Good afternoon, everybody. I just met again with my National Security Council on the campaign to destroy ISIL. I want to thank Secretary Carter and Chairman Dunford -- who just returned from meetings with our coalition partners in the Middle East -- for hosting us and for their continued leadership of our men and women in uniform. 各位下午好。我刚刚再次与国家安全委员会就摧毁ISIL的行动举行了会议。我要感谢卡特部长和邓福德参谋长——他们刚从中东与我们的联盟伙伴会谈回来——感谢他们主持这次会议，也感谢他们继续领导我们的男女军人。
I last updated the American people on our campaign in June, shortly after the horrifying attack in Orlando. In the weeks since, we’ve continued to be relentless in our fight against ISIL -- and on the ground in Syria and Iraq, ISIL continues to lose territory. Tragically, however, we have also seen that ISIL still has the ability to direct and inspire attacks. 我上次向美国人民通报我们的行动进展是在六月份，就在奥兰多恐怖袭击发生后不久。在那之后的几周里，我们继续毫不松懈地打击ISIL——在叙利亚和伊拉克的地面战场上，ISIL持续失地。然而，令人悲痛的是，我们也看到ISIL仍然有能力指挥和煽动袭击。
So we've seen terrible bombings in Iraq and in Jordan, in Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Afghanistan; attacks on an Istanbul airport, a restaurant in Bangladesh, Bastille Day celebrations and a church in France, and a music festival in Germany. In fact, the decline of ISIL in Syria and Iraq appears to be causing it to shift to tactics that we've seen before -- an even greater emphasis on encouraging high-profile terrorist attacks, including in the United States. 因此，我们看到了伊拉克、约旦、黎巴嫩、沙特阿拉伯、也门和阿富汗发生的可怕爆炸袭击；伊斯坦布尔机场、孟加拉国一家餐厅、法国巴士底日庆祝活动和一座教堂，以及德国一个音乐节遭遇的袭击。事实上，ISIL在叙利亚和伊拉克的衰落似乎正导致其转向我们以前见过的战术——更加重视鼓励高调的恐怖袭击，包括在美国境内。
As always, our military, diplomatic, intelligence, homeland security and law enforcement professionals are working around the clock -- with other countries and with communities here at home -- to share information and prevent such attacks. And over the years, they’ve prevented many. But as we’ve seen, it is still very difficult to detect and prevent lone actors or small cells of terrorists who are determined to kill the innocent and are willing to die. And that’s why, as we discussed today, we’re going to keep going after ISIL aggressively across every front of this campaign. 一如既往，我们的军事、外交、情报、国土安全和执法专业人员正夜以继日地工作——与其他国家以及国内社区合作——共享信息，防止此类袭击。多年来，他们成功阻止了许多袭击。但正如我们所看到的，要发现和阻止那些决心杀害无辜者、不惜以死相拼的独狼式袭击者或小型恐怖细胞仍然非常困难。这就是为什么，正如我们今天所讨论的，我们将在这场行动的每一条战线上继续猛烈打击ISIL。
Our air campaign continues to hammer ISIL targets. More than 14,000 strikes so far. More than 100,000 sorties --including those hitting the ISIL core in Raqqa and in Mosul. And in stark contrast to ISIL -- which uses civilians as human shields -- America’s armed forces will continue to do everything in our power to avoid civilian casualties. With our extraordinary technology, we’re conducting the most precise air campaign in history. After all, it is the innocent civilians of Syria and Iraq who are suffering the most and who need to be saved from ISIL’s terror. 我们的空中行动继续重创ISIL目标。迄今为止已发动超过14000次打击，超过10万架次飞机出击——包括打击ISIL在拉卡和摩苏尔的核心据点。与将平民用作人肉盾牌的ISIL形成鲜明对比的是，美国武装部队将继续尽一切努力避免平民伤亡。凭借我们卓越的技术，我们正在开展人类历史上最精确的空中行动。毕竟，遭受苦难最深、最需要从ISIL恐怖中被拯救的是叙利亚和伊拉克的无辜平民。
And so when there are allegations of civilian casualties, we take them very seriously. We work to find the facts, to be transparent, and to hold ourselves accountable for doing better in the future. 因此，当有平民伤亡的指控时，我们会非常认真地对待。我们努力查明事实，保持透明，并对自己负责，以便在未来做得更好。
We continue to take out senior ISIL leaders and commanders. This includes ISIL’s deputy minister of war, Basim Muhammad al-Bajari; a top commander in Mosul, Hatim Talib al-Hamdani; and, in yet another significant loss for ISIL, its minister of war, Umar al-Shishani. None of ISIL’s leaders are safe -- and we are going to keep going after them. 我们继续铲除ISIL的高级领导人和指挥官。其中包括ISIL的战争副部长巴西姆·穆罕默德·巴贾里；摩苏尔的高级指挥官哈蒂姆·塔利布·哈姆达尼；以及对ISIL来说又一重大损失的战争部长奥马尔·希沙尼。ISIL的没有一个领导人是安全的——我们将继续追捕他们。
On the ground in Iraq, local forces keep pushing ISIL back. In a major success, Iraqi forces, with coalition support, finally liberated Fallujah. Now they’re clearing ISIL fighters from more areas up the Euphrates Valley, and Iraqi forces retook the strategic airbase at Qayyarah -- just 40 miles from Mosul, now the last major ISIL stronghold in Iraq. Given this success, the additional 560 U.S. support personnel that I ordered to Iraq last month will help turn this base into a logistical hub and launch pad for Iraqi forces as they push into Mosul. 在伊拉克地面战场上，当地部队继续将ISIL击退。作为一项重大胜利，伊拉克部队在联军支持下最终解放了费卢杰。现在他们正在幼发拉底河谷更多地区清除ISIL武装分子，伊拉克部队还夺回了战略要地盖亚拉空军基地——距离摩苏尔仅40英里，摩苏尔目前是ISIL在伊拉克的最后一个主要据点。鉴于这一进展，我上月下令增派的560名美国支援人员将帮助把这个基地转变为后勤枢纽和伊拉克部队向摩苏尔推进的发射平台。
Meanwhile, in Syria, a coalition of local forces -- backed by our Special Operations Forces and airstrikes -- continues to take the fight to ISIL as well. The coalition is fighting its way into the town of Manbij -- a gateway for ISIL fighters coming in and terrorists heading out to attack Europe, which is why ISIL is fighting hard to hold it. As ISIL is beaten back, we’re gaining vast amounts of intelligence -- thousands of documents, thumb drives, digital files -- which we will use to keep destroying ISIL’s networks and stop foreign fighters. 与此同时，在叙利亚，由当地部队组成的联盟——在我们的特种作战部队和空袭的支持下——也继续向ISIL发起进攻。该联盟正在攻入曼比季镇——这是ISIL武装分子进入和恐怖分子外出袭击欧洲的门户，因此ISIL正在拼命死守。随着ISIL被击退，我们获得了大量情报——数千份文件、U盘、数字文件——我们将用这些情报继续摧毁ISIL的网络，阻止外国武装分子。
We also continue to intensify our efforts against al Qaida in Syria, which -- no matter what name it calls itself -- cannot be allowed to maintain a safe haven to train and plot attacks against us. 我们还继续加大力度打击叙利亚的基地组织——无论它自称什么名字——都不能允许它维持一个安全避难所来训练和策划针对我们的袭击。
I do want to step back and note the broader progress that has been made in this campaign so far. Two years ago, ISIL was racing across Iraq, to the outskirts of Baghdad itself, and, to many observers, ISIL looked invincible. Since then, in Iraq, ISIL has lost at the Mosul Dam, at Tikrit, at Baiji, at Sinjar, at Ramadi, at Hit, at Rutbah and now Fallujah. In Syria, ISIL has lost at Kobani and Tal Abyad and the Tishrin Dam and al-Shaddadi. ISIL has lost territory across vast stretches of the border with Turkey and almost all major transit routes into Raqqa. 我想退一步，回顾一下迄今为止这场行动取得的更广泛进展。两年前，ISIL横扫伊拉克，直逼巴格达郊区，在许多观察人士看来，ISIL似乎不可战胜。从那时起，在伊拉克，ISIL在摩苏尔水坝、提克里特、拜伊吉、辛贾尔、拉马迪、希特、鲁特拜以及现在的费卢杰接连失利。在叙利亚，ISIL在科巴尼、泰勒艾卜耶德、提什林水坝和沙达迪接连失败。ISIL已经失去了土耳其边境大片地区的领土，以及几乎所有通往拉卡的主要运输路线。
And in both Iraq and Syria, ISIL has not been able to reclaim any significant territory that they have lost. 在伊拉克和叙利亚，ISIL都未能重新夺回任何已经失去的重要领土。
So I want to repeat -- ISIL has not had a major successful offensive operation in either Syria or Iraq in a full year. Even ISIL’s leaders know they’re going to keep losing. In their message to followers, they’re increasingly acknowledging that they may lose Mosul and Raqqa. And ISIL is right, they will lose them. And we’ll keep hitting them and pushing them back and driving them out until they do. In other words, ISIL turns out not to be invincible -- they’re, in fact, inevitably, going to be defeated. 所以我想重申——ISIL在整整一年里没有在叙利亚或伊拉克发动过一次重大的成功进攻。就连ISIL的领导人也知道他们会继续失败。在他们给追随者的信息中，他们越来越多地承认可能会失去摩苏尔和拉卡。ISIL是对的，他们会失去这些地方。我们将继续打击他们，把他们击退，把他们赶出去，直到他们彻底失败。换句话说，ISIL并非不可战胜——事实上，他们终将被击败。
But we do recognize at the same time that the situation is complex. And this cannot be solved by military force alone. That's why, last month, the United States and countries around the world pledged more than $2 billion in new funds to help Iraqis stabilize and rebuild their communities. It’s why we’re working with Iraq so that the military campaign to liberate Mosul is matched with humanitarian and political efforts to protect civilians and promote inclusive governance and development so ISIL cannot return by exploiting divisions or new grievances. 但我们同时也认识到，局势是复杂的。单靠军事力量无法解决这个问题。这就是为什么上个月，美国和世界各国承诺提供超过20亿美元的新资金，帮助伊拉克人民稳定和重建他们的社区。这就是为什么我们正在与伊拉克合作，使解放摩苏尔的军事行动与保护平民、促进包容性治理和发展的人道主义及政治努力相匹配，这样ISIL就无法通过利用分歧或新的怨卷土重来。
