President Obama: Please be seated, everybody. Good afternoon. 奥巴马总统：请各位就座。下午好。
Arne Duncan is one of my longest-serving Cabinet Secretaries, and he’s been a friend for a lot longer than that. So it’s with some regret and sorrow that I’ve accepted his decision to return to our hometown of Chicago. After more than six years of living in Washington, Arne’s wonderful wife, Karen, and their excellent kids, Claire and Ryan -- who are also buddies of mine -- wanted to move back home. And that’s meant in the interim a lot of time apart. 阿恩·邓肯是我任职时间最长的内阁部长之一，而他作为我的朋友时间更长。所以，带着一些遗憾和悲伤，我接受了他返回我们家乡芝加哥的决定。在华盛顿生活了六年多之后，阿恩出色的妻子凯伦，以及他们优秀的孩子克莱尔和瑞安——他们也是我的好朋友——想搬回家。这意味着在此期间有很多分离的时光。
So I’ll be honest -- I pushed Arne to stay. Sorry, guys. But I also know from personal experience how hard it is to be away from your family on a sustained basis. So while I will miss Arne deeply, he’s more than earned the right to return home. 所以老实说——我曾努力挽留阿恩。抱歉，各位。但我也从个人经历中知道，长期远离家人是多么艰难。所以虽然我会非常想念阿恩，但他完全有权利回家。
Take a look at what Arne has accomplished over the last six and a half years. He’s one of the longest-serving Secretaries of Education in our history -- and one of the more consequential. In just a few years, Arne and his team have delivered some incredible results at every stage of the educational experience. More than 30 states have upped their investment in early childhood education. Nearly every state in America has raised standards for teaching and learning, and expectations for what our kids can learn, and our high school graduation rate is at an all-time high. 看看阿恩在过去六年半里取得的成就吧。他是我们历史上任职时间最长的教育部长之一——也是最有影响力的之一。在短短几年里，阿恩和他的团队在教育的每个阶段都取得了令人难以置信的成果。30多个州增加了对幼儿教育的投入。几乎美国每个州都提高了教学标准，提高了对我们孩子学习能力的期望，我们的高中毕业率也创下了历史新高。
We’ve helped millions more families afford college, and more Americans are graduating from college than ever before. And that’s just scratching the surface. 我们帮助了数百万更多家庭负担得起大学费用，比以往任何时候都有更多美国人从大学毕业。而这还只是冰山一角。
Arne has done more to bring our educational system -- sometimes kicking and screaming -- into the 21st century than anybody else. America is going to be better off for what he has done. It's going to be more competitive and more prosperous. It is going to be more equal and more upwardly mobile. It’s a record that I truly believe no other Education Secretary can match. 阿恩在推动我们的教育体系进入21世纪方面做得比任何人都多——尽管有时这个体系是被连踢带拽地往前走。美国将因他所做的一切而变得更好。它将更具竞争力、更加繁荣。它将更加平等，更具向上流动性。我真心相信没有任何一位教育部长能与之匹敌。
Arne bleeds this stuff. He cares so much about our kids. And he's been so passionate about this work. And everybody who interacts with him, including people who disagree with him on some issues, never questions the genuineness and heart that he has brought to this job. 阿恩全身心投入这份事业。他非常关心我们的孩子。他对这项工作充满热情。每一个与他打过交道的人，包括在某些问题上与他意见相左的人，都从不质疑他为这份工作带来的真诚和用心。
So I couldn't be prouder of him. And, for good measure, Arne also holds the record for most points scored in an NBA All-Star game. And he is my favorite partner in pickup basketball -- the smartest player I know -- even though he’s very slow -- and has no hops. He knows it's true. I will say, watching Ryan, by the way, that the son will soon be surpassing the father because this young man has got game. 所以我为他感到无比骄傲。另外，阿恩还保持着NBA全明星赛得分最高的纪录。他是我打篮球最喜欢的搭档——是我认识的最聪明的球员——尽管他速度很慢——而且弹跳不行。他知道这是真的。顺便说一句，看着瑞安，我得说儿子很快就会超过父亲了，因为这个年轻人球技很好。
Now, keep in mind, none of this change has been easy, and we still have a long way to go. One of the things about education is that it doesn’t deliver results tomorrow or the next day; this is a decade-long or longer proposition. We plant seeds now; we make changes now; and we watch each successive class benefit from these reforms. And it goes in fits and starts, and we have a decentralized system -- that's how our education tradition evolved. So it's not easy and it's not quick, but we are making progress. And we're not going to stop in these last 15 months. 现在请记住，这些变化都不是轻而易举的，我们还有很长的路要走。关于教育，有一点是它不会在明天或后天就见效；这是一个十年甚至更长的命题。我们现在播下种子；我们现在进行改革；然后我们看着每一届学生从这些改革中受益。它时断时续，而且我们有一个分散的体系——这就是我们教育传统的发展方式。所以这不容易，也不快，但我们正在取得进展。在这最后的15个月里我们不会停止。
And that's why it's so important and why I think we're very lucky that, even as Arne steps down, we've got an exceptionally talented educator to step in -- and that is Dr. John King. 这就是为什么这件事如此重要，也为什么我认为我们非常幸运，就在阿恩卸任之际，我们有一位才华横溢的教育工作者来接任——那就是约翰·金博士。
John is already on Arne’s leadership team. He’s been an educator all his life -- a teacher, a principal, a leader of schools, the New York State’s education chief. He’s the right man to lead the department. He shares our commitment to preparing every child for success in a more innovative and competitive world. He’s got a great team already at the Department of Education of which I am very, very proud. 约翰已经在阿恩的领导团队中了。他一生都是一名教育工作者——当过教师、校长、学校负责人、纽约州教育厅长。他是领导这个部门的合适人选。他和我们一样承诺，要让每个孩子在一个更具创新和竞争力的世界中为成功做好准备。他在教育部已经有一支很棒的团队，我为此感到非常非常自豪。
His family is equally cool and good-looking. (Laughter.) And he has equally exceptional children. And I know that, together, we're going to continue to be able to do great things on behalf of all our kids. 他的家人同样又酷又好看。（笑声）他的孩子也同样出色。而且我知道，我们将能够继续共同为所有孩子做更多伟大的事情。
So, Arne and John, I want to wish both of you a hardy congratulations and good luck. 所以，阿恩和约翰，我想向你们两位致以热烈的祝贺和祝福。
Now I'm going to let them say a few words, and then I'm just going to make a few remarks before I take some questions from the press. 现在我要让他们讲几句话，然后在回答记者提问之前我再讲几点。
We'll start with Arne. 我们从阿恩开始。
Secretary Duncan: I've cried more today than I have in a while, so I'll try not to get up here and cry. 邓肯部长：我今天哭得比以往都多，所以我会尽量不哭出来。
I’ll start with the President. And when he asked us to come to D.C. and work with him, that was about a one-minute conversation with my wife. And it wasn’t that we wanted to leave Chicago; it wasn’t that I necessarily wanted to be the Education Secretary -- I just wanted to be on his team and believed so much in what he was about and what he stood for. 我想从总统说起。当他邀请我们来华盛顿和他一起工作时，我和我妻子只谈了大约一分钟。不是因为我们想离开芝加哥；也不是因为我一定想当教育部长——我只是想加入他的团队，非常相信他的理念和立场。
And I have to say, seven and a half years later, my admiration is only greater. And it’s pretty remarkable -- it’s important for the folks to know, that every hard decision, his only question was, what’s the right thing to do for kids, and challenging us and our team to fight for kids every single day. And often, that was a hard political decision, and that was never a factor. His passion and his commitment has been absolutely extraordinary. For me, it’s not the political leadership; it’s not the educational leadership; it’s the moral leadership. 我得说，七年半后，我的敬佩之情只增不减。而且非常了不起的是——大家需要知道——每一个艰难的决定，他唯一的问题都是，什么对孩子才是正确的，每天都在激励我们和我们的团队为孩子而战。通常，那是一个艰难的政治决定，但政治从来不是考虑因素。他的热情和承诺绝对是非凡的。对我来说，这不是政治领导力；也不是教育领导力；这是道德领导力。
And I just can’t tell you, Mr. President, personally, what an unbelievable honor it was just to spend some time. 总统先生，我无法告诉您，就个人而言，能与您共事是怎样一种难以置信的荣幸。
And for those -- every day you see -- for folks who watched him last night talking about the horrendous massacre, gun massacre in Oregon, and how preventable these things are, we need that moral leadership. And please keep that fight 对于那些——每天都能看到的人们——那些昨晚看到他谈论俄勒冈州可怕的屠杀、枪支屠杀，以及这些事情本是多么可以避免的人们，我们需要那种道德领导力。请继续那场战斗。
To our team, the team you have at the White House -- Cecilia and Denis and Valerie and others -- it’s been extraordinary to work with DPC. I don’t say this lightly -- I think our team at the Department of Education is stronger than it’s ever been. 致我们的团队，您在白宫的团队——塞西莉亚、丹尼斯、瓦莱丽和其他人——与国内政策委员会合作非常棒。我不是随便说的——我认为我们教育部的团队比以往任何时候都更强大。
You never know over seven, eight years, how those teams go, and do you have the B team towards the end -- well, I think we have the A team and a combination of being able to work with the White House -- Shaun and Sylvia and so many folks are here -- Anthony. We have the team in place. I’m just extraordinarily hopeful and confident about what they can do together. 你永远不知道七八年后团队会变成什么样，到最后会不会只剩下B队——嗯，我认为我们有一支A队，而且能够与白宫合作——肖恩、西尔维娅还有很多人都在这里——安东尼。我们的团队已经就位。我对他们能共同取得的成就充满希望和信心。
Emma and Ted, and the rest of the crew -- you said a little bit about John -- and folks know, for all of us, this work is very, very personal. For the President, it’s very personal. For me it’s very personal. John was one of those kids that probably shouldn’t be in a room like this, if you sort of look at the stereotypes. 艾玛、泰德，还有其他成员——你刚才说了一些关于约翰的事——大家知道，对我们所有人来说，这项工作非常非常个人化。对总统来说是个人的。对我来说也是个人的。约翰就是那种孩子，如果你刻板印象的话，他可能不该出现在这样的房间里。
