关系。您如何确保您将尽一切所能使——使地方政治不会凌驾于或对良好的国际经济产生负面影响？谢谢您，总统先生。
President Obama: Well, those are excellent questions. On the first question, your American counterparts will tell you I'm terrible with those little catchphrases and sound bites. So I haven't come up with anything catchy yet, but if you have any suggestions, let me know. I'll be happy to use them. 奥巴马总统：嗯，这些都是很好的问题。关于第一个问题，你们的美国同行会告诉你们，我极不擅长那些小口号和即兴用语。所以我还没有想出任何朗朗上口的东西，但如果你有什么建议，请告诉我。我很乐意使用。
In terms of local politics, look, I'm the President of the United States. I'm not the President of China, I'm not the President of Japan, I'm not the President of the other participants here. And so I have a direct responsibility to my constituents to make their lives better. That's why they put me in there. That accounts for some of the questions here, about how concretely does me being here help them find a job, pay for their home, send their kids to college, live what we call the American Dream. And I will be judged by my effectiveness in meeting their needs and concerns. 至于地方政治，听着，我是美国总统。我不是中国总统，我不是日本总统，我不是这里其他参与者的总统。所以我对我选民的生活改善负有直接责任。这是他们把我放在那里的原因。这解释了这里的一些问题，即我在这里具体如何帮助他们找到工作、支付住房、送孩子上大学、实现我们所说的美国梦。我将因满足他们需求和关切的成效而被评判。
But in an era of integration and interdependence, it is also my responsibility to lead America into recognizing that its interests, its fate is tied up with the larger world; that if we neglect or abandon those who are suffering in poverty, that not only are we depriving ourselves of potential opportunities for markets and economic growth, but ultimately that despair may turn to violence that turns on us; 但在一个一体化和相互依存的时代，我也有责任引导美国认识到，其利益、其命运与更广阔的世界紧密相连；如果我们忽视或抛弃那些在贫困中受苦的人，我们不仅在剥夺自己潜在的市场和经济增长机会，但最终那种绝望可能转化为针对我们的暴力；
that unless we are concerned about the education of all children and not just our children, not only may we be depriving ourselves of the next great scientist who's going to find the next new energy source that saves the planet, but we also may make people around the world much more vulnerable to anti-American propaganda. 除非我们关心所有儿童的教育，而不仅仅是我们的孩子，否则我们不仅可能剥夺自己获得下一个将找到拯救地球的新能源的下一位伟大科学家的机会，而且我们也可能使世界各地的人民更容易受到反美宣传的影响。
So if I'm effective as America's President right now, part of that effectiveness involves holding a -- providing Americans insight into how their self-interest is tied up with yours. And that's an ongoing project because it's not always obvious. 所以如果我现在作为美国总统是有效的，那么这种有效性的部分内容涉及让美国人了解他们的自身利益如何与你们的利益相联系。那是一项持续的项目，因为它并不总是显而易见的。
And there are going to be times where short-term interests are going to differ; there's no doubt about it. And protectionism is the classic example. You can make arguments that if you can get away with protecting your markets, as long as the other folks don't protect theirs, then in the short term you may benefit. 也会有一些短期利益不同的时候；这是毫无疑问的。而保护主义就是典型的例子。你可以论证，如果你能保护自己的市场而其他人不保护他们的市场，那么短期内你可能会受益。
And it then becomes important not only for me to try to give people a sense of why, over the long term, that's counterproductive, but also it becomes important for me to put policies in place in the United States that provide a cushion, provide support for those people who may suffer local dislocations because of globalization. And that's something that I think every government has to think about. 因此，不仅对我来说，要让人们认识到长期来看这是适得其反的，而且对我来说，在美国制定政策以提供缓冲、为那些可能因全球化而遭受地方性失业的人提供支持，也变得很重要。这是我认为每个政府都必须考虑的事情。
There are individuals who will be harmed by a trade deal. There are businesses who will go out of business because of free trade. And to the extent that a government is not there to help them reshape their company or retrain for the new jobs that are being created, over time you're going to get people who see -- who rightly see their personal self-interest in very narrow terms. Okay? 会有个人因贸易协议而受到损害。会有企业因自由贸易而倒闭。在政府不帮助他们重塑公司或为正在创造的新工作进行再培训的程度上，随着时间推移，你会让人们以非常狭隘的术语正确地看待他们的个人利益。好吗？