In Syria, as I’ve repeatedly said, defeating ISIL and al Qaeda requires an end to the civil war and the Assad regime’s brutality against the Syrian people, which pushes people into the arms of extremists. The regime and its allies continue to violate the Cessation of Hostilities, including with vicious attacks on defenseless civilians, medieval sieges against cities like Aleppo, and blocking food from reaching families that are starving. It is deplorable. And the depravity of the Syrian regime has rightly earned the condemnation of the world. 在叙利亚，正如我反复说过的，击败ISIL和基地组织需要结束内战，结束阿萨德政权对叙利亚人民的残暴统治，正是这种残暴将人们推向极端主义者的怀抱。该政权及其盟友继续违反停火协议，包括对手无寸铁的平民发动恶毒袭击，对阿勒颇等城市进行中世纪式的围困，以及阻止食品到达饥饿的家庭手中。这是令人愤慨的。叙利亚政权的堕落理应受到全世界的谴责。
Russia's direct involvement in these actions over the last several weeks raises very serious questions about their commitment to pulling the situation back from the brink. The U.S. remains prepared to work with Russia to try to reduce the violence and strengthen our efforts against ISIL and al Qaeda in Syria. But so far, Russia has failed to take the necessary steps. Given the deteriorating situation, it is time for Russia to show that it is serious about pursuing these objectives. 俄罗斯过去几周直接卷入这些行动，这让人对他们是否致力于将局势从悬崖边拉回来产生了非常严重的质疑。美国仍准备与俄罗斯合作，努力减少暴力，加强我们在叙利亚打击ISIL和基地组织的努力。但到目前为止，俄罗斯未能采取必要步骤。鉴于局势不断恶化，现在是俄罗斯表明它认真追求这些目标的时候了。
Beyond Syria and Iraq, we’ll keep working with allies and partners to go after ISIL wherever it tries to spread. At the request of Libya’s Government of National Accord, we are conducting strikes in support of government-aligned forces as they fight to retake Sirte from ISIL, and we will continue to support the government’s efforts to secure their country. 在叙利亚和伊拉克之外，我们将继续与盟友和伙伴合作，在ISIL试图蔓延的任何地方打击它。应利比亚民族团结政府的请求，我们正在发动空袭，支持与政府结盟的部队从ISIL手中夺回苏尔特，我们将继续支持政府保卫国家的努力。
In Afghanistan, one of the reasons that I decided to largely maintain our current force posture was so that we could keep eliminating ISIL’s presence there -- and we delivered another blow last month when we took out a top ISIL leader in Afghanistan, Umar Khalifa. 在阿富汗，我决定基本维持我们目前的驻军态势的原因之一，就是为了能够继续消灭ISIL在那里的存在——上个月我们又给了他们一次打击，铲除了ISIL在阿富汗的高级领导人奥马尔·哈利法。
Finally, it should be clear by now -- and no one knows this better than our military leaders -- that even as we need to crush ISIL on the battlefield, their military defeat will not be enough. So long as their twisted ideology persists and drives people to violence, then groups like ISIL will keep emerging and the international community will continue to be at risk in getting sucked into the kind of global whack-a-mole where we’re always reacting to the latest threat or lone actor. 最后，现在应该很清楚了——没有人比我们的军事领导人更清楚这一点——即使我们需要在战场上粉碎ISIL，他们的军事失败也还不够。只要他们扭曲的意识形态继续存在并驱使人们走向暴力，像ISIL这样的组织就会不断涌现，国际社会就会继续面临被卷入一种全球"打地鼠"游戏的风险，我们总是在对最新的威胁或独狼袭击做出反应。
That’s why we’re also working to counter violent extremism more broadly -- including the social, economic and political factors that help fuel groups like ISIL and al Qaeda in the first place. 这就是为什么我们也在更广泛地努力打击暴力极端主义——包括首先助长ISIL和基地组织等团体的社会、经济和政治因素。
Nothing will do more to discredit ISIL and its phony claims to being a caliphate than when it loses its base in Raqqa and in Mosul. And we're going to keep working with partners -- including Muslim countries and communities -- especially online -- to expose ISIL for what they are: murderers who kill innocent people, including Muslim families and children as they break their Ramadan fast, and who set off bombs in Medina near the Prophet’s Mosque, one of the holiest sites in Islam. 没有什么比ISIL失去其在拉卡和摩苏尔的据点更能揭穿其所谓哈里发国的虚假宣称了。我们将继续与伙伴们合作——包括穆斯林国家和社区——特别是在网上，揭露ISIL的真面目：他们是杀害无辜人民的凶手，包括在穆斯林家庭和儿童开斋时杀害他们，他们还在麦地那先知清真寺附近引爆炸弹，那是伊斯兰教最神圣的地点之一。
Moreover, we refuse to let terrorists and voices of division undermine the unity and the values of diversity and pluralism that keep our nation strong. One of the reasons that America’s armed forces are the best in the world is because we draw on the skills and the talents of all of our citizens, from all backgrounds and faiths, including patriotic Muslim Americans who risk and give their lives for our freedom. And I think the entire world was inspired this past Sunday, when Muslims across France joined their Catholic neighbors at Mass and, in a moving display of solidarity, prayed together. 此外，我们拒绝让恐怖分子和分裂的声音破坏使我们国家强大的团结以及多样性和多元化的价值观。美国武装部队之所以是世界上最优秀的，原因之一就是我们汲取了所有公民的技能和才能，他们来自各种背景和信仰，包括爱国的穆斯林裔美国人，他们为我们的自由冒险甚至献出生命。我想，上个星期天，当法国各地的穆斯林与他们的天主教邻居一起参加弥撒，以感人的团结姿态共同祈祷时，整个世界都受到了鼓舞。
The greeting they extended to each other has to be the message we echo in all of our countries and all of our communities -- peace be with you, and also with you. 他们彼此致以的问候，必须成为我们在所有国家和所有社区中传递的信息——愿平安与你同在，也与你同在。
Now, before I take some questions, I also want to say a few words on another topic. As our public health experts have been warning for some time, we are now seeing the first locally transmitted cases of the Zika virus by mosquitoes in the continental United States. This was predicted and predictable. So far, we've seen 15 cases in the Miami area. We're taking this extremely seriously. Our CDC experts are on the ground working shoulder-to-shoulder with Florida health authorities. There’s a very aggressive effort underway to control mosquitoes there. 现在，在我回答问题之前，我还想就另一个话题说几句话。正如我们的公共卫生专家一段时间以来一直在警告的那样，我们现在看到美国大陆出现了首例由蚊子传播的寨卡病毒本地感染病例。这是预料之中的，也是可预测的。到目前为止，我们在迈阿密地区发现了15例病例。我们对此极为重视。我们的疾控中心专家正在现场与佛罗里达州卫生当局并肩工作。当地正在开展一项非常积极的灭蚊行动。
And pregnant women have been urged to stay away from the particular neighborhood that we’re focused on. We’ll keep working as one team -- federal, state and local -- to try to slow and limit the spread of the virus. 孕妇已被建议远离我们重点关注的那个特定社区。我们将继续作为一个团队——联邦、州和地方——共同努力，努力减缓和限制病毒的传播。
I do want to be very clear, though, our public health experts do not expect to see the kind of widespread outbreaks of Zika here that we’ve seen in Brazil or in Puerto Rico. The kind of mosquitoes that are most likely to carry Zika are limited to certain regions of our country. But we cannot be complacent because we do expect to see more Zika cases. And even though the symptoms for most people are mild -- many may never even know that they have it -- we’ve seen that the complications for pregnant women and their babies can be severe. 不过，我要非常明确地说，我们的公共卫生专家并不认为这里会出现像巴西或波多黎各那样的大规模疫情。最有可能携带寨卡病毒的蚊子种类仅限于我国某些地区。但我们不能自满，因为我们确实预计会出现更多寨卡病例。尽管对大多数人来说症状很轻微——许多人可能甚至永远不知道自己感染了——但我们已经看到，它对孕妇及其婴儿可能造成严重的并发症。
So I, again, want to encourage every American to learn what they can do to help stop Zika by going to CDC.gov. 因此，我再次鼓励每一位美国人访问CDC.gov，了解他们可以做些什么来帮助阻止寨卡病毒。
In addition, Congress needs to do its job. Fighting Zika costs money. Helping Puerto Rico deal with its Zika crisis costs money. Research into new vaccines -- and, by the way, NIH just announced the first clinical trials in humans -- that costs money. And that’s why my administration proposed an urgent request for more funding back in February. Not only did the Republican-led Congress not pass our request -- they worked to cut it. And then they left for summer recess without passing any new funds for the fight against Zika. 此外，国会需要履行其职责。抗击寨卡需要资金。帮助波多黎各应对其寨卡危机需要资金。研究新疫苗——顺便说一句，国立卫生研究院刚刚宣布了首次人体临床试验——也需要资金。这就是为什么我的政府早在二月份就提出了紧急追加资金的请求。共和党领导的国会不仅没有通过我们的请求——他们还试图削减它。然后他们就去放暑假了，没有为抗击寨卡病毒通过任何新的资金。
Meanwhile, our experts at the NIH and CDC -- the folks on the frontlines -- have been doing their best and making do by moving funds from other areas. But now the money that we need to fight Zika is rapidly running out. The situation is getting critical. For instance, without sufficient funding, NIH critical trials -- clinical trials and the possibilities of a vaccine -- which is well within reach -- could be delayed. 与此同时，我们国立卫生研究院和疾控中心的专家们——那些在第一线的人们——一直在尽最大努力，通过从其他领域调拨资金来勉强维持。但现在我们抗击寨卡所需的资金正在迅速耗尽。局势正在变得危急。例如，如果没有足够的资金，国立卫生研究院的关键试验——临床试验和疫苗的可能性——已经触手可及，可能会被推迟。