And not the easiest time growing up -- he’ll tell you more about it -- he lost both his parents at a pretty early age; went to live with his brother. That wasn’t very easy either. But he had an amazing teacher who saw something in him, who kept him going. And today, he gets to stand here with the President. 成长过程并不容易——他会告诉你们更多——他很小就失去了双亲；搬去和哥哥一起住。那也不容易。但他有一位了不起的老师，看到了他的潜力，让他坚持下去。今天，他能站在这里和总统一道。
And so many times, I think we, as a society, write off kids that look like John and come from places like John. And to see what he can accomplish -- I think that’s what drives all of us. We know there are so many other kids out there we can reach. 很多时候，我认为我们作为一个社会，会放弃那些像约翰一样、来自约翰那样地方的孩子。看到他能取得的成就——我想这就是驱动我们所有人的动力。我们知道还有很多其他孩子是我们可以帮助的。
And while I’m deeply, deeply sad to be leaving, I’m extraordinarily happy and thankful and proud that John is going to carry on this work with the team. So I want to thank everybody for their hard work. 虽然我离开得非常非常难过，但我非常高兴、感激和自豪，因为约翰将和团队一起继续这项工作。所以我要感谢大家的辛勤付出。
I quickly want to -- try not to get emotional here -- but thank my parents, as well. My dad was a lifelong educator at the University of Chicago, taught throughout his life. My mother started an inner-city tutoring program before we were born, and raised all of us as a part of that program. 我也想快点——尽量不要在这里动情——也感谢我的父母。我父亲是芝加哥大学的终身教育家，一生都在教书。我母亲在我们出生前就创办了一个内城区辅导项目，我们都是在那个项目中长大的。
And that changed our lives. And all our life, we saw what kids could do when they were given a chance. And that’s why we do this work today. And to be able to see what she did at one little corner at 46th and Greenwood, and to now have a chance over the past six and a half years to try and have an impact around the nation, because this man gave us a chance -- for my family, I can’t tell you how much it means to us. 那改变了我们的生活。我们这一辈子都看到，当孩子们得到机会时，他们能做到什么。这就是我们今天做这项工作的原因。能够看到她在第46街和格林伍德大道的那个小角落所做的一切，到现在在过去六年半里有机会在全国范围内产生影响，因为这个人给了我们机会——对我的家人来说，我无法告诉你们这意义有多大。
And then, finally, just to my family. I love this work. I love this team. I love the President. I love the chance to serve. The only thing I love more is you guys. And I can’t wait to come home and see a couple more track meets and maybe get to coach Ryan a little bit, and maybe have a few more dinners, and maybe go to a movie someday -- that would be pretty amazing. 最后，对我的家人。我爱这份工作。我爱这个团队。我爱总统。我热爱服务的机会。我唯一更爱的是你们。我迫不及待想回家，多看几场田径比赛，也许能多教教瑞安打球，也许能多在一起吃几顿饭，也许哪天能去看场电影——那就太棒了。
President Obama: Wow! All right! 奥巴马总统：哇！好的！
Secretary Duncan: It’s been too long. And so it’s been an amazing, amazing journey and I feel so proud and so lucky to have been a part of this team. And, Mr. President, thanks for creating the climate in which all of us here -- all of us here --could have the impact we did. And we can never repay the debt of gratitude we owe you for your leadership and your courage. So thank you so much. 邓肯部长：时间太久了。这是一段非常非常奇妙的旅程，能成为这个团队的一员我感到无比自豪和幸运。总统先生，感谢您创造了这样的氛围，让我们所有人——我们所有人——都能产生我们所产生的影响。我们永远无法报答您的领导和勇气带给我们的感激之情。非常感谢您。
And I want to turn it over to John. 我想把话筒交给约翰。
Secretary King: Thank you, Arne, for very kind words. Thank you, Mr. President, for the opportunity to serve and for the faith that you've placed in me and the team that we have at the department. 金部长：谢谢你，阿恩，感谢你的美言。感谢您，总统先生，给我服务的机会，感谢您对我和我们部门团队的信任。
I’m deeply honored by the chance to serve and also deeply humbled by following in Arne’s footsteps. Arne is an extraordinary leader who I have watched demonstrate tremendous courage in fighting for kids and fighting for what’s best for kids; but also he’s been willing to listen -- to listen to folks and to make adjustments, and to make sure that everything we do every day is towards the goal of greater equity. 我对有机会服务深感荣幸，也对能追随阿恩的脚步深感谦卑。阿恩是一位非凡的领导者，我亲眼目睹他在为孩子而战、为孩子的最大利益而战方面展现出的巨大勇气；但他也愿意倾听——倾听人们的意见，做出调整，确保我们每天所做的一切都朝着更大公平的目标前进。
Mr. President, you and Arne and our team at the department have laid out an ambitious agenda -- from strengthening early childhood education and expanding access to early childhood, to raising standards for teaching and learning in K through 12, to ensuring that more Americans have access to high-quality higher education, to ensuring that we support our teachers and that we invest in our teachers and provide the best preparation and support and leadership opportunities for them. 总统先生，您、阿恩和我们部门的团队制定了一项雄心勃勃的议程——从加强幼儿教育和扩大幼儿教育机会，到提高K-12阶段的教学标准，到确保更多美国人获得高质量高等教育，到确保我们支持我们的教师，我们投资于教师，为他们提供最好的培训、支持和领导机会。
It’s an incredible agenda, and I’m proud to be able to carry it forward with the amazing team that we have at the department. 这是一项了不起的议程，我很自豪能与我们部门出色的团队一起推进它。
Earlier this week, Arne gave a speech at the National Press Club, and in that speech, Arne said education can be the difference between life and death. And I know that's true because it was for me. I grew up in Brooklyn. I lost my mom when I was eight; my dad when I was 12. My dad was very sick before he passed. 本周早些时候，阿恩在全国记者俱乐部发表了演讲，在那次演讲中，阿恩说教育可以是生与死的区别。我知道这是真的，因为对我来说就是如此。我在布鲁克林长大。我八岁时失去了母亲；十二岁时失去了父亲。我父亲去世前病得很重。
I moved around between family members and schools. But teachers, New York City public school teachers, are the reason that I am alive. They are the reason that I became a teacher. They are the reason I am standing here today. Those teachers created amazing educational experiences, but also gave me hope -- hope about what is possible, what could be possible for me in life. 我在不同的家庭成员和学校之间辗转。但是老师们，纽约市公立学校的老师们，是我活着的原因。他们是我成为一名教师的原因。他们是我今天站在这里的原因。那些老师创造了令人惊叹的教育经历，也给了我希望——希望什么是可能的，什么对我来说是可能的。
I know schools can't do it alone. There’s work we have to do on economic development and housing and health care. But I know that my parents -- who spent their lives as New York City public school educators -- believed that school was at the heart of our promise of equality of opportunity for all Americans. That's what they believed. That's what the President believes. That's what Arne believes. And that's what I feel very privileged to be able to work on with this amazing team we have at the department. 我知道学校不能独自完成这一切。我们需要在经济发展、住房和医疗保健方面做工作。但我知道，我的父母——他们一生都是纽约市公立学校的教育工作者——相信学校是我们所有人机会平等这一承诺的核心。这是他们的信念。这是总统的信念。这是阿恩的信念。这也是我感到非常荣幸能够与我们部门这个了不起的团队一起努力的事业。
Every child in the United States, every college student, every disconnected youth, every working parent who just wants a few more credits in order to improve their salary and position at their job -- everyone deserves the kind of opportunity that I had to have a great education. Every child deserves the kind of opportunity that my beautiful daughters, Amina and Mireya, have to have a great education, the kind of education their grandparents worked to provide. 美国的每个孩子，每个大学生，每个脱离社会的青年，每个只想再多修几个学分来提高工资和职位的在职父母——每个人都应该得到我所拥有的那种接受良好教育的机会。每个孩子都应该得到我美丽的女儿阿米娜和米雷娅所拥有的那种接受良好教育的机会，那种他们的祖父母努力提供的教育。
I’m so grateful to my very supportive wife, Melissa. So grateful to the Secretary for the opportunity he gave me to join his team, and incredibly grateful to the President for the opportunity to work with a wonderful group of people at the Education Department to try to expand opportunity. 我非常感谢我非常支持我的妻子梅利莎。非常感谢部长给我加入他团队的机会，也非常感谢总统给我机会与教育部一群出色的人一起努力扩大机会。
Thank you. 谢谢。
President Obama: Thank you. 奥巴马总统：谢谢你。
Two good men, doing really important work. So I'm lucky to have them, both as colleagues and as friends, and I'm looking forward to seeing even more work done in the next few months. 两位好人，做着非常重要的工作。我很幸运能拥有他们，无论是作为同事还是朋友，我期待着在接下来的几个月里看到更多的工作成果。
We've got some other business to attend to. So all of you who are here to celebrate Arne and John, you're lucky enough now to have to sit through -- a little bit of a press conference with me. So make yourselves comfortable. I warned the kids ahead of time. I said, try not to look completely bored. 我们还有其他事情要处理。所以你们所有来这里祝贺阿恩和约翰的人，现在你们幸运地得坐下来——听我开一会儿记者会。所以请放松。我提前警告过孩子们了。我说，尽量不要看起来完全无聊。
I'm going to take a couple of questions from the press. But first, a few additional pieces of business. 我要回答记者几个问题。但首先，再讲几件事。
First of all, we learned today that our businesses created another 118,000 new jobs in September, which means that we now have had 67 straight months of job creation; 13.2 million new jobs in all -- and an unemployment rate that has fallen from a high of 10 percent down to 5.1 percent. These long-term trends are obviously good news, particularly for every American waking up each morning and heading off to a new job. 首先，我们今天得知，我们的企业在9月份又创造了11.8万个新的就业岗位，这意味着我们已经连续67个月实现就业增长；总共新增了1320万个就业岗位——失业率也从最高的10%下降到了5.1%。这些长期趋势显然是好消息，特别是对于每天早上醒来去新工作岗位的每个美国人来说。
But we would be doing even better if we didn’t have to keep on dealing with unnecessary crises in Congress every few months. And this is especially important right now, because although the American economy has been chugging along at a steady pace, much of the global economy is softening. 但如果我们不必每隔几个月就应对国会中不必要的危机，我们会做得更好。这一点现在尤为重要，因为尽管美国经济一直在稳步增长，但全球大部分经济正在放缓。
