Well, I - I wanted to come out here, first of all, to tell you that Jay is prepared for all your questions and is very much looking forward to the session. The second thing is I want to let you know that over the next couple of weeks, there’s going to obviously be a whole range of issues -- immigration, economics, et cetera -- we'll try to arrange a fuller press conference to address your questions. 首先，我出来是想告诉大家，杰伊已经准备好回答所有问题，也很期待这场交流。其次，接下来几周显然有移民、经济等许多议题，我们会尽量安排一场更完整的记者会来回答。
The reason I actually wanted to come out today is not to take questions, but to speak to an issue that obviously has gotten a lot of attention over the course of the last week -- the issue of the Trayvon Martin ruling. I gave a preliminary statement right after the ruling on Sunday. But watching the debate over the course of the last week, I thought it might be useful for me to expand on my thoughts a little bit. 今天我来到这里，其实不是为了答问，而是想谈谈过去一周备受关注的一件事：特雷冯·马丁案的裁决。周日判决公布后，我已作了初步声明。但看到这一周的讨论，我觉得有必要把想法说得更完整一些。
First of all, I want to make sure that, once again, I send my thoughts and prayers, as well as Michelle’s, to the family of Trayvon Martin, and to remark on the incredible grace and dignity with which they’ve dealt with the entire situation. I can only imagine what they’re going through, and it’s remarkable how they’ve handled it. 首先，我要再次代表米歇尔和自己，向特雷冯·马丁的家人致以关怀和祈祷。他们面对整件事展现出的从容与尊严令人敬佩。我只能想象他们正在经历什么，也为他们处理这一切的方式感到动容。
The second thing I want to say is to reiterate what I said on Sunday, which is there’s going to be a lot of arguments about the legal issues in the case -- I'll let all the legal analysts and talking heads address those issues. The judge conducted the trial in a professional manner. The prosecution and the defense made their arguments. The juries were properly instructed that in a case such as this reasonable doubt was relevant, and they rendered a verdict. And once the jury has spoken, that's how our system works. 第二，我要重申周日说过的话。围绕案件的法律问题会有许多争论，留给法律分析人士和评论员去讨论。法官专业地主持了庭审，控辩双方陈述了意见，陪审团得到恰当指示，知道这类案件必须考虑合理怀疑，随后作出了裁决。陪审团既已表态，我们的司法制度就是这样运作的。
But I did want to just talk a little bit about context and how people have responded to it and how people are feeling. 但我想谈谈事件发生的背景，以及人们如何回应、有什么感受。
You know, when Trayvon Martin was first shot I said that this could have been my son. Another way of saying that is Trayvon Martin could have been me 35 years ago. And when you think about why, in the African American community at least, there’s a lot of pain around what happened here, I think it’s important to recognize that the African American community is looking at this issue through a set of experiences and a history that doesn’t go away. 特雷冯·马丁刚遭枪击时，我说过，他可能是我的儿子。换一种说法，三十五年前的我也可能是特雷冯·马丁。要理解非洲裔美国人社区为什么对这件事感到如此痛苦，就必须认识到，他们是带着一整套无法抹去的经历和历史来看待它的。
There are very few African American men in this country who haven't had the experience of being followed when they were shopping in a department store. That includes me. There are very few African American men who haven't had the experience of walking across the street and hearing the locks click on the doors of cars. That happens to me -- at least before I was a senator. There are very few African Americans who haven't had the experience of getting on an elevator and a woman clutching her purse nervously and holding her breath until she had a chance to get off. That happens often. 这个国家很少有非洲裔男性从未在百货商店购物时被人跟踪，我也有过。很少有人走过街道时没听见旁边汽车门锁“咔嗒”一声锁上的声音，至少在我当参议员前，我也经历过。很少有人进入电梯后，没见过一位女士紧抓手袋、屏住呼吸，直到有机会离开。这种事经常发生。