So this is not the time for politics. More than 40 U.S. servicemembers have now contracted Zika overseas. In 50 U.S. states, we know of more than 1,800 cases of Zika connected to travel to infected areas, and that includes nearly 500 pregnant women. Zika is now present in almost every part of Puerto Rico. And now we have the first local transmission in Florida -- and there will certainly be more. 所以现在不是搞政治的时候。已有40多名美国军人在海外感染了寨卡病毒。在美国50个州，我们已知有超过1800例与前往疫区旅行有关的寨卡病例，其中包括近500名孕妇。寨卡病毒现在几乎存在于波多黎各的每个地区。而现在我们在佛罗里达州出现了首例本地传播——而且肯定还会有更多。
And meanwhile, Congress is on a summer recess. A lot of folks talk about protecting Americans from threats. Well, Zika is a serious threat to Americans, especially babies -- right now. So, once again, I want to urge the American people to call their members of Congress and tell them to do their job, deal with this threat, help protect the American people from Zika. 与此同时，国会正在放暑假。很多人谈论保护美国人免受威胁。好吧，寨卡病毒对美国人来说是一个严重威胁，尤其是对婴儿——就在此时此刻。所以，我再次呼吁美国人民致电你们的国会议员，告诉他们履行职责，应对这一威胁，帮助保护美国人民免受寨卡病毒的侵害。
With that, I'm going to take some questions. I'm going to start with someone who just assumed the second-most powerful office in the land -- Jeff Mason -- the new Correspondents’ Association president -- also from Reuters. 说完这些，我来回答一些问题。我先从一位刚刚就任美国第二大权力职位的人开始——杰夫·梅森——新任记者协会主席——他也来自路透社。
Jeff. 杰夫。
Question: Thank you, sir. Hardly powerful. And happy birthday. 问：谢谢您，先生。哪是什么权力职位啊。另外，生日快乐。
President Obama: Thank you very much. 奥巴马总统：非常感谢。
Question: As Islamic State loses territory, you and other officials have said that it is becoming a more traditional terrorist group. Are you satisfied that the United States and its allies have shifted strategy sufficiently to address that change? 问：随着伊斯兰国不断失地，您和其他官员曾表示它正在演变成一个更传统的恐怖组织。美国及其盟友是否已充分调整战略以应对这一变化？您对此满意吗？
And secondly, given your comments this week about Donald Trump’s volatility and lack of fitness to be President, are you concerned that he will be receiving security briefings about ISIS and other sensitive national security issues? 第二个问题，鉴于您本周关于唐纳德·特朗普性格反复无常、不适合担任总统的评论，您是否担心他将接收关于ISIS和其他敏感国家安全问题的安全简报？
President Obama: I’m never satisfied with our response, because if you’re satisfied that means the problem is solved, and it’s not. So we just spent a couple hours meeting with my top national security folks to look at what more can be done. 奥巴马总统：我从不对我们的应对措施感到满意，因为如果你满意了，那就意味着问题已经解决了，而事实并非如此。所以我们刚刚花了几个小时与我的高级国家安全官员开会，研究还能做些什么。
It is absolutely necessary for us to defeat ISIL in Iraq and Syria. It is not sufficient, but it is necessary. Because so long as they have those bases, they can use their propaganda to suggest that somehow there’s still some caliphate being born, and that can insinuate itself then in the minds of folks who may be willing to travel there or carry out terrorist attacks. It’s also destabilizing for countries in the region at a time when the region is already unstable. 我们必须在伊拉克和叙利亚击败ISIL。这还不够，但却是必要的。因为只要他们拥有那些据点，他们就可以利用宣传暗示似乎还有一个哈里发国正在诞生，这就会在那些可能愿意前往那里或实施恐怖袭击的人的心中埋下种子。在该地区本已不稳定的时候，这也会破坏地区国家的稳定。
So I am pleased with the progress that we’ve made on the ground in Iraq and Syria. We’re far from freeing Mosul and Raqqa. But what we’ve shown is, is that when it comes to conventional fights, ISIL can be beaten with partners on the ground so long as they’ve got the support from coalition forces that we’ve been providing. 因此，我对我们在伊拉克和叙利亚地面上取得的进展感到满意。我们距离解放摩苏尔和拉卡还有很长的路要走。但我们已经表明，在常规战斗中，只要当地伙伴得到我们一直在提供的联军支持，就能够击败ISIL。
In the meantime, though, you’re seeing ISIL carry out external terrorist acts, and they’ve learned something they’ve adapted from al Qaeda, which had a much more centralized operation and tried to plan very elaborate attacks. And what ISIL has figured out is that if they can convince a handful of people, or even one person, to carry out an attack on a subway or at a parade or some other public venue and kill scores of people, as opposed to thousands of people, it still creates the kinds of fear and concern that elevates their profile. 然而，与此同时，你看到ISIL正在实施外部恐怖袭击，他们从基地组织那里学到了一些东西并加以改造——基地组织的行动更加集中化，试图策划非常复杂的袭击。而ISIL发现的是，如果他们能说服少数人，甚至一个人，在地铁、游行或其他公共场所发动袭击，杀死几十人而不是几千人，这仍然会制造出那种恐惧和不安，从而抬高他们的声势。
So, in some ways, rooting out these networks for smaller, less complicated attacks is tougher, because it doesn’t require as many resources on their part or preparation. But it does mean that we’ve got to do even more to generate the intelligence and to work with our partners in order to degrade those networks. 因此，在某些方面，根除这些实施规模较小、较不复杂袭击的网络更加困难，因为这不需要他们投入那么多资源或准备。但这确实意味着我们必须做更多工作来收集情报，并与我们的伙伴合作，以瓦解这些网络。
And the fact is, is that those networks will probably sustain themselves even after ISIL is defeated in Raqqa and Mosul. But what we’ve learned from our efforts to defeat al Qaeda is that if we stay on it, our intelligence gets better, and we adapt as well. And eventually, we will dismantle these networks also. 事实是，即使在ISIL在拉卡和摩苏尔被击败后，这些网络可能还会继续存在。但我们从击败基地组织的努力中学到的是，如果我们坚持不懈，我们的情报会变得更好，我们也会不断适应。最终，我们也将摧毁这些网络。
This is part of the reason why, however, it is so important for us to keep our eye on the ball and not panic, not succumb to fear. Because ISIL can’t defeat the United States of America or our NATO partners. We can defeat ourselves, though, if we make bad decisions. And we have to understand that as painful and as tragic as these attacks are, that we are going to keep on grinding away, preventing them wherever we can, using a whole-of-government effort to knock down their propaganda, to disrupt their networks, to take their key operatives off the battlefield, and that eventually we will win. 然而，这就是为什么保持专注、不恐慌、不屈服于恐惧对我们如此重要。因为ISIL无法击败美利坚合众国或我们的北约伙伴。但如果我们做出错误的决定，我们就可能打败自己。我们必须明白，尽管这些袭击令人痛苦和悲痛，但我们将继续坚持不懈地努力，尽我们所能阻止他们，动用整个政府的力量来打击他们的宣传，破坏他们的网络，将他们的关键成员从战场上清除，最终我们将取得胜利。
But if we start making bad decisions -- indiscriminately killing civilians, for example, in some of these areas, instituting offensive religious tests on who can enter the country -- those kinds of strategies can end up backfiring. Because in order for us to ultimately win this fight, we cannot frame this as a clash of civilizations between the West and Islam. That plays exactly into the hands of ISIL and the perversions -- the perverse interpretations of Islam that they’re putting forward. 但如果我们开始做出错误的决定——例如，在其中一些地区不分青红皂白地杀害平民，对谁可以进入该国实施冒犯性的宗教审查——这类策略最终可能会适得其反。因为为了最终赢得这场斗争，我们不能将其框定为西方与伊斯兰之间的文明冲突。那正中ISIL的下怀，正中他们所宣扬的对伊斯兰教的歪曲解释的下怀。
As far as Mr. Trump, we are going to go by the law, which is that -- in both tradition and the law -- that if somebody is the nominee, the Republican nominee for President, they need to get a security briefing so that if they were to win, they are not starting from scratch in terms of being prepared for this office. 至于特朗普先生，我们将依法行事，根据传统和法律——如果有人成为总统候选人，共和党总统候选人，他们需要接受安全简报，这样如果他们胜选，在为这一职位做准备时就不会从零开始。
And I’m not going to go into details of the nature of the security briefings that both candidates receive. What I will say is that they have been told these are classified briefings. And if they want to be President, they got to start acting like President, and that means being able to receive these briefings and not spread them around. Question: Are you worried about that? 我不会详细说明两位候选人收到的安全简报的性质。我要说的是，他们已经被告知这些是机密简报。如果他们想当总统，他们就得开始表现得像个总统，这意味着能够接收这些简报而不四处传播。问：您对此担心吗？
President Obama: Well, I think I’ve said enough on that. 奥巴马总统：嗯，我想我在这个问题上已经说得够多了。
Mary Bruce. Question: Thank you, Mr. President. What is your response to critics who say the $400 million in cash that you sent to Iran was a ransom payment? Was it really, simply a pure coincidence that a sum that was -- a payment that was held up for almost four decades was suddenly sent at the exact same time that the American prisoners were released? And can you assure the American people that none of that money went to support terrorism? 玛丽·布鲁斯。问：谢谢您，总统先生。批评者称您向伊朗运送的4亿美元现金是赎金，您对此有何回应？一笔被拖延了近四十年的款项突然在美国人质获释的同一时间支付，这真的只是纯粹的巧合吗？您能向美国人民保证这笔钱中没有一分钱被用于支持恐怖主义吗？