We’ve seen an impact on our exports, which was a major driver of growth for us particularly at the beginning of the recovery. And so our own growth could slow if Congress does not do away with some of the counterproductive austerity measures that they have put in place, and if Congress does not avoid the kind of manufactured crises that shatter consumer confidence and could disrupt an already skittish global economy. 我们看到了对出口的影响，出口曾是我们增长的主要驱动力，尤其是在复苏初期。因此，如果国会不取消他们实施的一些适得其反的紧缩措施，如果国会不避免那种粉碎消费者信心、可能扰乱本就紧张的全球经济的人为危机，我们自身的增长可能会放缓。
On Wednesday, more than half of Republicans voted to shut down the government for the second time in two years. The good news is that there were enough votes in both parties to pass a last-minute bill to keep the government open and operating for another 10 weeks before we can get a more long-term solution. But keep in mind that gimmick only sets up another potential manufactured crisis just two weeks before Christmas. 周三，超过一半的共和党人投票赞成关闭政府，这是两年来的第二次。好消息是，两党都有足够的选票通过了一项最后时刻的法案，让政府继续开放运作10周，之后我们才能找到更长期的解决方案。但请记住，这个花招只是在圣诞节前两周又埋下了另一场潜在的人为危机。
And I’ve said this before, I want to repeat it -- this is not the way the United States should be operating. 我以前说过，我想再重复一遍——这不是美国应该的运作方式。
Oftentimes I hear from folks up on Capitol Hill, “the need for American leadership,” “the need for America to be number one.” Well, you know what, around the globe, part of what makes us a leader is when we govern effectively and we keep our own house in order, and we pass budgets, and we can engage in long-term planning, and we can invest in the things that are important for the future. That’s U.S. leadership. 我经常听到国会山的人说，"需要美国领导力"，"需要美国成为第一"。好吧，你知道吗，在全球范围内，让我们成为领导者的一部分，是当我们有效治理，当我们管好自己的事，当我们通过预算，当我们能够进行长期规划，当我们能够投资于对未来重要的事情。这才是美国领导力。
When we fail to do that, we diminish U.S. leadership. It’s not how we are supposed to operate. And we can’t just keep on kicking down the road without solving any problems or doing any long-term planning for the future. That’s true for our military; that’s true for our domestic programs. The American people, American families deserve better. And we can grow faster and the economy can improve if Congress acts with dispatch. It will get worse if they don't. 当我们做不到这一点时，我们就削弱了美国的领导力。这不是我们应该的运作方式。我们不能一直把问题踢给未来而不解决任何问题或做任何长期规划。我们的军队是这样；我们的国内项目也是这样。美国人民、美国家庭理应得到更好的结果。如果国会迅速行动，我们可以增长得更快，经济可以改善。如果他们不这样做，情况会更糟。
That’s why I want to be very clear: I will not sign another shortsighted spending bill like the one Congress sent me this week. We purchased ourselves 10 additional weeks; we need to use them effectively. 这就是为什么我要非常明确地说：我不会再签署像国会本周发给我的那种目光短浅的支出法案。我们为自己争取了额外的10周时间；我们需要有效地利用它们。
Keep in mind that a few years ago, both parties put in place harmful automatic cuts that make no distinction between spending we don’t need and spending we do. We can revisit the history of how that happened -- I have some rather grim memories of it. But the notion was that even as we were bringing down the deficit, we would come up with a sustainable, smart, long-term approach to investing in the things that we need. 请记住，几年前，两党都实施了有害的自动减支，这些削减不区分我们不需要的支出和我们需要的支出。我们可以回顾一下这是怎么发生的——我对此有一些相当痛苦的回忆。但当时的想法是，在我们削减赤字的同时，我们会想出一个可持续的、明智的、长期的方法来投资我们需要的东西。
That didn't happen. And so now these cuts that have been maintained have been keeping our economy from growing faster. It’s time to undo them. If we don’t, then we will have to fund our economic and national security priorities in 2016 at the same levels that we did in 2006. 这并没有发生。所以现在这些维持下来的削减一直在阻碍我们的经济更快增长。是时候取消它们了。如果我们不这样做，那么我们将不得不在2016年以2006年的水平来资助我们的经济和国家安全优先事项。
Now, understand, during that decade, between 2006 and 2016, our economy has grown by 12 percent. Our population has grown by 8 percent. New threats have emerged; new opportunities have appeared. We can’t fund our country the way we did 10 years ago because we have greater demands -- with an aging population, with kids who need schools, with roads that need to be fixed, with a military on which we are placing extraordinary demands. 现在要明白，在那十年间，从2006年到2016年，我们的经济增长了12%。我们的人口增长了8%。新的威胁出现了；新的机遇出现了。我们不能用10年前的方式来资助我们的国家，因为我们有了更大的需求——人口老龄化、孩子需要学校、道路需要修缮、军队承受着巨大的需求。
And we can’t cut our way to prosperity. Other countries have tried it and it has not worked. We’ve grown faster than they have because we did not pursue these blind, unthinking cuts to necessary investments for our growth. And by the way, because we’ve grown faster than them, we’ve brought our deficits down faster than they have. 我们不能靠削减走向繁荣。其他国家试过了，但没有成功。我们比它们增长得更快，因为我们没有对增长所需的投资进行盲目、不加思考的削减。顺便说一句，因为我们比它们增长得更快，我们削减赤字的速度也比它们快。
I want to repeat this because the public apparently never believes it. Since I took office, we’ve cut our deficits by two-thirds. The deficit has not been going up; it has been coming down -- precipitously. We’ve cut our deficits by two-thirds. They’re below the average deficits over the past 40 years. 我想重复这一点，因为公众显然从不相信。自我就职以来，我们已经将赤字削减了三分之二。赤字没有上升；它一直在下降——急剧下降。我们已经将赤字削减了三分之二。它们低于过去40年的平均赤字水平。
So the bottom line is, Congress has to do its job. It can't flirt with another shutdown. It should pass a serious budget. And if they do, and get rid of some of these mindless cuts, even as we're still prudent about maintaining the spending that we need but not spending we don't need and is not working, their own non-partisan budget office estimates we’re going to add an extra half-million jobs to our economy next year alone. We can immediately put half a million more people back to work if we just have a more sensible budget. 所以底线是，国会必须履行其职责。它不能再拿政府关闭开玩笑。它应该通过一个严肃的预算。如果他们这样做了，并且摆脱了一些愚蠢的削减，尽管我们仍然谨慎地维持我们需要的支出，而不是我们不需要的和不起作用的支出，他们自己的无党派预算办公室估计，仅明年一年我们就将为经济增加额外的50万个就业岗位。如果我们有一个更合理的预算，我们可以立即让50多万人重返工作岗位。
And in these negotiations, nobody is going to get everything they want. We have to work together, though, even if we disagree, in order to do the people’s business. At some point we have to want to govern, and not just play politics or play to various political bases. At some point, we need to pass bills so that we can rebuild our roads, and keep our kids learning, and our military strong, and help people prepare for and recover from disasters. That is Congress’s most basic job. That’s what our government is supposed to do -- serve the American people. 在这些谈判中，没有人会得到他们想要的一切。但我们必须共同努力，即使我们意见不一，也是为了为人民办事。在某个时刻，我们必须想要执政，而不仅仅是玩弄政治或讨好各种政治基础。在某个时刻，我们需要通过法案，这样我们才能重建道路，让孩子们继续学习，让军队保持强大，帮助人们为灾难做准备和恢复。这是国会最基本的工作。这就是我们政府应该做的——为美国人民服务。
So with that, let me take some questions. And I’ll start with Julie Pace of AP. 好，接下来我来回答一些问题。首先请美联社的朱莉·佩斯提问。
Hang in there, kids. 坚持住，孩子们。
Question: It will be over soon. Thank you, Mr. President. There have been several developments in Syria that I wanted to ask you about, starting with Russia’s involvement. You met with President Putin earlier this week, and I wonder if you think he was honest with you about his intentions in Syria. If Russia is targeting groups beyond the Islamic State, including U.S.-aligned groups, does the U.S. military have an obligation to protect them? 记者：很快就结束了。谢谢您，总统先生。叙利亚局势有了一些新的发展，我想就此向您提问，首先是俄罗斯的介入。您本周早些时候会见了普京总统，我想知道您认为他在叙利亚的意图上是否对您坦诚。如果俄罗斯的打击目标超出了伊斯兰国的范围，包括与美国结盟的组织，美军是否有义务保护他们？
And on the situation in Syria more broadly, there have obviously been failures in the U.S. train-and-equip program. Do you believe that that program can be fixed or do you have to look at other options? Would you, in particular, be willing to reconsider a no-fly zone, which several presidential candidates, including your former Secretary of State, are now calling for? 更广泛地说，在叙利亚局势方面，美国的"训练与装备"计划显然存在失败。您认为该计划能否修复，还是您必须寻找其他选择？特别是，您是否愿意重新考虑设立禁飞区，包括您前国务卿在内的几位总统候选人现在都在呼吁设立禁飞区？
President Obama: Well, first and foremost, let’s understand what’s happening in Syria and how we got here. What started off as peaceful protests against Assad, the president, evolved into a civil war because Assad met those protests with unimaginable brutality. And so this is not a conflict between the United States and any party in Syria; this is a conflict between the Syrian people and a brutal, ruthless dictator. 奥巴马总统：嗯，首先，让我们了解叙利亚正在发生什么以及我们是如何走到这一步的。最初是针对阿萨德总统的和平抗议，后来演变成内战，因为阿萨德以难以想象的残暴回应了这些抗议。所以这不是美国和叙利亚任何一方之间的冲突；这是叙利亚人民和一个残忍、无情的独裁者之间的冲突。