Two more questions. Jonathan Weisman. 还有两个问题。乔纳森·韦斯曼。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. During the campaign you often spoke of a diminished power and authority of the United States over the last decade. This is your first time in an international summit like this, and I'm wondering what evidence you saw of what you spoke of during the campaign. And specifically, is the declaration of the end of the Washington consensus evidence of the diminished authority that you feared was out there? 提问：谢谢您，总统先生。竞选期间您经常谈到过去十年美国权力和权威的削弱。这是您第一次参加这样的国际峰会，我想知道您看到了什么竞选期间所谈到的证据。具体来说，华盛顿共识结束的宣言是否是您所担心的权威削弱的证据？
President Obama: Well, first of all, during the campaign I did not say that some of that loss of authority was inevitable. I said it was traced to very specific decisions that the previous Administration had made that I believed had lowered our standing in the world. And that wasn't simply my opinion; that was, it turns out, the opinion of many people around the world. 奥巴马总统：嗯，首先，竞选期间我并没有说这种权威的部分丧失是不可避免的。我说的是，这可以追溯到上届政府所做出的非常具体的决定，我认为这些决定降低了我们在世界的地位。这不仅仅是我的看法；事实证明，这是世界上许多人的看法。
I would like to think that with my election and the early decisions that we've made, that you're starting to see some restoration of America's standing in the world. And although, as you know, I always mistrust polls, international polls seem to indicate that you're seeing people more hopeful about America's leadership. 我愿意认为，随着我的当选以及我们早期做出的决定，你们正开始看到美国在世界地位的某种恢复。虽然，正如你们所知，我总是不信任民调，但国际民调似乎表明你们正看到人们对美国的领导力更加充满希望。
Now, we remain the largest economy in the world by a pretty significant margin. We remain the most powerful military on Earth. Our production of culture, our politics, our media still have -- I didn't mean to say that with such scorn, guys -- you know I'm teasing -- still has enormous influence. And so I do not buy into the notion that America can't lead in the world. I wouldn't be here if I didn't think that we had important things to contribute. 现在，我们仍然是世界最大经济体，且领先优势相当大。我们仍然是地球上最强大的军事力量。我们的文化生产、我们的政治、我们的媒体仍然有——我不是带着那样的轻蔑说的，伙计们——你们知道我在开玩笑——仍然有巨大影响力。所以我不接受美国不能在世界发挥领导作用的观点。如果我不认为我们有重要的东西可以贡献，我就不会在这里。
I just think in a world that is as complex as it is, that it is very important for us to be able to forge partnerships as opposed to simply dictating solutions. Just a -- just to try to crystallize the example, there's been a lot of comparison here about Bretton Woods. "Oh, well, last time you saw the entire international architecture being remade." Well, if there's just Roosevelt and Churchill sitting in a room with a brandy, that's a -- that's an easier negotiation. But that's not the world we live in, and it shouldn't be the world that we live in. 我只是认为，在一个如此复杂的世界里，我们能够建立伙伴关系而不是简单地强加解决方案，这非常重要。只是——只是为了使这个例子更清晰，这里有很多关于布雷顿森林体系的比较。“哦，上一次你看到整个国际架构被重塑。”嗯，如果只是罗斯福和丘吉尔坐在一个房间里喝着白兰地，那是一个——那是一场更容易的谈判。但这不是我们生活的世界，也不应该是我们生活的世界。
And so that's not a loss for America; it's an appreciation that Europe is now rebuilt and a powerhouse. Japan is rebuilt, is a powerhouse. China, India -- these are all countries on the move. And that's good. That means there are millions of people -- billions of people -- who are working their way out of poverty. And over time, that potentially makes this a much more peaceful world. 因此，这对美国不是损失；这是对欧洲现已重建并成为强国的认可。日本已重建，是强国。中国、印度——这些都是正在崛起的国家。这是好事。这意味着有数以百万计——数十亿计——的人正在摆脱贫困。而随着时间推移，这可能使这个世界变得更加和平。
And that's the kind of leadership we need to show -- one that helps guide that process of orderly integration without taking our eyes off the fact that it's only as good as the benefits of individual families, individual children: Is it giving them more opportunity; is it giving them a better life? If we judge ourselves by those standards, then I think America can continue to show leadership for a very long time. 而这就是我们需要展现的那种领导力——一种帮助引导有序一体化进程的领导力，同时不忽视这一点：它的好坏取决于个体家庭、个体儿童的获益：它是否给他们更多机会；是否给他们更好的生活？如果我们以这些标准来评判自己，那么我认为美国可以继续在很长一段时间内展现领导力。