President Obama: Okay. It’s been interesting to watch this story surface. Some of you may recall we announced these payments in January -- many months ago. There wasn’t a secret. We announced them to all of you. Josh did a briefing on them. This wasn’t some nefarious deal. 奥巴马总统：好的。看着这个话题被炒起来挺有意思的。你们中有些人可能还记得我们在一月份就宣布了这些付款——好几个月前了。这不是什么秘密。我们向你们所有人都宣布了。乔什还就此做过简报。这不是什么邪恶的交易。
And at the time we explained that Iran had pressed a claim before an international tribunal about them recovering money of theirs that we had frozen; that, as a consequence of its working its way through the international tribunal, it was the assessment of our lawyers that we were now at a point where there was significant litigation risk and we could end up costing ourselves billions of dollars. It was their advice and suggestion that we settle. And that's what these payments represent. And it wasn’t a secret. We were completely open with everybody about it. 当时我们解释说，伊朗在一个国际法庭上提出索赔，要求追回我们冻结的他们的资金；随着案件在国际法庭的推进，我们的律师评估认为我们现在面临重大的诉讼风险，最终可能会损失数十亿美元。是他们建议我们和解的。这就是这些付款的由来。这不是秘密。我们对此完全公开透明。
And it’s interesting to me how suddenly this became a story again. That's point number one. 我觉得有意思的是，这怎么突然又成了新闻。这是第一点。
Point number two, we do not pay ransom for hostages. We've got a number of Americans being held all around the world. And I meet with their families, and it is heartbreaking. And we have stood up an entire section of interagency experts who devote all their time to working with these families to get these Americans out. 第二点，我们不支付人质赎金。我们有多名美国人在世界各地被扣押。我与他们的家人见过面，那令人心碎。我们已经组建了一整个跨机构专家团队，他们投入全部时间与这些家庭合作，帮助这些美国人获释。
But those families know that we have a policy that we don't pay ransom. And the notion that we would somehow start now in this high-profile way and announce it to the world -- even as we're looking into the faces of other hostage families whose loved ones are being held hostage and say to them that we don't pay ransom -- defies logic. So that's point number two. 但那些家人知道我们有不支付赎金的政策。认为我们会现在以这种高调的方式开始这么做并向全世界宣布——就在我们面对着其他人质家属，他们的亲人正被扣押，而我们对他们说我们不支付赎金——这种想法违背逻辑。这是第二点。
We do not pay ransom. We didn't here. And we don't -- we won’t in the future -- precisely because if we did, then we would start encouraging Americans to be targeted, much in the same way that some countries that do pay ransom end up having a lot more of their citizens being taken by various groups. 我们不支付赎金。这次我们没有。我们将来也不会——恰恰是因为如果我们这么做了，我们就会开始鼓励美国人成为目标，就像一些确实支付赎金的国家最终会有更多公民被各种组织绑架一样。
Point number three is that the timing of this was, in fact, dictated by the fact that as a consequence of us negotiating around the nuclear deal, we actually had diplomatic negotiations and conversations with Iran for the first time in several decades. So the issue is not so much that it was a coincidence as it is that we were able to have a direction discussion. 第三点是，这件事的时机实际上是由这样一个事实决定的：由于我们围绕核协议进行谈判，我们几十年来首次与伊朗进行了外交谈判和对话。所以问题不在于这是一个巧合，而在于我们得以进行直接的讨论。
John Kerry could meet with the foreign minister, which meant that our ability to clear accounts on a number of different issues at the same time converged. And it was important for us to take advantage of that opportunity both to deal with this litigation risk that had been raised -- it was important for us to make sure that we finished the job on the Iran nuclear deal -- and since we were in a conversation with them, it was important for us to be able to push them hard in getting these Americans out. 约翰·克里可以与外交部长会面，这意味着我们能够同时就多个不同问题清算账目。对我们来说，利用这个机会既处理已出现的诉讼风险——确保我们完成伊朗核协议的工作也很重要——而且既然我们正在与他们对话，我们就能够大力推动他们释放这些美国人，这也很重要。
And let me make a final point on this. It's now been well over a year since the agreement with Iran to stop its nuclear program was signed. And by all accounts, it has worked exactly the way we said it was going to work. You will recall that there were all these horror stories about how Iran was going to cheat, and this wasn't going to work, and Iran was going to get $150 billion to finance terrorism and all these kinds of scenarios. And none of them have come to pass. 让我就这一点再说最后一句。伊朗停止核计划的协议签署至今已经一年多了。各方都认为，协议的运作完全符合我们当初的预期。你们应该还记得，当时有各种可怕的预测，说伊朗会作弊，说这行不通，说伊朗会获得1500亿美元资助恐怖主义，等等诸如此类的情景。结果没有一个成真。
And it's not just the assessment of our intelligence community. It's the assessment of the Israeli military and intelligence community -- the country that was most opposed to this deal -- that acknowledges this has been a game-changer, and that Iran has abided by the deal, and that they no longer have the sort of short-term breakout capacity that would allow them to develop nuclear weapons. 这不仅是我们情报部门的评估。也是以色列军方和情报部门的评估——以色列是最反对这项协议的国家——他们承认这改变了游戏规则，伊朗遵守了协议，他们不再拥有那种能够发展核武器的短期突破能力。
So what I'm interested in is, if there's some news to be made, why not have some of these folks who were predicting disaster say, you know what, this thing actually worked? Now that would be a shock. That would be impressive, if some of these folks who had said the sky is falling suddenly said, you know what, we were wrong and we are glad that Iran no longer has the capacity to break out in short term and develop a nuclear weapon. But, of course, that wasn't going to happen. 所以我感兴趣的是，如果真有什么新闻可挖的话，为什么那些当初预测灾难的人不说一句，你知道吗，这事儿居然成了？那才会让人震惊。那才会让人印象深刻，如果那些曾经说天要塌下来的人突然说，你知道吗，我们错了，我们很高兴伊朗不再拥有短期内突破并发展核武器的能力。但当然，那是不可能发生的。
Instead, what we have is the manufacturing of outrage in a story that we disclosed in January. And the only bit of news that is relevant on this is the fact that we paid cash -- which brings me to my last point. The reason that we had to give them cash is precisely because we are so strict in maintaining sanctions and we do not have a banking relationship with Iran that we couldn't send them a check and we could not wire the money. 相反，我们看到的是，在一个我们一月份就已经公开的事情上，有人在制造愤慨。而唯一相关的新闻点是我们支付了现金——这引出了我的最后一点。我们之所以必须给他们现金，正是因为我们在维持制裁方面非常严格，我们与伊朗没有银行关系，所以我们不能给他们寄支票，也不能电汇资金。
And it is not at all clear to me why it is that cash, as opposed to a check or a wire transfer, has made this into a new story. Maybe because it kind of feels like some spy novel or some crime novel because cash was exchanged. 我完全不明白，为什么现金，而不是支票或电汇，会让这变成了一个新的新闻事件。也许是因为现金交易让人感觉像是某种间谍小说或犯罪小说里的情节。
The reason cash was exchanged is because we don't have a banking relationship with Iran -- which is precisely part of the pressure that we're able to apply to them so that they would ship a whole bunch of nuclear material out and close down a bunch of facilities that, as I remember, two years ago, three years ago, five years ago, was people's top fear and priority that we make sure Iran doesn't have breakout nuclear capacity. They don't. This worked. 之所以用现金交易，是因为我们与伊朗没有银行关系——而这恰恰是我们能够对他们施加压力的一部分，这样他们才会运出一大批核材料，关闭一大批设施。我记得两年前、三年前、五年前，人们最大的恐惧和优先事项就是确保伊朗不具备核突破能力。他们现在没有了。这奏效了。
Josh Lederman. 乔希·莱德曼。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. Repeatedly now, Donald Trump has said that this election will be rigged against him, challenging really the core foundation of our democratic system. Can you promise the American people that this election will be conducted in a fair way? And are you worried that comments like his could erode the public's faith in the outcome of the election? And if he does win, given that you have just declared him "unfit," what will you say to the American people? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。唐纳德·特朗普现在反复声称这次选举会被操纵，对他不利，这实际上是在挑战我们民主制度的核心基础。您能向美国人民承诺这次选举将以公平的方式进行吗？您是否担心像他这样的言论会削弱公众对选举结果的信心？如果他真的赢了，考虑到您刚刚宣布他"不适合"，您会对美国人民说什么？
President Obama: Well, at the end of the day, it's the American people's decision. I have one vote. I have the same vote you do. I have the vote that all the voters who are eligible all across the country have. I've offered my opinion, but ultimately it's the American people's decision to make collectively. And if somebody wins the election and they are President, then my constitutional responsibility is to peacefully transfer power to that individual and do everything I can to help them succeed. 奥巴马总统：归根结底，这是美国人民的决定。我只有一票。我和你的票一样。我和全国所有合格选民的票一样。我表达了我的观点，但最终这是美国人民集体做出的决定。如果有人赢得选举成为总统，那么我的宪法责任就是和平地将权力移交给那个人，并尽我所能帮助他们取得成功。