Point number two is that the reason Assad is still in power is because Russia and Iran have supported him throughout this process. And in that sense, what Russia is doing now is not particularly different from what they had been doing in the past -- they’re just more overt about it. They’ve been propping up a regime that is rejected by an overwhelming majority of the Syrian population because they’ve seen that he has been willing to drop barrel bombs on children and on villages indiscriminately, and has been more concerned about clinging to power than the state of his country. 第二点是，阿萨德仍然掌权的原因是俄罗斯和伊朗在整个过程中一直支持他。从这个意义上说，俄罗斯现在所做的与他们过去所做的没有特别大的不同——他们只是更加公开了。他们一直在支持一个被绝大多数叙利亚人民拒绝的政权，因为他们看到他愿意不分青红皂白地向儿童和村庄投掷桶炸弹，更关心的是抓住权力而不是国家的状况。
So in my discussions with President Putin, I was very clear that the only way to solve the problem in Syria is to have a political transition that is inclusive -- that keeps the state intact, that keeps the military intact, that maintains cohesion, but that is inclusive -- and the only way to accomplish that is for Mr. Assad to transition, because you cannot rehabilitate him in the eyes of Syrians. This is not a judgment I’m making; it is a judgment that the overwhelming majority of Syrians make. 所以在我与普京总统的讨论中，我非常明确地表示，解决叙利亚问题的唯一途径是进行包容性的政治过渡——保持国家完整，保持军队完整，保持凝聚力——但必须是包容性的——而实现这一点的唯一途径是阿萨德先生下台，因为你无法在叙利亚人眼中让他恢复形象。这不是我的判断；这是绝大多数叙利亚人的判断。
And I said to Mr. Putin that I’d be prepared to work with him if he is willing to broker with his partners, Mr. Assad and Iran, a political transition -- we can bring the rest of the world community to a brokered solution -- but that a military solution alone, an attempt by Russia and Iran to prop up Assad and try to pacify the population is just going to get them stuck in a quagmire. And it won’t work. And they will be there for a while if they don’t take a different course. 我对普京先生说，如果他愿意与他的伙伴阿萨德先生和伊朗斡旋一个政治过渡，我准备与他合作——我们可以让国际社会其他各方参与达成一个斡旋方案——但单凭军事解决方案，俄罗斯和伊朗试图支持阿萨德并试图安抚民众，只会让他们陷入泥潭。这行不通。如果他们不改弦易辙，他们会在那里待很久。
I also said to him that it is true that the United States and Russia and the entire world have a common interest in destroying ISIL. But what was very clear -- and regardless of what Mr. Putin said -- was that he doesn’t distinguish between ISIL and a moderate Sunni opposition that wants to see Mr. Assad go. From their perspective, they’re all terrorists. And that’s a recipe for disaster, and it’s one that I reject. 我还对他说，美国、俄罗斯和整个世界确实在摧毁伊斯兰国方面有共同利益，这是事实。但非常清楚的是——不管普京先生怎么说——他不区分伊斯兰国和希望阿萨德下台的温和派逊尼派反对派。在他们看来，这些人都是恐怖分子。这是灾难的根源，也是我拒绝的。
So where we are now is that we are having technical conversations about de-confliction so that we’re not seeing U.S. and American firefights in the air. But beyond that, we’re very clear in sticking to our belief and our policy that the problem here is Assad and the brutality that he has inflicted on the Syrian people, and that it has to stop. And in order for it to stop, we’re prepared to work with all the parties concerned. But we are not going to cooperate with a Russian campaign to simply try to destroy anybody who is disgusted and fed up with Mr. Assad’s behavior. 所以我们现在的情况是，我们正在进行关于冲突消解的技术对话，这样我们就不会看到美军和俄军在空中交火。但除此之外，我们非常明确地坚持我们的信念和政策，即这里的问题是阿萨德以及他对叙利亚人民施加的暴行，这必须停止。为了让它停止，我们准备与所有有关各方合作。但我们不会与俄罗斯的行动合作，去简单地消灭任何对阿萨德先生的行为感到厌恶和厌倦的人。
Keep in mind also, from a practical perspective, the moderate opposition in Syria is one that if we’re ever going to have to have a political transition, we need. And the Russian policy is driving those folks underground or creating a situation in which they are de-capacitated, and it’s only strengthening ISIL. And that’s not good for anybody. 还要记住，从实际角度来看，如果我们要进行政治过渡，我们需要叙利亚的温和反对派。俄罗斯的政策正在把这些人逼入地下，或者造成他们失去能力的局面，而这只会加强伊斯兰国。这对任何人都没有好处。
In terms of our support of opposition groups inside of Syria, I made very clear early on that the United States couldn’t impose a military solution on Syria either, but that it was in our interest to make sure that we were engaged with moderate opposition inside of Syria because eventually Syria will fall, the Assad regime will fall, and we have to have somebody who we’re working with that we can help pick up the pieces and stitch back together a cohesive, coherent country. And so we will continue to support them. 关于我们对叙利亚境内反对派团体的支持，我很早就明确表示，美国也不能把军事解决方案强加给叙利亚，但确保我们与叙利亚境内的温和反对派接触符合我们的利益，因为叙利亚最终会垮台，阿萨德政权会垮台，我们必须有合作的对象，帮助我们收拾残局，重新缝合一个团结、连贯的国家。所以我们将继续支持他们。
The training-and-equip program was a specific initiative by the Defense Department to see if we could get some of that moderate opposition to focus attention on ISIL in the eastern portion of the country. And I’m the first one to acknowledge it has not worked the way it was supposed to, Julie. And I think that the Department of Defense would say the same thing. "训练与装备"计划是国防部的一项具体举措，看看我们能否让一些温和反对派把注意力集中在该国东部的伊斯兰国身上。我是第一个承认它没有按预期发挥作用的人，朱莉。我认为国防部也会这么说。
And part of the reason, frankly, is because when we tried to get them to just focus on ISIL, the response we’d get back is, how can we focus on ISIL when every single day we’re having barrel bombs and attacks from the regime? And so it’s been hard to get them to reprioritize, looking east, when they’ve got bombs coming at them from the west. 坦率地说，部分原因是，当我们试图让他们只关注伊斯兰国时，我们得到的回应是，当我们每天都遭受政权的桶炸弹和袭击时，我们怎么能专注于伊斯兰国？所以很难让他们重新调整方向，向东看，因为西边有炸弹向他们飞来。
So what we’re doing with the train-and-equip is looking at where we have had success -- for example, working with some of the Kurdish community in the east that pushed ISIL out -- seeing if we can build on that. But what we're also going to continue to do is to have contacts with and work with opposition that, rightly, believes that in the absence of some change of government inside of Syria we're going to continue to see civil war, and that is going to turbocharge ISIL recruitment and jihadist recruitment, and we're going to continue to have problems. 所以我们对"训练与装备"计划所做的是寻找我们取得成功的地方——例如，与东部一些赶走伊斯兰国的库尔德社区合作——看看我们能否在此基础上继续发展。但我们还将继续做的是，与反对派保持联系并合作，他们正确地认为，在叙利亚内部没有某种政府变革的情况下，我们将继续看到内战，而这将加速伊斯兰国的招募和圣战分子的招募，我们将继续有问题。
Now, last point I just want to make about this -- because sometimes the conversation here in the Beltway differs from the conversation internationally. Mr. Putin had to go into Syria not out of strength but out of weakness, because his client, Mr. Assad, was crumbling. And it was insufficient for him simply to send them arms and money; now he’s got to put in his own planes and his own pilots. 现在，关于这一点我最后想说的是——因为有时候华盛顿内部的讨论与国际上的讨论不同。普京先生不得不介入叙利亚不是出于实力，而是出于软弱，因为他的客户阿萨德先生正在垮台。仅仅向他们提供武器和资金已经不够了；现在他必须投入自己的飞机和飞行员。
And the notion that he put forward a plan and that somehow the international community sees that as viable because there is a vacuum there -- I didn't see, after he made that speech in the United Nations, suddenly the 60-nation coalition that we have start lining up behind him. 他提出了一项计划，不知何故国际社会认为这是可行的，因为那里存在真空——我没有看到，在他在联合国发表演讲后，我们的60国联盟突然开始排队支持他。
Iran and Assad make up Mr. Putin’s coalition at the moment. The rest of the world makes up ours. So I don't think people are fooled by the current strategy. It does not mean that we could not see Mr. Putin begin to recognize that it is in their interest to broker a political settlement. 目前，伊朗和阿萨德组成了普京先生的联盟。世界其他国家组成了我们的联盟。所以我不认为人们会被当前的策略所迷惑。这并不意味着我们不会看到普京先生开始认识到，促成政治解决符合他们的利益。
And as I said in New York, we're prepared to work with the Russians and the Iranians, as well as our partners who are part of the anti-ISIL coalition to come up with that political transition. And nobody pretends that it’s going to be easy, but I think it is still possible. And so we will maintain lines of communication. 正如我在纽约所说，我们准备与俄罗斯人和伊朗人，以及我们作为反伊斯兰国联盟一部分的伙伴们合作，来实现这一政治过渡。没有人假装这会很容易，但我认为这仍然是可能的。所以我们将保持沟通渠道畅通。
But we are not going to be able to get those negotiations going if there is not a recognition that there’s got to be a change in government. We're not going to go back to the status quo ante. And the kinds of airstrikes against moderate opposition that Russia is engaging in is going to be counterproductive. It’s going to move us farther away rather than towards the ultimate solution that we're all -- that we all should be looking for. 但是，如果不认识到必须有政府变革，我们就无法启动这些谈判。我们不会回到战前状态。俄罗斯正在进行的针对温和反对派的空袭将适得其反。这会让我们离最终解决方案更远，而不是更近——我们所有人都应该寻求的最终解决方案。
Question: [Inaudible] 记者：[听不清]
President Obama: Julie, throughout this process, I think people have constantly looked for an easy, low-cost answer -- whether it’s we should have sent more rifles in early and somehow then everything would have been okay; or if I had taken that shot even after Assad offered to give up his chemical weapons, then immediately things would have folded, or the Assad regime would have folded, and we would have suddenly seen a peaceful Syria. 奥巴马总统：朱莉，在整个过程中，我认为人们一直在寻找一个简单、低成本的答案——无论是我们应该早点送更多步枪过去，然后一切都会好起来；还是如果我在阿萨德提出放弃化学武器之后就采取行动，那么事情就会立即结束，或者阿萨德政权就会垮台，我们就会突然看到一个和平的叙利亚。