I'm going to call one foreigner -- actually, I'm the foreigner. That's why I smiled. One correspondent not from America. And then I will -- [vociferous commotion] -- we're not doing bidding here. But I also want to make sure that I'm not showing gender bias. So this young lady right here -- not you, sir, I'm sorry. Question: Hi, Mr. President. 我要叫一位外国人——其实，我才是外国人。这就是我微笑的原因。一位非美国的记者。然后我将——[嘈杂喧闹]——我们这里不竞价。但我也想确保我没有表现出性别偏见。所以这位女士——不是您，先生，对不起。提问：您好，总统先生。
President Obama: How are you? 奥巴马总统：您好？
Question: Thank you for choosing me. I'm very well. I'm from the Times of India. 提问：谢谢您选我。我很好。我来自《印度时报》。
President Obama: Wonderful. 奥巴马总统：太好了。
Question: You met with our Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh. What did you -- what is America doing to help India tackle terrorism emanating from Pakistan? 提问：您会见了我们的曼莫汉·辛格总理。您做了什么——美国正在做什么来帮助印度应对来自巴基斯坦的恐怖主义？
President Obama: Well, first of all, your Prime Minister is a wonderful man. 奥巴马总统：嗯，首先，你们的总理是一位非常出色的人。
Question: Thank you. I agree. 提问：谢谢您。我同意。
President Obama: Well -- 奥巴马总统：嗯——
Question: I agree. 提问：我同意。
President Obama: Did you have something to do with that, or -- You seem to kind of take -- take credit for it a little bit there. Question: Really proud of him, sir. 奥巴马总统：这跟你有什么关系吗，或者——你似乎有点——有点在那里把这归功于自己。提问：我真的为他感到骄傲，先生。
President Obama: Of course. You should be proud of him. I'm teasing you. 奥巴马总统：当然。你应该为他感到骄傲。我在跟你开玩笑。
I think he's a very wise and decent man, and has done a wonderful job in guiding India, even prior to being Prime Minister, along a path of extraordinary economic growth that is a marvel, I think, for all the world. 我认为他是一位非常睿智和正派的人，在引导印度方面——甚至在担任总理之前——沿着一条非凡经济增长的道路方面做出了出色的工作，我认为这对整个世界都是一个奇迹。
We did discuss the issue of terrorism. And we discussed it not simply in terms of terrorism emanating from Pakistan, although obviously we are very concerned about extremists and terrorists who have made camp in the border regions of Pakistan as well as in Afghanistan. But we spoke about it more broadly in terms of how we can coordinate effectively on issues of counterterrorism. 我们确实讨论了恐怖主义问题。我们不仅仅从来自巴基斯坦的恐怖主义角度讨论它，尽管显然我们非常担心在巴基斯坦边境地区以及阿富汗扎营的极端分子和恐怖分子。但我们更广泛地讨论了在反恐问题上如何有效协调。
We also spoke about the fact that in a nuclear age, at a time when perhaps the greatest enemy of both India and Pakistan should be poverty, that it may make sense to create a more effective dialogue between India and Pakistan. But obviously we didn't go in depth into those issues. 我们还谈到，在核时代，当印度和巴基斯坦或许最大的敌人应该是贫困的时候，在两国之间建立更有效的对话可能是有意义的。但显然我们没有深入讨论这些问题。
We talked about a whole range of other issues related to, for example, energy, and how important it is for the United States to lead by example in reducing our carbon footprint so that we can help to forge agreements with countries like China and India that, on a per-capita basis, have a much smaller footprint and so justifiably chafe at the idea that they should have to sacrifice their development for our efforts to control climate change; 我们讨论了一系列与能源相关的其他问题，例如，美国以身作则减少我们的碳足迹有多么重要，这样我们才能与人均碳足迹小得多的中国和印度等国达成协议，因此它们对为了我们控制气候变化的努力而应牺牲其发展的想法感到不满是有道理的；
but also acknowledging that if China and India, with their populations, had the same energy usage as the average American, then we would have all melted by now. 但也要承认，如果中国和印度以其人口规模，能源使用量达到美国人的平均水平，那么我们现在早就融化了。
And so that was a very interesting conversation that I will be pursuing not just with India, but hopefully with China and with other countries around the world. In some ways our European counterparts have moved more quickly than we have on this issue. But I think even the Europeans have recognized that it's not easy. It's even harder during times of economic downturn. 所以那是一场非常有趣的对话，我不仅将与印度继续推进，也希望与中国和世界其他国家推进。在某些方面，我们的欧洲同行在这个问题上比我们行动得更快。但我认为即使是欧洲人也认识到这并不容易。在经济下行时期就更难了。