It is -- I don't even really know where to start on answering this question. Of course the elections will not be rigged. What does that mean? The federal government doesn't run the election process. States and cities and communities all across the country, they are the ones who set up the voting systems and the voting booths. And if Mr. Trump is suggesting that there is a conspiracy theory that is being propagated across the country, including in places like Texas, where typically it's not Democrats who are in charge of voting booths, that's ridiculous. That doesn't make any sense. 这个问题——我甚至真不知道从哪里开始回答。选举当然不会被操纵。那是什么意思？联邦政府不负责选举进程。是全国各地的州、城市和社区，他们负责建立投票系统和投票站。如果特朗普先生是在说全国范围内存在一个阴谋论，包括在得克萨斯州这样的地方——而通常负责投票站的不是民主党人——那太荒谬了。这完全说不通。
And I don't think anybody would take that seriously. 我不认为有人会当真。
Now, we do take seriously -- as we always do -- our responsibilities to monitor and preserve the integrity of the voting process. If we see signs that a voting machine or system is vulnerable to hacking, then we inform those local authorities who are running the elections that they need to be careful. If we see jurisdictions that are violating federal laws in terms of equal access and aren't providing ramps for disabled voters, or are discriminating in some fashion, or are otherwise violating civil rights laws, then the Justice Department will come in and take care of that. 现在，我们确实一如既往地认真对待我们监督和维护选举进程公正性的责任。如果我们发现投票机或系统存在被黑客攻击的迹象，我们会通知那些负责选举的地方当局，让他们小心。如果我们发现某些司法管辖区在平等准入方面违反联邦法律，没有为残疾选民提供坡道，或者以某种方式歧视，或者以其他方式违反民权法，那么司法部会介入处理。
But this will be an election like every other election. And I think all of us at some points in our lives have played sports or maybe just played in a schoolyard or a sandbox. And sometimes folks, if they lose, they start complaining that they got cheated. But I've never heard of somebody complaining about being cheated before the game was over, or before the score is even tallied. So my suggestion would be go out there and try to win the election. 但这次选举将和其他每次选举一样。我想我们所有人在人生的某个阶段都参加过体育运动，或者可能只是在校园或沙坑里玩过。有时候人们输了就开始抱怨被作弊了。但我从来没听说过有人在比赛还没结束、比分还没统计出来之前就抱怨被作弊了。所以我的建议是，去努力赢得选举吧。
If Mr. Trump is up 10 or 15 points on Election Day and ends up losing, then maybe he can raise some questions. That doesn’t seem to be the case at the moment. 如果特朗普先生在选举日领先10或15个百分点但最终输了，那也许他可以提出一些疑问。但目前看来不是这种情况。
Barbara Starr. 芭芭拉·斯塔尔。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. On the question of ISIS expansion that you've been talking about, because you see them expanding around the world, because you see them trying to inspire attacks, what is your current level of concern about the homeland? You talk about the protection measures, but what is your assessment about the possibility your own intelligence advisors suggest is possible about the direct ISIS threat to Americans? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。关于您一直在谈论的ISIS扩张问题，因为您看到他们在世界各地扩张，看到他们试图煽动袭击，您目前对本土安全的担忧程度如何？您谈到了保护措施，但您自己的情报顾问认为可能存在的ISIS对美国人的直接威胁，您的评估是什么？
And if I may follow up somewhat along the same lines, what is your assessment today as you stand here about whether Donald Trump can be trusted with America's nuclear weapons? 如果我可以沿着同样的思路追问一下，您今天站在这里，对唐纳德·特朗普是否值得信任来掌管美国的核武器有何评估？
President Obama: On your second question -- and I'll sort of address this to any additional Trump questions -- I would ask all of you to just make your own judgment. I've made this point already multiple times. Just listen to what Mr. Trump has to say and make your own judgment with respect to how confident you feel about his ability to manage things like our nuclear triad. 奥巴马总统：关于你的第二个问题——我也会对任何其他关于特朗普的问题这样回应——我想请你们所有人自己做出判断。我已经多次表明这一点了。只要听听特朗普先生说的话，然后自己判断，你对他管理我们的核三位一体这样的事情的能力有多大信心。
Question: With respect, sir, it suggests that you're not confident. 问：恕我直言，先生，这表明您没有信心。
President Obama: Well, as I recall, I just answered a question about this a couple days ago and I thought I made myself pretty clear. And I don’t want to just keep on repeating it, or a variation on it. I obviously have a very strong opinion about the two candidates who are running here. One is very positive and one is not so much. And I think that you will just hear -- any further questions that are directed at this subject I think you'll hear pretty much variations on the same theme. 奥巴马总统：嗯，我记得几天前我刚回答过一个关于这个的问题，我以为我已经说得很清楚了。我不想一直重复，或者换个说法再说一遍。显然，我对这里的两位候选人有非常强烈的看法。一位非常正面，一位则不那么正面。我想你们会听到的——任何关于这个话题的进一步提问，我认为你们听到的基本上都是同一个主题的不同说法。
What I can say is that this is serious business. And the person who is in the Oval Office and who our Secretary of Defense and our Joint Chiefs of Staff and our outstanding men and women in uniform report to, they are counting on somebody who has the temperament and good judgment to be able to make decisions to keep America safe. And that should be very much on the minds of voters when they go into the voting booth in November. 我能说的是，这是一件严肃的事情。坐在椭圆形办公室里的人，我们的国防部长、参谋长联席会议主席以及我们杰出的男女军人都要向其汇报的人，他们指望的是一个有足够定力和良好判断力的人，能够做出保护美国安全的决定。选民们在11月走进投票站时，这一点应该牢牢地记在他们心里。
In terms of the threat that ISIL poses to the homeland, I think it is serious. We take it seriously. And as I said earlier, precisely because they are less concerned about big, spectacular 9/11-style attacks, because they've seen the degree of attention they can get with smaller-scale attacks using small arms or assault rifles, or, in the case of Nice, France, a truck, the possibility of either a lone actor or a small cell carrying out an attack that kills people is real. 关于ISIL对本土构成的威胁，我认为是严重的。我们认真对待。正如我之前所说，正因为他们不太关心9/11式的大规模、轰动性袭击，因为他们已经看到，使用小型武器或突击步枪进行的小规模袭击，或者在法国尼斯那样用卡车进行的袭击，能获得多大的关注度，所以独狼或小型细胞实施袭击造成人员死亡的可能性是真实存在的。
And that's why our intelligence and law enforcement and military officials are working around the clock to try to anticipate potential attacks, to obtain the threads of people who might be vulnerable to brainwashing by ISIL. We are constrained here in the United States to carry out this work in a way that's consistent with our laws and presumptions of innocence. And the fact that we prevent a lot of these attacks as effectively as we do, without a lot of fanfare and abiding by our law, is a testament to the incredible work that these folks are doing. They work really hard at it. 这就是为什么我们的情报、执法和军事官员夜以继日地工作，试图预判潜在的袭击，追踪可能容易被ISIL洗脑的人的线索。在美国，我们受到约束，必须以符合我们法律和无罪推定的方式开展这项工作。而我们在没有大肆宣扬、遵守法律的情况下，如此有效地阻止了大量此类袭击，这证明了这些人正在做的非凡工作。他们真的很努力。
But it is always a risk. 但风险始终存在。
And some of you may have read the article in The New York Times today -- I guess it came out last night online -- about this individual in Germany who had confessed and given himself up, and then explained his knowledge of how ISIL’s networks worked. 你们中有些人可能读过今天《纽约时报》的文章——我想是昨晚在网上发布的——关于德国的一个人，他自首并供认了，然后解释了他所了解的ISIL网络的运作方式。
There was a paragraph in there that some may have caught, which we don't know for a fact that this is true, but according to this reporting, the individual indicated that ISIL recognizes it’s harder to get its operatives into the United States, but the fact that we have what he referred to as “open gun laws” meant that anybody, as long as they didn't have a criminal record that barred them from purchase, could go in and buy weapons -- that made sort of a homegrown extremist strategy more attractive to them. 里面有一段有些人可能注意到了，我们不确定这是否属实，但根据这篇报道，这个人表示ISIL承认将其特工渗透到美国更难，但我们有他所谓的"宽松的枪支法律"意味着任何人，只要没有犯罪记录阻止他们购买枪支，就可以进去买武器——这使得本土极端主义策略对他们更有吸引力。
And those are the hardest to stop because, by definition, if somebody doesn't have a record, if it’s not triggering something, it means that anticipating their actions becomes that much more difficult. 而这些是最难阻止的，因为根据定义，如果某人没有犯罪记录，如果没有触发什么预警，那就意味着预判他们的行动变得更加困难。