This is a hugely, difficult, complex problem. And I would have hoped that we would have learned that from Afghanistan and Iraq, where we have devoted enormous time and effort and resources with the very best people and have given the Afghan people and the Iraqi people an opportunity for democracy. But it’s still hard, as we saw this week in Afghanistan. That's not by virtue of a lack of effort on our part, or a lack of commitment. We’ve still got 10,000 folks in Afghanistan. We're still spending billions of dollar supporting that government, and it’s still tough. 这是一个极其困难和复杂的问题。我本希望我们能从阿富汗和伊拉克的经历中学到这一点，在那些地方，我们投入了巨大的时间、精力和资源，有最优秀的人才，给了阿富汗人民和伊拉克人民民主的机会。但这仍然很困难，正如我们本周在阿富汗看到的那样。这不是因为我们缺乏努力，也不是因为我们缺乏承诺。我们在阿富汗仍有1万人。我们仍在花费数十亿美元支持那个政府，而且仍然很艰难。
So when I make a decision about the level of military involvement that we're prepared to engage in, in Syria, I have to make a judgment based on, once we start something we’ve got to finish it, and we’ve got to do it well. And do we, in fact, have the resources and the capacity to make a serious impact -- understanding that we’ve still got to go after ISIL in Iraq; we still have to support the training of an Iraqi military that is weaker than any of us perceived; that we still have business to do in Afghanistan. 所以当我决定我们准备在叙利亚进行多大程度的军事介入时，我必须基于这样的判断来做出决定：一旦我们开始某件事，我们就必须完成它，而且必须做好。我们是否真的有资源和能力产生重大影响——要知道我们仍然必须在伊拉克追击伊斯兰国；我们仍然必须支持比我们任何人想象的都更弱的伊拉克军队的训练；我们在阿富汗还有事要做。
And so I push -- and have consistently over the last four, five years sought out a wide range of opinions about steps that we can take potentially to move Syria in a better direction. 所以我一直在推动——并且在过去四、五年里一直持续地寻求广泛的意见，关于我们可以采取哪些步骤来推动叙利亚向更好的方向发展。
I am under no illusions about what an incredible humanitarian catastrophe this is, and the hardships that we're seeing, and the refugees that are traveling in very dangerous circumstances and now creating real political problems among our allies in Europe, and the heartbreaking images of children drowned trying to escape war, and the potential impact of such a destabilized country on our allies in the region. 我对这是一场多么令人难以置信的人道主义灾难不抱任何幻想，对我们所看到的艰难困苦，对那些在非常危险的环境中旅行、现在在我们欧洲盟国中造成真正政治问题的难民，对试图逃离战争而溺亡的儿童令人心碎的画面，以及这样一个不稳定的国家对我们地区盟友的潜在影响，都不抱任何幻想。
But what we have learned over the last 10, 12, 13 years is that unless we can get the parties on the ground to agree to live together in some fashion, then no amount of U.S. military engagement will solve the problem. And we will find ourselves either doing just a little bit and not making a difference, and losing credibility that way, or finding ourselves drawn in deeper and deeper into a situation that we can't sustain. 但我们在过去10年、12年、13年里学到的是，除非我们能让地面上的各方同意以某种方式共同生活，否则再多的美国军事介入也解决不了问题。我们会发现自己要么只做一点点，起不了作用，从而失去信誉；要么发现自己陷入越来越深的、我们无法维持的局面。
And when I hear people offering up half-baked ideas as if they are solutions, or trying to downplay the challenges involved in this situation -- what I’d like to see people ask is, specifically, precisely, what exactly would you do, and how would you fund it, and how would you sustain it? And typically, what you get is a bunch of mumbo jumbo. 当我听到人们提出半生不熟的想法，好像它们是解决方案，或者试图淡化这种情况的挑战时——我想看到人们问的是，具体地、精确地，你到底会怎么做，你会怎么资助它，你会怎么维持它？通常，你得到的是一堆胡言乱语。
So these are hard challenges. They are ones that we are going to continue to pursue. The topline message that I want everybody to understand is we are going to continue to go after ISIL. We are going to continue to reach out to a moderate opposition. We reject Russia’s theory that everybody opposed to Assad is a terrorist. We think that is self-defeating. It will get them into a quagmire. It will be used as a further recruitment tool for foreign fighters. 所以这些是艰难的挑战。它们是我们将继续应对的挑战。我希望每个人都明白的最重要信息是，我们将继续追击伊斯兰国。我们将继续接触温和反对派。我们拒绝俄罗斯的理论，即每个反对阿萨德的人都是恐怖分子。我们认为这是自欺欺人的。这会让他们陷入泥潭。这会被用作外国武装分子的进一步招募工具。
We will work with the international community and our coalition to relieve the humanitarian pressure. On refugees, we are working with the Turks and others to see what we can do along the border to make things safer for people. But ultimately, we're going to have to find a way for a political transition if we're going to solve Syria. 我们将与国际社会和我们的联盟合作，缓解人道主义压力。在难民问题上，我们正在与土耳其人和其他人合作，看看我们能在边境做些什么来让人们更安全。但最终，如果我们要解决叙利亚问题，我们必须找到一条政治过渡的道路。
Jon Karl. 乔恩·卡尔。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. 记者：谢谢您，总统先生。
President Obama: Yes. 奥巴马总统：请讲。
Question: Back in July you said that the gun issue has been the most frustrating of your presidency, and we certainly heard that frustration from you last night. 记者：今年7月您说过，枪支问题是您总统任内最令人沮丧的问题，昨晚我们当然也听到了您的沮丧。
President Obama: Yes. 奥巴马总统：是的。
Question: So in the last 15 months of your presidency, do you intend to do anything differently to get Congress to act or to do something about this gun violence problem? 记者：那么在您总统任期的最后15个月里，您打算做些什么不同的事情来促使国会采取行动，或者为这个枪支暴力问题做些什么呢？
And I have to get you to respond to something that Jeb Bush just said, and to be fair to Governor Bush I want to read it directly. Asked about the drive to take action in light of what happened in Oregon, he said, “Look, stuff happens. There’s always a crisis. And the impulse is always to do something, and it’s not always the right thing to do.” How would you react to Governor Bush? 我还必须请您回应杰布·布什刚刚说的话，为了公平对待布什州长，我想直接读一下。当被问及在俄勒冈事件发生后采取行动的动力时，他说，"听着，事情总会发生的。总有危机。冲动总是想做些什么，但这并不总是正确的做法。"您如何回应布什州长？
President Obama: I don't even think I have to react to that one. I think the American people should hear that and make their own judgments, based on the fact that every couple of months, we have a mass shooting, and in terms of -- and they can decide whether they consider that “stuff happening”. 奥巴马总统：我想我甚至不必回应这个。我认为美国人民应该听到这句话，然后做出自己的判断，基于每几个月我们就有一次大规模枪击事件的事实，他们可以决定他们是否认为这只是"事情发生了"。
In terms of what I can do, I’ve asked my team -- as I have in the past -- to scrub what kinds of authorities do we have to enforce the laws that we have in place more effectively to keep guns out of the hands of criminals. Are there additional actions that we can take that might prevent even a handful of these tragic deaths from taking place? But as I said last night, this will not change until the politics change and the behavior of elected officials changes. 至于我能做什么，我已经要求我的团队——像过去一样——梳理我们有什么样的权力来更有效地执行现有的法律，防止枪支落入罪犯手中。我们还能采取哪些额外的行动，哪怕只能防止少数这些悲剧性死亡的发生？但正如我昨晚所说，除非政治改变，除非民选官员的行为改变，否则这不会改变。
And so the main thing I’m going to do is I’m going to talk about this on a regular basis, and I will politicize it because our inaction is a political decision that we are making. 所以我要做的主要事情是，我会定期谈论这个问题，我会将其政治化，因为我们的不作为是我们做出的一个政治决定。
The reason that Congress does not support even the modest gun safety laws that we proposed after Sandy Hook is not because the majority of the American people don’t support it. I mean, normally, politicians are responsive to the views of the electorate. Here you’ve got the majority of the American people think it’s the right thing to do. Background checks, other common-sense steps that would maybe save some lives couldn’t even get a full vote. 国会不支持我们在桑迪胡克事件后提出的即使是温和的枪支安全法，原因不是大多数美国人不支持它。我的意思是，通常情况下，政客会回应选民的观点。但在这里，大多数美国人认为这是正确的做法。背景调查，以及其他可能挽救一些生命的常识性措施，甚至都没能得到完整的投票。
And why is that? It’s because of politics. It’s because interest groups fund campaigns, feed people fear. And in fairness, it’s not just in the Republican Party -- although the Republican Party is just uniformly opposed to all gun safety laws. And unless we change that political dynamic, we’re not going to be able to make a big dent in this problem. 为什么会这样？这是因为政治。这是因为利益集团为竞选提供资金，煽动人们的恐惧。公平地说，这不仅仅是在共和党内部——尽管共和党一致反对所有枪支安全法。除非我们改变这种政治动态，否则我们无法在这个问题上取得大的进展。
For example, you’ll hear people talk about the problem is not guns, it’s mental illness. Well, if you talk to people who study this problem, it is true that the majority of these mass shooters are angry young men, but there are hundreds of millions of angry young men around the world -- tens of millions of angry young men. Most of them don’t shoot. 例如，你会听到人们说问题不在于枪支，而在于精神疾病。嗯，如果你和研究这个问题的人交谈，确实，大多数这些大规模枪击者都是愤怒的年轻男性，但全世界有数以亿计的愤怒年轻男性——数千万愤怒的年轻男性。他们大多数不会开枪。
It doesn’t help us just to identify -- and the majority of people who have mental illnesses are not shooters. So we can’t sort through and identify ahead of time who might take actions like this. The only thing we can do is make sure that they can’t have an entire arsenal when something snaps in them. 仅仅识别是没有用的——而且大多数有精神疾病的人并不是枪击者。所以我们无法筛选并提前识别出谁可能会采取这样的行动。我们唯一能做的就是确保当他们精神崩溃时，他们无法拥有一整座军火库。