And so we're going to have to combine the low-hanging fruit of energy efficiency with rapid technological advances. And to the extent that in some cases we can get international cooperation and pool our scientific and technical knowledge around things like developing coal sequestration, for example, that can be extremely helpful. Okay? 所以我们将不得不把能源效率这一“唾手可得的果实”与快速的技术进步结合起来。在某种程度上，在某些情况下，如果我们能获得国际合作，并围绕开发煤炭封存等技术汇集我们的科学技术知识，那将非常有帮助。好吗？
I'm going to call on my last American correspondent, Chip. And, Chip, my heart goes out to you. 我要叫最后一位美国记者，奇普。奇普，我向你表示慰问。
Question: Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. President. I appreciate that. 提问：谢谢。非常感谢您，总统先生。我对此深表感谢。
President Obama: I just heard about that. 奥巴马总统：我刚刚听说那件事。
Question: Certainly there is a lot of sentiment in G20 countries that the United States was a major cause of the global economic meltdown. To what degree did that topic come up in your discussions? Did it make it difficult for some countries to accept advice from the United States when they blame the United States and its economic system for causing this in the first place? And how do you respond to people who do blame America? 提问：G20国家中肯定有很多看法认为美国是全球经济崩溃的主要原因。这个问题在你们的讨论中在多大程度上被提及？当一些国家责怪美国及其经济体制从一开始就导致了这场危机时，这是否让它们难以接受美国的建议？您如何回应那些责怪美国的人？
President Obama: Well, you know, I don't think that -- I think my colleagues in the G20 were extraordinarily gracious about my participation. I think that they continue to express the desire to work with America, admiration about many things American. There were occasional comments, usually wedged into some other topic, that indicated from their perspective that this started in America, or this started on Wall Street, or this started with particular banks or companies. 奥巴马总统：嗯，你们知道，我不认为——我认为G20的同僚们对我的参与表现出了非凡的宽容。我认为他们继续表达与美国合作的愿望，对美国的许多事物表示钦佩。偶尔会有一些评论，通常嵌入在其他话题中，表明从他们的角度看这始于美国，或这始于华尔街，或这始于特定的银行或公司。
Perhaps what helped was my willingness to acknowledge that -- and it's hard to deny -- that some of this contagion did start on Wall Street. And as I've said back home, as I've said in public and as I would say in private, we had a number of firms that took wild and unjustified risks, we had regulators that were asleep at the switch, and it has taken an enormous toll on the U.S. economy and has spread to the world economy. 也许有所帮助的是，我愿意承认——这一点很难否认——这种传染性确实始于华尔街。正如我在国内所说，正如我公开所说，正如我私下会说的那样，我们有若干公司采取了疯狂和不合理的风险，我们的监管者疏于职守，这对美国经济造成了巨大损失，并蔓延至世界经济。
Now, I think that part of the reason people didn't give me too hard a time is because if you look at European banks or Asian banks, that they've had their own issues both in the past and in the future. And I think there was a very constructive discussion about the fact that, given global financial flows, that unless we've got much more effective coordinated regulatory strategies, supervision, standards, that these problems will appear again. 现在，我认为人们没有太为难我的部分原因是，如果你看看欧洲或亚洲的银行，它们在过去和将来都有自己的问题。我认为这是一次非常有建设性的讨论，即鉴于全球金融流动，除非我们有更有效的协调监管策略、监督和标准，否则这些问题将再次出现。
Money is -- can move around the globe in a second. And it will seek out the highest returns, and if those highest returns end up being built on a house of cards, then we're going to be seeing another threat to the world financial system wherever that house of cards might be. 资金——可以在一秒钟内绕地球一圈。它将寻找最高的回报，如果那些最高回报最终建立在空中楼阁之上，那么无论那座空中楼阁在哪里，我们都将看到对世界金融体系的又一次威胁。
And so, overall, I think there was an extraordinarily constructive approach among all the leaders. I was very impressed with them. I'm very grateful to them. And I'm excited about the ability not just to help heal this economy but also to make progress on a sustainable model of economic growth that relies less on a cycle of bubble and bust -- something that I've spoken about back home. 所以，总体而言，我认为所有领导人之间存在着一种非凡的建设性态度。我对他们印象非常深刻。我非常感谢他们。我对不仅帮助治愈这个经济，还在一个较少依赖泡沫和萧条周期的可持续经济增长模式上取得进展的能力感到兴奋——这是我在国内曾经谈到的。
All right? Thank you, everybody. Appreciate it. 好的？谢谢大家。感激不尽。