And this is why the military strategy that we have in Syria and Iraq is necessary, but it is not sufficient. We have to do a better job of disrupting networks. And those networks are more active in Europe than they are here. But we don't know what we don't know, and so it’s conceivable that there are some networks here that could be activated. But we also have to get to the messaging that can reach a troubled individual over the Internet and do a better job of disrupting that. 这就是为什么我们在叙利亚和伊拉克的军事战略是必要的，但还不够。我们必须更好地瓦解网络。那些网络在欧洲比在这里更活跃。但我们不知道我们不知道的事情，所以这里也可能存在一些可以被激活的网络。但我们还必须解决那些能够通过互联网影响到问题个体的信息传播问题，更好地加以干扰。
And what I’ve told my team is that, although we've been working on this now for five, six, seven years, we've got to put more resources into it. This can't be an afterthought. It’s something that we have to really focus on. 我告诉我的团队的是，虽然我们已经在这方面工作了五、六、七年，但我们必须投入更多资源。这不能是事后才想到的事情。这是我们必须真正专注的事情。
This is also why how we work with the Muslim American community, the values that we affirm about their patriotism and their sacrifice and our fellow feeling with them is so important. One of the reasons that we don’t have networks and cells that are as active here as they are in certain parts of Europe is because the Muslim American community in this country is extraordinarily patriotic and largely successful, and fights in our military, and serves as our doctors and our nurses, and there are communities in which they are raising their kids with love of country and a rejection of violence. 这也是为什么我们如何与穆斯林裔美国人社区合作，我们如何肯定他们的爱国精神和牺牲，以及我们对他们的同胞情谊是如此重要。我们这里没有像欧洲某些地区那样活跃的网络和细胞，原因之一就是这个国家的穆斯林裔美国人社区非常爱国，大体上很成功，他们在我们的军队中服役，担任我们的医生和护士，在很多社区里，他们怀着对国家的热爱和对暴力的拒斥抚养孩子。
And that has to be affirmed consistently. And if we screw that up, then we’re going to have bigger problems. 这一点必须得到持续的肯定。如果我们搞砸了，我们就会有更大的麻烦。
Gregory Korte of USA Today. 《今日美国》的格雷戈里·科特。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. Yesterday, you commuted the sentences of 214 federal inmates. It was the largest single-day grant of commutations in the history of the American presidency. So I wanted to ask you a couple of questions about your clemency thought process. 问：谢谢您，总统先生。昨天，您减刑了214名联邦囚犯的刑期。这是美国总统历史上单日减刑人数最多的一次。所以我想问几个关于您减刑思路的问题。
One is, you’ve talked about this as low-level drug offenders who got mandatory minimum sentences, but about a quarter of the commutations you’ve made also had firearms offenses. Given your overall philosophy on firearms, can you reconcile that for us? And given that previously in your presidency you had sent a memo to the Office of Pardon Attorney saying there was sort of a predisposition against firearms to be granted clemency, why did you change your mind on that? 一个问题是，您曾说这些是被判强制性最低刑期的低级毒品犯，但您批准的减刑中约有四分之一还涉及枪支犯罪。考虑到您在枪支问题上的整体理念，您能为我们解释一下这一点吗？另外，在您总统任期早些时候，您曾向赦免检察官办公室发送过一份备忘录，说在批准减刑时对枪支犯罪有某种倾向于否决的态度，您为什么改变了主意？
Also, the other side of the ledger here is pardons. You’ve granted more commutations than any President since Calvin Coolidge. You’ve granted fewer pardons than any two-term President since John Adams. Why is that? Is the focus on commutations taking energy away from pardons, especially since these are -- you’ve talked about second chances; a full pardon would give people a better chance at those second chances. 另外，另一方面是特赦。您减刑的人数比卡尔文·柯立芝以来的任何一位总统都多。您特赦的人数比约翰·亚当斯以来任何一位两届任期的总统都少。为什么会这样？是不是对减刑的关注分散了特赦的精力？特别是既然——您谈到了第二次机会；完全的特赦会给人们更好的机会获得第二次机会。
President Obama: Good. 奥巴马总统：好的。
Question: And then finally, just one other thing on pardons. Many of your predecessors in the final days of their presidency have saved -- reserved that for their more politically sensitive pardons. Should we expect you to do that? Or would you rule that out? Thanks. 问：最后，还有一件关于特赦的事。您的许多前任在总统任期的最后几天，都会把更具政治敏感性的特赦留到那个时候。我们应该预期您也会这么做吗？还是您会排除这种可能？谢谢。
President Obama: Okay. I appreciate the question, Gregory, because I haven’t had a chance to talk about this much and this is an effort that I’m really proud of. 奥巴马总统：好的。我很感谢这个问题，格雷戈里，因为我还没有太多机会谈论这件事，而这是一项我非常自豪的工作。
It is my view, shared by Democrats and Republicans alike in many quarters, that as successful as we’ve been in reducing crime in this country, the extraordinary rate of incarceration of nonviolent offenders has created its own set of problems that are devastating. Entire communities have been ravaged where largely men, but some women, are taken out of those communities. Kids are now growing up without parents. It perpetuates a cycle of poverty and disorder in their lives. 我的观点是——这在很多方面也是民主党人和共和党人共同的看法——尽管我们在降低这个国家的犯罪率方面取得了成功，但非暴力罪犯的极高监禁率本身也造成了一系列毁灭性的问题。整个社区都受到了摧残，在那些社区里，主要是男性，但也有一些女性，被从社区中带走。孩子们在没有父母的情况下长大。这在他们的生活中延续了一个贫困和混乱的循环。
It is disproportionately young men of color that are being arrested at higher rates, charged and convicted at higher rates, and imprisoned for longer sentences. 不成比例的是，有色人种的年轻男性被逮捕的比率更高，被起诉和定罪的比率更高，被判处的刑期也更长。
And so ultimately, the fix on this is criminal justice reform. And I still hold out hope that the bipartisan effort that’s taking place in Congress can finish the job and we can have a criminal justice system, at least at the federal level, that is both smart on crime, effective on crime, but recognizes the need for proportionality in sentencing and the need to rehabilitate those who commit crimes. 所以归根结底，解决这个问题的办法是刑事司法改革。我仍然抱有希望，国会中正在进行的两党合作努力能够完成这项工作，这样我们就能拥有一个至少在联邦层面上既对犯罪明智、对犯罪有效，又认识到量刑比例性和改造罪犯必要性的刑事司法体系。
But even as that slow process of criminal justice reform goes forward, what I wanted to see is we could reinvigorate the pardon process and commutation process that had become stalled over the course of several years -- partly because it’s politically risky. You commute somebody and they commit a crime, and the politics of it are tough. And everybody remembers the Willie Horton ad. 但即使在刑事司法改革的缓慢进程推进的同时，我想看到的是，我们能够重振已经停滞了好几年的特赦和减刑程序——部分原因是这在政治上有风险。你给某人减刑，结果他又犯了罪，那政治后果就很严峻。每个人都记得威利·霍顿的广告。
And so the bias I think of my predecessors and, frankly, a number of my advisors early in my presidency is, be careful about that. But I thought it was very important for us to send a clear message that we believe in the principles behind criminal justice reform even if ultimately we need legislation. 所以我认为我的前任们，以及坦率地说我总统任期早期的许多顾问，都倾向于对此谨慎小心。但我认为，向外界传递一个明确的信息非常重要：我们相信刑事司法改革背后的原则，即使最终我们需要立法。
So we have focused more on commutations than we have on pardons. I would argue, Gregory, that by the time I leave office, the number of pardons that we grant will be roughly in line with what other Presidents have done. But standing up this commutations process has required a lot of effort and a lot of energy, and it’s not like we got a new slug of money to do it. So you’ve got limited resources. The primary job of the Justice Department is to prevent crime and to convict those who have committed crimes and to keep the American people safe. 所以我们更专注于减刑而非特赦。格雷戈里，我认为，到我卸任时，我们批准的特赦数量将与其他总统的做法大致相当。但建立这个减刑程序需要大量的努力和精力，而且我们并没有得到一笔新的资金来做这件事。所以资源是有限的。司法部的首要工作是预防犯罪、定罪罪犯和保护美国人民的安全。
And that means that you’ve had this extraordinary and Herculean effort by a lot of people inside the Justice Department to go above and beyond what they’re doing to also review these petitions that have been taking place. And we’ve been able to get bar organizations around the country to participate, to kind of screen and help people apply. 这意味着，司法部内部的许多人付出了非凡的、艰巨的努力，在他们的本职工作之外，还要额外审查这些不断涌来的申请。我们还动员了全国各地的律师协会参与进来，进行筛选并帮助人们申请。
And what we -- the main criteria that I’ve tried to set is if under today’s laws -- because there have been changes in how we charge nonviolent drug offenses -- if under today’s charges, their sentences would be substantially lower than the charges that they received, if they got a life sentence but a U.S. 我们——我试图设定的主要标准是，如果按照今天的法律——因为我们对非暴力毒品犯罪的起诉方式已经发生了变化——如果按照今天的指控，他们的刑期会远远低于他们当初所受的判决，如果他们被判了无期徒刑，但联邦检察官