And if we’re going to do something about that, the politics has to change. The politics has to change. And the people who are troubled by this have to be as intense and as organized and as adamant about this issue as folks on the other side who are absolutists and think that any gun safety measures are somehow an assault on freedom, or communistic -- or a plot by me to takeover and stay in power forever or something. I mean, there are all kinds of crackpot conspiracy theories that float around there -- some of which, by the way, are ratified by elected officials in the other party on occasion. 如果我们要对此采取行动，政治必须改变。政治必须改变。那些对此感到不安的人必须在这个问题上像另一边那些绝对主义者一样激烈、有组织、坚定，那些人认为任何枪支安全措施都是对自由的侵犯，或者是共产主义的——或者是我夺权并永远掌权的阴谋之类的。我的意思是，到处都有各种疯狂的阴谋论——顺便说一句，其中一些还得到了另一党当选官员的认可。
So we’ve got to change the politics of this. And that requires people to feel -- not just feel deeply -- because I get a lot of letters after this happens -- “do something!” Well, okay, here’s what you need to do. You have to make sure that anybody who you are voting for is on the right side of this issue. 所以我们必须改变这方面的政治。这需要人们不仅有深切的感受——因为每次发生这种事我都会收到很多信——"做点什么！"好吧，这就是你需要做的。你必须确保你投票支持的任何人在这个问题上站在正确的一边。
And if they’re not, even if they’re great on other stuff, for a couple of election cycles you’ve got to vote against them, and let them know precisely why you’re voting against them. And you just have to, for a while, be a single-issue voter because that’s what is happening on the other side. 如果他们不这样做，即使他们在其他事情上很棒，在几个选举周期里你都必须投票反对他们，让他们确切地知道你为什么投票反对他们。你必须在一段时间内做一个单一议题选民，因为另一边就是这样做的。
And that’s going to take some time. I mean, the NRA has had a good start. They’ve been at this a long time, they’ve perfected what they do. You’ve got to give them credit -- they’re very effective, because they don’t represent the majority of the American people but they know how to stir up fear; they know how to stir up their base; they know how to raise money; they know how to scare politicians; they know how to organize campaigns. And the American people are going to have to match them in their sense of urgency if we’re actually going to stop this. 这需要一些时间。我的意思是，全国步枪协会有一个好的开端。他们做这件事已经很久了，他们已经完善了他们的做法。你必须承认他们——他们非常有效，因为他们不代表大多数美国人，但他们知道如何煽动恐惧；他们知道如何动员他们的基础；他们知道如何筹款；他们知道如何吓唬政客；他们知道如何组织竞选。如果我们真的要阻止这一切，美国人民必须在紧迫感上与他们匹敌。
Which isn’t to say stopping all violence. We’re not going to stop all violence. Violence exists around the world, sadly. Part of original sin. But our homicide rates are just a lot higher than other places -- that, by the way, have the same levels of violence. It’s just you can’t kill as many people when you don’t have easy access to these kinds of weapons. 这并不是说要制止所有暴力。我们不会制止所有暴力。可悲的是，世界各地都存在暴力。这是原罪的一部分。但我们的他杀率比其他地方高得多——顺便说一句，那些地方的暴力程度和我们一样。只是当你不容易获得这些武器时，你就杀不了那么多人。
And I’m deeply saddened about what happened yesterday. But Arne is going back to Chicago -- let’s not forget, this is happening every single day in forgotten neighborhoods around the country. Every single day. Kids are just running for their lives, trying to get to school. Broderick, when we were down in New Orleans, sitting down with a group of young men, when we were talking about Katrina, and I’ve got two young men next to me, both of them had been shot multiple times. They were barely 20. 我对昨天发生的事情深感悲痛。但阿恩要回芝加哥了——我们不要忘记，这种事每天都在全国各地被遗忘的社区发生。每一天都在发生。孩子们只是在逃命，努力去上学。布罗德里克，当我们在新奥尔良的时候，和一群年轻人坐在一起，当我们谈论卡特里娜飓风时，我旁边有两个年轻人，他们都中过好几次枪。他们才20岁。
So we got to make a decision. If we think that’s normal, then we have to own it. I don’t think it’s normal. I think it’s abnormal. I think we should change it. But I can’t do it by myself. 所以我们必须做出决定。如果我们认为这是正常的，那我们就得接受。我不认为这是正常的。我认为这是不正常的。我认为我们应该改变它。但我自己做不到。
So the main thing I’m going to do, Jon, is talk about it. And hope that over time I’m changing enough minds -- along with other leaders around the country -- that we start finally seeing some action. I don’t think it’s going to happen overnight. 所以乔恩，我要做的主要事情就是谈论它。希望随着时间的推移，我能改变足够多的想法——和全国各地的其他领导人一起——让我们最终开始看到一些行动。我不认为这会在一夜之间发生。
Cheryl Bolen. 谢丽尔·博伦。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. To go back to your opening remarks, you said that you won’t sign another short-term CR. But as you know, yesterday Secretary Lew announced that the government’s borrowing authority would run out around November 5th. Would you recommend negotiating an increase in the debt ceiling as part of these budget negotiations on spending caps? And also does the Speaker’s race complicate these negotiations? 记者：谢谢您，总统先生。回到您的开场白，您说您不会再签署另一份短期持续决议。但正如您所知，昨天卢部长宣布政府的借款权限将在11月5日左右耗尽。您是否建议在这些支出上限的预算谈判中协商提高债务上限？另外，议长竞选是否会使这些谈判复杂化？
President Obama: I’m sure the Speaker’s race complicates these negotiations. That was a rhetorical question. It will complicate the negotiations. But when it comes to the debt ceiling, we're not going back there. 奥巴马总统：我相信议长竞选会使这些谈判复杂化。那是一个反问句。这会使谈判复杂化。但说到债务上限，我们不会回到那个地步。
Maybe it’s been a while, so let me just refresh everybody’s memory. Raising the debt ceiling does not authorize us to spend more, it simply authorizes us to pay the bills that we have already incurred. It is the way for the United States to maintain its good credit rating -- the full faith and credit of the United States. 可能已经有一段时间了，所以让我帮大家回忆一下。提高债务上限并不是授权我们花更多钱，它只是授权我们支付已经产生的账单。这是美国保持其良好信用评级的方式——美国的全部信誉和信用。
Historically, we do not mess with it. If it gets messed with, it would have profound implications for the global economy and could put our financial system in the kind of tailspin that we saw back in 2007-2008. It’s just a bad thing to do. So we're not going to negotiate on that. It has to get done in the next five weeks. So even though the continuing resolution to keep the government open lasts for 10 weeks, we have to get the debt ceiling raised in five. You've got a shorter timetable to get that done. 从历史上看，我们不会拿它开玩笑。如果它被动了，将对全球经济产生深远影响，并可能使我们的金融体系陷入我们在2007-2008年看到的那种混乱。这样做是一件坏事。所以我们不会就此谈判。必须在接下来的五周内完成。所以即使让政府开放的持续决议持续10周，我们也必须在五周内提高债务上限。完成这件事的时间表更短。
But here’s the bottom line: Mitch McConnell, John Boehner, myself, Nancy Pelosi, Harry Reid -- we’ve all spoken and talked about trying to negotiate a budget agreement. And, yes, Speaker Boehner’s decision to step down complicates it. But I do think that there is still a path for us to come up with a reasonable agreement that raises the spending caps above sequester to make sure that we can properly finance both our defense and nondefense needs, that maintains a prudent control of our deficits, and that we can do that in short order. It’s not that complicated. The math is the math. 但底线是：米奇·麦康奈尔、约翰·博纳、我自己、南希·佩洛西、哈里·里德——我们都谈过了，都在讨论努力谈判一项预算协议。而且，是的，博纳议长决定辞职使事情复杂化了。但我确实认为，我们仍然有一条道路可以达成一项合理的协议，将支出上限提高到自动减支水平以上，以确保我们能够适当地资助我们的国防和非国防需求，保持对赤字的审慎控制，而且我们可以很快做到这一点。没那么复杂。数学就是数学。
And what I’ve encouraged is that we get started on that work immediately, and we push through over the next several weeks -- and try to leave out extraneous issues that may prevent us from getting a budget agreement. 我所鼓励的是，我们立即开始这项工作，我们在接下来的几周内推进——并尽量排除可能阻止我们达成预算协议的无关问题。
I know, for example, that there are many Republicans who are exercised about Planned Parenthood. And I deeply disagree with them on that issue, and I think that it’s mischaracterized what Planned Parenthood does. But I understand that they feel strongly about it, and I respect that. 例如，我知道有许多共和党人对计划生育组织感到愤怒。我在这个问题上与他们有深刻分歧，我认为他们曲解了计划生育的作用。但我理解他们对此感受强烈，我尊重这一点。
But you can't have an issue like that potentially wreck the entire U.S. economy -- any more than I should hold the entire budget hostage to my desire to do something about gun violence. I feel just as strongly about that and I think I’ve got better evidence for it. But the notion that I would threaten the Republicans that unless they passed gun safety measures that would stop mass shootings I’m going to shut down the government and not sign an increase in the debt ceiling would be irresponsible of me. And the American people, rightly, would reject that. 但是，你不能让这样一个问题有可能摧毁整个美国经济——就像我不应该因为想要在枪支暴力问题上做些什么就把整个预算作为人质一样。我对枪支暴力问题也有同样强烈的感受，我认为我有更好的证据。但是，如果我威胁共和党人说，除非他们通过制止大规模枪击的枪支安全措施，否则我就要关闭政府，不签署提高债务上限的法案，那将是不负责任的。美国人民会理所当然地拒绝这种做法。
Well, same is true for them. There are some fights that we fight individually. They want to defund Planned Parenthood, there’s a way to do it. Pass a law, override my veto. That's true across a whole bunch of issues that they disagree with me on, and that's how democracy works. I got no problem with that. 嗯，对他们来说也是一样。有些斗争是我们各自进行的。他们想取消计划生育的资助，有办法做到。通过一项法律，推翻我的否决。在很多他们不同意我的问题上都是如此，这就是民主的运作方式。我对此没有意见。