attorney or the Justice Department indicates that today they’d be likely to get 20 years and they’ve already served 25, then what we try to do is to screen through and find those individuals who have paid their debt to society, that have behaved themselves and tried to reform themselves while incarcerated, and we think have a good chance of being able to use that second chance well. 或司法部表示，按照今天的标准他们可能只会被判20年，而他们已经服了25年，那么我们就会努力筛选出那些已经向社会偿清了债务、在狱中表现良好并努力改过自新的人，我们认为他们有很大的可能善用第二次机会。
On the firearms issue, what I've done is to try to screen out folks who seem to have a propensity for violence. And so -- and these are just hypotheticals, but there may be a situation where a kid at 18 was a member of a gang, had a firearm, did not use it in the offense that he was charged in, there's no evidence that he used it in any violence offense, it's still a firearms charge in enhancement, but he didn't use it. 关于枪支问题，我所做的是努力排除那些似乎有暴力倾向的人。所以——这些都只是假设——可能会有这样一种情况：一个孩子18岁时是帮派成员，持有枪支，但在他被指控的罪行中没有使用枪支，没有证据表明他在任何暴力犯罪中使用过枪支，这仍然是一项加重的枪支指控，但他没有使用过。
He's now 48 -- or 38, 20 years later, and has a unblemished prison record, has gone back to school, gotten his GED, has gone through drug treatment, has the support of the original judge that presided, the support of the U.S. attorney that charged him, support of the warden, has a family that loves him. And in that situation, the fact that he had 20 years early an enhancement because he had a firearm is different than a situation where somebody has engaged in armed robbery and shot somebody. In those cases, that is still something that I'm concerned about. 他现在48岁——或者38岁，20年过去了，在狱中记录清白，重新上学，获得了普通教育发展证书，完成了戒毒治疗，得到了最初主审法官的支持，起诉他的联邦检察官的支持，典狱长的支持，有一个爱他的家庭。在那种情况下，他20年前因为持有枪支而被加刑，与那些实施武装抢劫并开枪伤人的情况是不同的。在后一种情况下，那仍然是我所担忧的。
Our focus really has been on people who we think were overcharged and people who we do not believe have a propensity towards violence. 我们的重点确实是那些我们认为被过度起诉的人，以及那些我们认为没有暴力倾向的人。
And in terms of your last question about sort of last-minute pardons that are granted, the process that I put in place is not going to vary depending on how close I get to the election. So it's going to be reviewed by the pardon attorney, it will be reviewed by my White House counsel, and I'm going to, as best as I can, make these decisions based on the merits, as opposed to political considerations. 关于你最后一个问题，也就是最后时刻的特赦，我建立的程序不会因为我离大选有多近而改变。所以这些申请将由赦免检察官审查，由我的白宫法律顾问审查，我将尽我所能，根据是非曲直做出决定，而不是基于政治考虑。
And finally, Jim Miklaszewski is retiring after 30 years at NBC. He has done an outstanding job, mostly covering the Department of Defense. This may be my last press conference here, so I just wanted to thank Jim for the extraordinary career that he's had and the great job that he's done. And he gets the last question. 最后，吉姆·米克拉谢夫斯基在NBC工作了30年后即将退休。他一直做得非常出色，主要报道国防部。这可能是我在这里的最后一次记者会，所以我只想感谢吉姆非凡的职业生涯和他所做的出色工作。他来问最后一个问题。
Question: Thank you very much, Mr. President. 问：非常感谢您，总统先生。
President Obama: You bet. 奥巴马总统：不客气。
Question: First, back to ISIS and Iran and Syria. Your very own national counterterrorism operation has found that despite all of the decisive defeats that the U.S. and coalition have dealt ISIS on the battlefield, that they've expanded their threat worldwide to include as many as 18 operational bases. In the six years you've been dealing, do you feel any personal disappointment that there hasn't been more progress? And in any discussions you've had with the U.S. military and your intelligence agencies, have you come up with any new ideas on how to deal or defeat ISIS? 问：首先，回到ISIS、伊朗和叙利亚的问题。您自己的国家反恐行动部门发现，尽管美国和联军在战场上给了ISIS一系列决定性打击，但他们已经将威胁扩展到全球，拥有多达18个行动基地。在您处理这个问题的六年里，您是否因为没有取得更大进展而感到个人失望？在您与美国军方和情报机构的讨论中，您有没有想出任何应对或击败ISIS的新想法？
President Obama: Every time there is a terrorist attack I feel disappointment because I'd like to prevent all of them. And that's true not just when the attacks are in Europe or in the United States. When you read stories about attacks in Lebanon or Iraq or Afghanistan or distant parts of the world that don't get as much attention, they get my attention because that's somebody's kid and that's somebody's mom and that's somebody who was just going about his business, and mindlessly, senselessly, this person was murdered. 奥巴马总统：每次发生恐怖袭击我都感到失望，因为我希望阻止所有袭击。不仅是在欧洲或美国发生的袭击让我有这种感觉。当你读到黎巴嫩、伊拉克、阿富汗或世界上那些不太受关注的偏远地区发生的袭击时，它们也会引起我的关注，因为那是某个人的孩子，某个人的母亲，某个人只是在过自己的日子，却被这个人毫无理智、毫无道理地杀害了。
So I haven't gotten numb to it. It bugs me whenever it happens and wherever it happens. And we are constantly pushing ourselves to see are there additional ideas that we can deploy to defeat this threat. 所以我并没有变得麻木。无论何时何地发生这种事，我都感到痛心。我们一直在鞭策自己，看看还有什么新的办法可以用来击败这一威胁。
Now, it is important that we recognize terrorism as a tactic has been around for a long time. And if you look at the '70s or the '80s or the '90s, there was some terrorist activity somewhere in the world that was brutal. And as much as I would like to say that during my eight-year presidency we could have eliminated terrorism completely, it's not surprising that that hasn't happened and I don't expect that will happen under the watch of my successors. 现在，重要的是我们要认识到，恐怖主义作为一种战术已经存在了很长时间。如果你看看70年代、80年代或90年代，世界上某个地方总会有一些野蛮的恐怖活动。尽管我很想说在我八年的总统任期内我们可以彻底消除恐怖主义，但这没有发生并不令人惊讶，我也不指望我的继任者任期内会发生。
I do think that because of our extraordinary efforts, the homeland is significantly safer than it otherwise would be. Now, in some ways this is arguing the counterfactuals, but the attacks we prevent I take great satisfaction in, and I am grateful for the extraordinary work that our teams do. I don't think there's any doubt that had we not destroyed al Qaeda in the FATA that more Americans would have been killed, and we might have seen more attacks like we saw on 9/11. 我确实认为，由于我们的非凡努力，本土比原本安全了很多。在某些方面这是在论证反事实，但我对我们阻止的那些袭击感到非常欣慰，我对我们的团队所做的非凡工作心怀感激。我毫不怀疑，如果我们没有在联邦直辖部落地区摧毁基地组织，会有更多美国人丧生，我们可能会看到更多像9/11那样的袭击。
And we have maintained vigilance, recognizing that those threats still remain, those aspirations in the minds of these folks still remain, but it is much harder for them to carry out large-scale attacks like that than it used to be. 我们一直保持警惕，认识到这些威胁仍然存在，这些人心中的抱负仍然存在，但他们现在要实施那样的大规模袭击比以前困难得多。
What we have seen is that these lower-level attacks carried out by fewer operatives or an individual with less sophisticated and less expensive weapons can do real damage. 我们看到的是，这些由更少的武装分子或个人使用较不复杂、成本较低的武器实施的较低级别袭击，却能造成真正的伤害。
And that, I think, points to the need for us to not just have a military strategy, not just have a traditional counterterrorism strategy that's designed to bust up networks and catch folks before they carry out their attacks -- although those still are necessary, and we have to be more and more sophisticated about how we carry those out, it still requires us to have much greater cooperation with our partners around the world. 而这，我认为，表明我们不仅需要军事战略，不仅需要旨在摧毁网络、在人们实施袭击前抓住他们的传统反恐战略——尽管这些仍然是必要的，而且我们必须越来越成熟老练地实施这些战略，它还要求我们与世界各地的伙伴开展更多合作。
But it points to the fact that we're going to have to do a better job in draining the ideology that is behind these attacks, that right now is emanating largely out of the Middle East and a very small fraction of the Muslim world a perversion of Islam that has taken root and has been turbocharged over the Internet, and that is appealing to even folks who don’t necessarily know anything about Islam and aren’t even practicing Islam in any serious way, but have all kinds of psychosis and latch on to this as some way of being important and magnifying themselves. 但它也指向这样一个事实：我们将不得不更好地从根源上消除这些袭击背后的意识形态。这种意识形态目前主要从中东散发出来，来自穆斯林世界中极小一部分人对伊斯兰教的歪曲，这种歪曲已经扎根并通过互联网被放大了，它甚至吸引了那些不一定对伊斯兰教有任何了解、甚至不认真信奉伊斯兰教的人，但他们有各种各样的心理问题，把这当作某种让自己显得重要、抬高自己的方式。