But you have to govern. And I’m hoping that the next Speaker understands that the problem Speaker Boehner had or Mitch McConnell had in not dismantling Obamacare, or not eliminating the Department of Education, or not deporting every immigrant in this country was not because Speaker Boehner or Mitch McConnell didn't care about conservative principles. It had to do with the fact that they can't do it in our system of government, which requires compromise. 但你必须执政。我希望下一任议长明白，博纳议长或米奇·麦康奈尔未能废除奥巴马医改，或者未能取消教育部，或者未能驱逐这个国家的每一个移民，并不是因为博纳议长或米奇·麦康奈尔不关心保守原则。而是因为在我们的政府体系中，他们做不到，这需要妥协。
Just like I can't do everything I want in passing an immigration bill, or passing a gun safety bill. And that doesn't mean, then, I throw a tantrum and try to wreck the economy, and put hardworking Americans who are just now able to dig themselves out of a massive recession, put them in harm’s way. Wrong thing to do. 就像我不能在通过移民法案或通过枪支安全法案方面做我想做的一切一样。但这并不意味着，然后我就发脾气，试图破坏经济，让那些刚刚能够从大衰退中爬出来的勤劳美国人处于危险之中。那样做是错误的。
Peter Alexander. 彼得·亚历山大。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. You addressed -- I want to follow up on Jon’s questions about the issue that’s obviously deeply personal and moving to you -- that is the gun issue. Apart from Congress’s inaction, apart from the desire for new laws and, beyond that, apart from the gun lobby, as you noted, the pattern is that these perpetrators are angry, aggrieved, oftentimes mentally ill young men. 记者：谢谢您，总统先生。您刚才回应了——我想跟进一下乔恩关于那个显然对您来说非常个人化和感人的问题的提问——那就是枪支问题。除了国会的不作为，除了对新法律的渴望，以及除此之外，除了枪支游说团体，正如您所指出的，模式是这些肇事者都是愤怒、愤愤不平、通常患有精神疾病的年轻男性。
Is there something that you can do with the bully pulpit, with your moral authority, with your remaining time in office to help reach these individuals who believe that gun violence is the way out? 您是否可以利用您的讲坛，利用您的道德权威，利用您剩余的任期，来帮助接触这些认为枪支暴力是出路的人？
President Obama: No. I think I can continue to speak to the American people as a whole and hopefully model for them basic social norms about rejecting violence, and cooperation and caring for other people. But there are a lot of young men out there. And having been one myself once, I can tell you that us being able to identify or pinpoint who might have problems is extraordinarily difficult. 奥巴马总统：不能。我认为我可以继续向全体美国人民发表讲话，希望为他们树立基本的社会规范榜样，拒绝暴力，倡导合作和关心他人。但是有很多年轻男性。我自己也曾经是年轻男性，我可以告诉你，我们能够识别或查明谁可能有问题是极其困难的。
So I think we, as a culture, should continuously think about how we can nurture our kids, protect our kids, talk to them about conflict resolution, discourage violence. And I think there are poor communities where, rather than mass shootings, you're seeing just normal interactions that used to be settled by a fistfight settled with guns where maybe intervention programs and mentorship and things like that can work. That's the kind of thing that we're trying to encourage through My Brother’s Keeper. 所以我认为，作为一种文化，我们应该不断思考如何培养我们的孩子，保护我们的孩子，与他们谈论解决冲突，劝阻暴力。我认为在一些贫困社区，与其说是大规模枪击，不如说是过去用拳头解决的普通冲突现在用枪解决，在这些地方，干预项目和导师计划之类的事情可能会起作用。这就是我们试图通过"守护我的兄弟"倡议来鼓励的事情。
But when it comes to reaching every disaffected young man, 99 percent of -- or 99.9 percent of whom will hopefully grow out of it -- I don't think that there’s a silver bullet there. The way we are going to solve this problem is that when they act out, when they are disturbed, when that particular individual has a problem, that they can't easily access weapons that can perpetrate mass violence on a lot of people. 但是当涉及到接触每一个心怀不满的年轻男性时，其中99%——或者说99.9%——希望会随着成长而摆脱这种状态——我认为没有什么灵丹妙药。我们解决这个问题的方法是，当他们发作时，当他们精神失常时，当那个特定的人有问题时，他们无法轻易获得能够对很多人造成大规模暴力的武器。
Because that's what other countries do. Again, I want to emphasize this. There’s no showing that somehow we are inherently more violent than any other advanced nation, or that young men are inherently more violent in our nation than they are in other nations. 因为这就是其他国家所做的。我再强调一次。没有证据表明我们天生比任何其他发达国家更暴力，或者我们国家的年轻男性天生比其他国家的更暴力。
I will say young men inherently are more violent than the rest of the population, but there’s no sense that somehow this is -- it’s something in the American character that is creating this. Levels of violence are on par between the United States and other advanced countries. What is different is homicide rates and gun violence rates and mass shooting rates. So it’s not that the behavior or the impulses are necessarily different as much as it is that they have access to more powerful weapons. 我会说，年轻男性天生比其他人群更暴力，但没有任何迹象表明这是——是美国人的性格造成了这一切。美国和其他发达国家的暴力程度相当。不同的是他杀率、枪支暴力率和大规模枪击率。所以并不是行为或冲动一定不同，而是他们获得了更强大的武器。
Julia Edwards. 朱莉娅·爱德华兹。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. You just said that you reject President Putin’s approach to Syria and his attacks on moderate opposition forces. You said it was a recipe for disaster. But what are you willing to do to stop President Putin and protect moderate opposition fighters? 记者：谢谢您，总统先生。您刚才说，您拒绝普京总统在叙利亚的做法以及他对温和反对派武装的袭击。您说这是灾难的根源。但您愿意做些什么来阻止普京总统并保护温和反对派武装人员呢？
Would you consider imposing sanctions against Russia? Would you go so far as to equip moderate rebels with anti-aircraft weapons to protect them from Russian air attacks? And how do you respond to critics who say Putin is outsmarting you, that he took a measure of you in Ukraine and he felt he could get away with it? 您会考虑对俄罗斯实施制裁吗？您会走到为温和派反叛分子配备防空武器以保护他们免受俄罗斯空袭的地步吗？您如何回应批评者说普京比您聪明，他在乌克兰试探了您的底线，认为他可以逃脱惩罚？
President Obama: Yes, I’ve heard it all before. I’ve got to say I’m always struck by the degree to which not just critics but I think people buy this narrative. 奥巴马总统：是的，我以前都听过了。我得说，我总是对不仅批评者而且我认为人们接受这种说法的程度感到惊讶。
Let’s think about this. So when I came into office seven and a half years ago, America had precipitated the worst financial crisis in history, dragged the entire world into a massive recession. We were involved in two wars with almost no coalition support. U.S. -- world opinion about the United States was at a nadir -- we were just barely above Russia at that time, and I think potentially slightly below China’s. And we were shedding 800,000 jobs a month, and so on and so forth. 让我们想想看。当我七年半前上任时，美国引发了历史上最严重的金融危机，把整个世界拖入了大衰退。我们卷入了两场几乎没有联盟支持的战争。世界对美国的看法处于最低点——当时我们只比俄罗斯高一点点，我想可能还略低于中国。我们每月流失80万个工作岗位，诸如此类。
And today, we're the strongest large advanced economy in the world -- probably one of the few bright spots in the world economy. Our approval ratings have gone up. We are more active on more international issues and forge international responses to everything from Ebola to countering ISIL. 而今天，我们是世界上最强大的大型发达经济体——可能是世界经济中为数不多的亮点之一。我们的支持率上升了。我们在更多国际问题上更加积极，并促成了从埃博拉到打击伊斯兰国的一切国际应对。
Meanwhile, Mr. Putin comes into office at a time when the economy had been growing and they were trying to pivot to a more diversified economy, and as a consequence of these brilliant moves, their economy is contracting 4 percent this year. They are isolated in the world community, subject to sanctions that are not just applied by us but by what used to be some of their closest trading partners. 与此同时，普京先生上任时，经济一直在增长，他们正试图转向更加多元化的经济，而由于这些"英明"的举措，他们的经济今年收缩了4%。他们在国际社会中被孤立，受到的制裁不仅是我们实施的，还有他们曾经最亲密的一些贸易伙伴实施的。
Their main allies in the Middle East were Libya and Syria -- Mr. Gaddafi and Mr. Assad -- and those countries are falling apart. And he’s now just had to send in troops and aircraft in order to prop up this regime, at the risk of alienating the entire Sunni world. 他们在中东的主要盟友是利比亚和叙利亚——卡扎菲先生和阿萨德先生——而那些国家正在分崩离析。他现在不得不派遣军队和飞机来支持这个政权，冒着疏远整个逊尼派世界的风险。
So what was the question again? 刚才的问题是什么来着？
No, but I think it’s really interesting to understand. Russia is not stronger as a consequence of what they’ve been doing. They get attention. The sanctions against Ukraine are still in place. And what I’ve consistently offered -- from a position of strength, because the United States is not subject to sanctions and we’re not contracting 4 percent a year -- what I’ve offered is a pathway whereby they can get back onto a path of growth and do right by their people. 不，但我认为理解这一点真的很有趣。俄罗斯并没有因为他们所做的事情而变得更强大。他们得到了关注。对乌克兰的制裁仍然有效。我一直以来提供的——从实力地位出发，因为美国不受制于制裁，我们也没有每年收缩4%——我提供的是一条道路，让他们可以回到增长的轨道上，为他们的人民谋福利。
So Mr. Putin’s actions have been successful only insofar as it’s boosted his poll ratings inside of Russia -- which may be why the beltway is so impressed, because that tends to be the measure of success. Of course, it’s easier to do when you’ve got a state-controlled media. 所以普京先生的行动之所以成功，只是因为它提升了他在俄罗斯国内的民调支持率——这可能就是华盛顿内部人士印象深刻的原因，因为这往往是成功的衡量标准。当然，当你有国家控制的媒体时，这更容易做到。
But this is not a smart, strategic move on Russia’s part. And what Russia has now done is not only committed its own troops into a situation in which the overwhelming majority of the Syrian population sees it now as an enemy, but the Sunni population throughout the Middle East is going to see it as a supporter, an endorser, of those barrel bombs landing on kids -- at a time when Russia has a significant Muslim population inside of its own borders that it needs to worry about. 但这不是俄罗斯方面的明智战略举措。俄罗斯现在所做的不仅是把自己的军队投入到这样一种局面中，即绝大多数叙利亚人民现在将其视为敌人，而且整个中东的逊尼派人口都会将其视为那些落在孩子身上的桶炸弹的支持者和背书者——而俄罗斯国内有大量的穆斯林人口，这是他们需要担心的。
So I want Russia to be successful. This is not a contest between the United States and Russia. It is in our interest for Russia to be a responsible, effective actor on the international stage that can share burdens with us, along with China, along with Europe, along with Japan, along with other countries -- because the problems we have are big. So I’m hopeful that Mr. Putin, having made this doubling-down of the support he has provided to Mr. Assad, recognizes that this is not going to be a good long-term strategy and that he works instead to bring about a political settlement. 所以我希望俄罗斯成功。这不是美国和俄罗斯之间的竞赛。让俄罗斯成为国际舞台上一个负责任、有效率的参与者，与我们、与中国、与欧洲、与日本、与其他国家共同分担负担，符合我们的利益——因为我们面临的问题很大。所以我希望普京先生在加倍支持阿萨德先生之后，认识到这不是一个好的长期战略，而是转而努力促成政治解决。
Just as I hope that they can resolve the issues with Ukraine in a way that recognizes Russian equities but upholds the basic principle of sovereignty and independence that the Ukrainian people should enjoy like everybody else. But until that time, we’re going to continue to have tensions and we’re going to continue to have differences. 正如我希望他们能够解决乌克兰问题一样，既承认俄罗斯的合理关切，又维护乌克兰人民应该像其他人一样享有的主权和独立的基本原则。但在此之前，我们将继续存在紧张关系，我们将继续存在分歧。
But we’re not going to make Syria into a proxy war between the United States and Russia. That would be bad strategy on our part. This is a battle between Russia, Iran, and Assad against the overwhelming majority of the Syrian people. Our battle is with ISIL, and our battle is with the entire international community to resolve the conflict in a way that can end the bloodshed and end the refugee crisis, and allow people to be at home, work, grow food, shelter their children, send those kids to school. That’s the side we’re on. 但我们不会让叙利亚成为美国和俄罗斯之间的代理人战争。那对我们来说将是糟糕的战略。这是俄罗斯、伊朗和阿萨德与绝大多数叙利亚人民之间的战斗。我们的战斗是与伊斯兰国的战斗，我们的战斗是与整个国际社会一起，以能够结束流血、结束难民危机、让人们能够回家、工作、种粮、庇护孩子、送孩子上学的方式解决冲突。这是我们站的一边。
This is not some superpower chessboard contest. And anybody who frames it in that way isn’t paying very close attention to what’s been happening on the chessboard. 这不是什么超级大国棋盘游戏。任何这样描述的人都没有密切关注棋盘上发生的事情。
All right, last question. Major Garrett. 好的，最后一个问题。梅杰·加勒特。
Question: Mr. President, good to see you. 记者：总统先生，很高兴见到您。
President Obama: Good to see you. 奥巴马总统：很高兴见到你。
Question: And for the children there, I promise I won’t take too long. So you’ve been very patient. 记者：对那里的孩子们说，我保证不会占用太长时间。你们一直很有耐心。
President Obama: I’ve been boring them to death, I guarantee it. But there have been times where I’ve snagged rebounds for Ryan when he is shooting three-pointers so he has got to put up with this. 奥巴马总统：我让他们烦死了，我保证。但有时候我会在瑞安投三分球时抢篮板，所以他得忍受这个。
Question: Understood. Mr. President, I wonder if you could tell the country to what degree you were changed or moved by what you discussed in private with Pope Francis? What do you think his visit might have meant for the country long term? And for Democrats who might already be wondering, is it too late for Joe Biden to decide whether or not to run for President? And lastly, just to clarify, to what degree did Hillary Clinton’s endorsement just yesterday of a no-fly zone put her in a category of embracing a half-baked answer on Syria that borders on mumbo jumbo? 记者：明白。总统先生，我想知道您能否告诉全国，您与教皇方济各私下讨论的内容在多大程度上改变了您或打动了您？您认为他的访问从长远来看对国家意味着什么？对于可能已经在想的民主党人来说，乔·拜登决定是否竞选总统是不是太晚了？最后，澄清一下，希拉里·克林顿昨天刚刚支持禁飞区，这在多大程度上使她归入了接受关于叙利亚的半生不熟的答案、近乎胡言乱语的类别？
President Obama: On the latter issue, on the last question that you asked, Hillary Clinton is not half-baked in terms of her approach to these problems. She was obviously my Secretary of State. 奥巴马总统：关于最后一个问题，关于您问的最后一个问题，希拉里·克林顿在处理这些问题的方法上并不是半生不熟的。她显然是我的国务卿。
But I also think that there’s a difference between running for President and being President, and the decisions that are being made and the discussions that I’m having with the Joint Chiefs become much more specific and require, I think, a different kind of judgment. And that’s what I’ll continue to apply as long as I’m here. And if and when she’s President, then she’ll make those judgments. And she’s been there enough that she knows that these are tough calls but that -- 但我也认为，竞选总统和担任总统是有区别的，正在做出的决定以及我与参谋长联席会议的讨论变得更加具体，我认为需要一种不同的判断力。这就是我将继续应用的，只要我还在这里。如果她成为总统，那么她会做出那些判断。她经历得够多了，知道这些都是艰难的决定，但是——
Question: -- that she should know better? 记者：——她应该更清楚？
President Obama: No, that’s not what I said. That’s perhaps what you said. What I’m saying is, is that we all want to try to relieve the suffering in Syria, but my job is to make sure that whatever we do we are doing in a way that serves the national security interests of the American people; that doesn’t lead to us getting into things that we can’t get out of or that we cannot do effectively; and as much as possible, that we’re working with international partners. 奥巴马总统：不，那不是我说的。那可能是你说的。我要说的是，我们都想努力减轻叙利亚的苦难，但我的工作是确保我们所做的一切都是为了美国人民的国家安全利益；不会导致我们陷入无法脱身或无法有效完成的事情；并且尽可能地，我们正在与国际伙伴合作。
And we’re going to continue to explore things that we can do to protect people and to deal with the humanitarian situation there, and to provide a space in which we can bring about the kind of political transition that’s going to be required to solve the problem. And I think Hillary Clinton would be the first to say that when you’re sitting in the seat that I’m sitting in, in the Situation Room, things look a little bit different -- because she’s been right there next to me. 我们将继续探索我们可以做的事情来保护人民，应对那里的人道主义局势，并提供一个空间，在其中我们可以实现解决问题所需的那种政治过渡。我认为希拉里·克林顿会第一个说，当你坐在我现在坐的位置上，在战情室里，事情看起来会有点不同——因为她就一直在我身边。
I love Joe Biden, and he’s got his own decisions to make, and I’ll leave it at that. And in the meantime, he’s doing a great job as Vice President and has been really helpful on a whole bunch of issues. 我爱乔·拜登，他有自己的决定要做，我就说这些。同时，他作为副总统做得很好，在很多问题上都非常有帮助。
Pope Francis I love. He is a good man with a warm heart and a big moral imagination. And I think he had such an impact in his visit here -- as he has had around the world -- because he cares so deeply about the least of these, and in that sense expresses what I consider to be, as a Christian, the essence of Christianity. And he’s got a good sense of humor. Well, I can’t share all his jokes. They were all clean. 我爱教皇方济各。他是一个心地善良、道德想象力丰富的好人。我认为他的访问在这里产生了如此大的影响——正如他在世界各地一样——因为他如此深切地关心最弱势群体，从这个意义上说，他表达了我作为基督徒所认为的基督教的精髓。而且他很有幽默感。嗯，我不能分享他所有的笑话。它们都很正经。
And as I said in the introduction in the South Lawn when he appeared here at the White House, I think it’s really useful that he makes us uncomfortable in his gentle way; that he’s constantly prodding people’s consciences and asking everybody all across the political spectrum what more you can do to be kind, and to be helpful, and to love, and to sacrifice, and to serve. 正如我在他出现在白宫时在南草坪的介绍中所说，我认为他以温和的方式让我们感到不安是非常有益的；他不断触动人们的良知，问政治光谱上的每一个人，你还能做些什么来更友善、更乐于助人、去爱、去牺牲、去服务。
And in that sense, I don’t think he’s somebody where we should be applying the typical American political measures -- liberal and conservative, and left and right -- I think he is speaking to all of our consciences, and we all have to then search ourselves to see if there are ways that we can do better. 从这个意义上说，我不认为我们应该用典型的美国政治标准来衡量他——自由派和保守派，左派和右派——我认为他是在对我们所有人的良知说话，然后我们都必须反省自己，看看是否有我们可以做得更好的地方。
Question: [Inaudible] 记者：[听不清]
President Obama: It did. I think that when I spend time with somebody like the Pontiff -- and there are other individuals, some of whom are famous, some of whom are not, but who are good people and deeply moral -- then it makes me want to be better, makes me want to do better. And those people are great gifts to the world. And sometimes they’re just a teacher in a classroom. And sometimes they’re your neighbor. And sometimes they’re your mom, or your wife. Sometimes they’re your kids. But they can encourage you to be better. That’s what we’re all trying to do. 奥巴马总统：是的。我认为当我与像教皇这样的人相处时——还有其他一些人，有些有名，有些无名，但都是善良和有道德的人——会让我想成为更好的人，想做得更好。这些人是给世界的伟大礼物。有时候他们只是教室里的老师。有时候是你的邻居。有时候是你的妈妈，或者你的妻子。有时候是你的孩子。但他们可以鼓励你变得更好。这就是我们都在努力做的。
And that’s part of the wonderful thing about Pope Francis, is the humility that he brings to do this. His rejection of the absolutism that says I’m 100 percent right and you’re 100 percent wrong; but rather, we are all sinners and we are all children of God. That’s a pretty good starting point for being better. 这就是教皇方济各了不起的地方之一，就是他带来的谦卑。他拒绝那种说我100%正确你100%错误的绝对主义；而是，我们都是罪人，我们都是上帝的孩子。这是变得更好的一个相当好的起点。
All right. Thank you, guys, for your patience. You can now go home. 好了。谢谢各位的耐心。你们现在可以回家了。
Thanks. 谢谢。