And that's tougher because that involves both changes in geopolitics in places like Syria. It requires cultural changes in regions like the Middle East and North Africa that are going through generational changes and shifts as the old order collapses. It requires psychology and thinking about how do these messages of hate reach individuals and are there ways in which we can intervene ahead of time. And all that work is being done. And we've got the very best people at it, and each day they're making a difference in saving lives -- not just here, but around the world. 而这更加困难，因为这既涉及叙利亚等地的地缘政治变化，也需要中东和北非等地区的文化变革——这些地区正经历着世代变迁和转型，旧秩序正在崩塌。这需要心理学的研究，需要思考这些仇恨信息是如何触达个人的，以及我们有没有办法提前干预。所有这些工作都在进行中。我们有最优秀的人才在做这件事，每天他们都在拯救生命——不仅在这里，而且在世界各地——发挥着作用。
But it's a challenge precisely because if you're successful 99 percent of the time, that 1 percent can still mean heartbreak for families. And it's difficult because in a country, let's say, of 300 million people here in the United States, if 99.9 percent of people are immune from this hateful ideology but one-tenth of 1 percent are susceptible to it, that's a lot of dangerous people running around. And we can't always anticipate them ahead of time because they may not have criminal records. So this is going to be a challenge. 但这之所以是一个挑战，恰恰是因为即使你99%的时间都成功了，那1%仍然可能意味着家庭的心碎。这很困难，因为在一个比如有3亿人口的国家，在美国，如果99.9%的人对这种仇恨意识形态免疫，但只有千分之一的人容易受其影响，那也会有很多危险的人在四处游荡。我们不可能总是提前预判到他们，因为他们可能没有犯罪记录。所以这将是一个挑战。
I just want to end on the point that I made earlier. How we react to this is as important as the efforts we take to destroy ISIL, prevent these networks from penetrating. You can't separate those two things out. The reason it's called terrorism, as opposed to just a standard war, is that these are weak enemies that can't match us in conventional power, but what they can do is make us scared. And when societies get scared, they can react in ways that undermine the fabric of our society. 我只想以我之前提出的一点来结束。我们如何应对这一切，与我们为摧毁ISIL、防止这些网络渗透所做的努力同样重要。这两者是分不开的。恐怖主义之所以被称为恐怖主义，而不是普通的战争，是因为这些是弱小的敌人，他们无法在常规力量上与我们匹敌，但他们能做的是让我们感到恐惧。而当社会感到恐惧时，它们可能会以破坏我们社会结构的方式做出反应。
It makes us weaker and makes us more vulnerable, and creates politics that divide us in ways that hurt us over the long term. 这会让我们变得更弱，更容易受到伤害，并制造出分裂我们的政治，从长远来看伤害我们。
And so if we remain steady and steadfast and vigilant, but also take the long view and maintain perspective and remind ourselves of who we are and what we care about most deeply, and what we cherish and what's good about this country, and what's good about the international order and civilization that was built in part because of the sacrifices of our men and women after a 20th century full of world war -- if we remember that, then we're going to be okay. 因此，如果我们保持坚定、坚定不移和警惕，同时也着眼长远，保持洞察力，提醒我们自己我们是谁，我们最珍视的是什么，我们珍惜什么，这个国家的优点是什么，以及国际秩序和文明的优点是什么——而这种秩序和文明的建立部分要归功于我们的男女军人在经历了一个充满世界大战的20世纪之后所做出的牺牲——如果我们记住这一点，我们就会没事的。
But we're still going to see, episodically, these kinds of tragedies, and we're going to have to keep working on until we make things better. 但我们仍然会不时地看到这类悲剧，我们将不得不继续努力，直到我们让事情变得更好。
Question: If I may, Mr. President -- 问：总统先生，我可以再问一个问题吗——
President Obama: You may only because this is your retirement. 奥巴马总统：你可以问，只是因为这是你退休的日子。
Question: I was hoping you'd -- 问：我就知道您会——
President Obama: But I hope it's not too long because -- 奥巴马总统：但我希望别太长，因为——
Question: No, no -- 问：不会，不会——
President Obama: -- I'm going to be late for my birthday dinner. 奥巴马总统：——我生日晚宴要迟到了。
Question: You alluded earlier to the negotiations between the U.S. and Russia over some military-to-military cooperation in Syria against some of the militant forces there, presumably in exchange for whatever Russian influence could be imposed on the Assad regime for a variety of reasons. Now, I’m sure you're not surprised that some in the military are not supportive of that deal. Some European allies think it would be a deal with the devil. What makes you so confident that you can trust the Russians and Vladimir Putin? 问：您之前提到了美俄之间就在叙利亚进行某种军事对军事合作以打击那里的一些武装力量的谈判，大概是为了换取俄罗斯能对阿萨德政权施加的各种影响。现在，我相信您对军方一些人不支持这项协议并不感到惊讶。一些欧洲盟友认为这是与魔鬼做交易。是什么让您如此有信心可以信任俄罗斯人和弗拉基米尔·普京？
President Obama: I’m not confident that we can trust the Russians and Vladimir Putin, which is why we have to test whether or not we can get an actual Cessation of Hostilities that includes an end to the kinds of aerial bombing and civilian death and destruction that we've seen carried out by the Assad regime. And Russia may not be able to get there either because they don't want to or because they don't have sufficient influence over Assad. And that's what we're going to test. 奥巴马总统：我并不相信我们可以信任俄罗斯人和弗拉基米尔·普京，这就是为什么我们必须测试我们能否实现真正的停火，包括结束我们所看到的阿萨德政权实施的那种空袭和造成平民死亡与破坏的行为。而俄罗斯可能也做不到这一点，要么是因为他们不想，要么是因为他们对阿萨德没有足够的影响力。这就是我们要测试的。
So we go into this without any blinders on. We're very clear that Russia has been willing to support a murderous regime and an individual, in Assad, who has destroyed his country just to cling on to power. What started with peaceful protests has led to a shattering of an entire pretty advanced society. And so whenever you're trying to broker any kind of deal with an individual like that, or a country like that, you got to go in there with some skepticism. 所以我们是不带任何幻想地参与这件事的。我们非常清楚，俄罗斯一直愿意支持一个凶残的政权和阿萨德这个人——他为了保住权力不惜摧毁自己的国家。最初的和平抗议最终导致了整个相当先进的社会的破碎。所以每当你试图与那样的人或那样的国家达成任何协议时，你都必须带着一些怀疑态度去谈。
On the other hand, if we are able to get a genuine Cessation of Hostilities that prevents indiscriminate bombing, that protects civilians, that allows humanitarian access and creates some sort of pathway to begin the hard work of political negotiations inside of Syria, then we have to try -- because the alternative is a perpetuation of civil war. 另一方面，如果我们能够实现真正的停火，防止不分青红皂白的轰炸，保护平民，允许人道主义援助进入，并为叙利亚国内开始政治谈判的艰难工作创造某种途径，那么我们就必须尝试——因为替代方案是内战的延续。
I’ve been wrestling with this now for a lot of years. I am pretty confident that a big chunk of my gray hair comes out of my Syria meetings. And there is not a meeting that I don't end by saying is there something else we could be doing that we haven’t thought of. Is there a plan F, G, H that we think would lead to a resolution of this issue so that the Syrian people can put their lives back together and we can bring peace and relieve the refugee crisis that's taken place. 我已经为这个问题苦苦思索了很多年。我相当确信，我的白发很大一部分来自叙利亚问题的会议。每次会议结束时我都会问，还有什么我们能做但还没想到的吗？有没有一个F计划、G计划、H计划，我们认为可以解决这个问题，让叙利亚人民能够重建生活，让我们实现和平，缓解已经发生的难民危机。
And the options are limited when you have a civil war like this, when you have a ruler who doesn't care about his people, when you've got terrorist organizations that are brutal and would impose their own kind of dictatorship on people, and you have a moderate opposition and ordinary civilians who are often outgunned and outmanned. And that's a very difficult situation to deal with. But we've got to give it a chance. 当你面对这样一场内战时，当你有一个不在乎人民的统治者时，当你有残暴的恐怖组织，他们会把自己的独裁强加给人民时，当你还有温和派反对派和普通平民，而他们往往火力不足、人数不足时，选择是有限的。这是一个非常难以应对的局面。但我们必须试一试。
There are going to be some bottom lines that we expect for us to cooperate with Russia beyond the sort of de-confliction that we're currently doing. And that means restraint on the part of the regime that so far has not been forthcoming. 对于我们与俄罗斯的合作，除了目前正在进行的那种冲突协调之外，我们还有一些底线要求。这意味着政权方面必须保持克制，而到目前为止这种克制还没有出现。
Early on in this version of the Cessation of Hostilities, we probably saw some lives saved and some lessening of violence. The violations of this cessation have grown to the point where it just barely exists, particularly up in the northwestern part of the country. So we're going to test and see if we can get something that sticks. And if not, then Russia will have shown itself very clearly to be an irresponsible actor on the world stage that is supporting a murderous regime and will have to answer to that on the international stage. 在这一版停火协议的初期，我们可能确实挽救了一些生命，暴力也有所减轻。但对停火的违反已经到了几乎名存实亡的地步，尤其是在该国的西北部地区。所以我们要测试一下，看看我们能否达成一个能持续的协议。如果不能，那么俄罗斯将非常清楚地表明自己是国际舞台上一个不负责任的角色，支持一个凶残的政权，并将不得不为此在国际上承担责任。
All right? Thank you very much, everybody. 好了？谢谢大家。