And I don't want to exaggerate this, but those sets of experiences inform how the African American community interprets what happened one night in Florida. And it’s inescapable for people to bring those experiences to bear. The African American community is also knowledgeable that there is a history of racial disparities in the application of our criminal laws -- everything from the death penalty to enforcement of our drug laws. And that ends up having an impact in terms of how people interpret the case. 我不想夸大，但这一连串经历影响着非洲裔社区怎样理解佛罗里达州那晚的事，人们无法不带着这些经历看待案件。非洲裔社区也知道，刑法的适用长期存在种族差异，从死刑到毒品法的执行都是如此。这也影响人们对案件的理解。
Now, this isn't to say that the African American community is naïve about the fact that African American young men are disproportionately involved in the criminal justice system; that they’re disproportionately both victims and perpetrators of violence. It’s not to make excuses for that fact -- although black folks do interpret the reasons for that in a historical context. 这不是说非洲裔社区不明白，非洲裔年轻男子在刑事司法体系中所占比例偏高，既更可能成为暴力受害者，也更可能成为施暴者。我不是为这种现实开脱，尽管黑人会把成因放在历史背景中理解。
They understand that some of the violence that takes place in poor black neighborhoods around the country is born out of a very violent past in this country, and that the poverty and dysfunction that we see in those communities can be traced to a very difficult history. 他们知道，全国贫困黑人社区的一些暴力源自国家曾经十分暴力的过去；那些社区里的贫困和失序，也可追溯到一段非常艰难的历史。
And so the fact that sometimes that’s unacknowledged adds to the frustration. And the fact that a lot of African American boys are painted with a broad brush and the excuse is given, well, there are these statistics out there that show that African American boys are more violent -- using that as an excuse to then see sons treated differently causes pain. 这种背景有时不被承认，令人更加沮丧。许多非洲裔男孩被一概而论，有人以“统计数据显示黑人男孩更暴力”为借口，区别对待他们的儿子，这带来伤害。
I think the African American community is also not naïve in understanding that, statistically, somebody like Trayvon Martin was statistically more likely to be shot by a peer than he was by somebody else. So folks understand the challenges that exist for African American boys. But they get frustrated, I think, if they feel that there’s no context for it and that context is being denied. And that all contributes I think to a sense that if a white male teen was involved in the same kind of scenario, that, from top to bottom, both the outcome and the aftermath might have been different. 非洲裔社区也明白，从统计上说，像特雷冯·马丁这样的少年更可能被同龄人而非其他人枪杀。大家了解黑人男孩面临的挑战。但如果这一背景被否认，甚至不允许谈，人们就会沮丧。这些因素共同让人觉得，若同样情景中的少年是白人男性，从头到尾，案件结果和后续反应都可能不同。
Now, the question for me at least, and I think for a lot of folks, is where do we take this? How do we learn some lessons from this and move in a positive direction? I think it’s understandable that there have been demonstrations and vigils and protests, and some of that stuff is just going to have to work its way through, as long as it remains nonviolent. If I see any violence, then I will remind folks that that dishonors what happened to Trayvon Martin and his family. But beyond protests or vigils, the question is, are there some concrete things that we might be able to do. 我和许多人现在要问的是：接下来该怎么办？怎样从中吸取教训，朝积极方向迈进？出现示威、守夜和抗议可以理解；只要保持非暴力，有些情绪需要时间消化。若出现暴力，我会提醒大家，那是对特雷冯·马丁及其家人的不敬。但在抗议和守夜之外，我们能否采取具体行动？
I know that Eric Holder is reviewing what happened down there, but I think it’s important for people to have some clear expectations here. Traditionally, these are issues of state and local government, the criminal code. And law enforcement is traditionally done at the state and local levels, not at the federal levels. 我知道埃里克·霍尔德正在审查佛罗里达州发生的事，但公众也要有清楚的预期。传统上，刑法问题属于州和地方政府，执法也主要在州和地方层面，而非联邦层面。
That doesn’t mean, though, that as a nation we can’t do some things that I think would be productive. So let me just give a couple of specifics that I’m still bouncing around with my staff, so we’re not rolling out some five-point plan, but some areas where I think all of us could potentially focus. 但这不代表全国不能做些有益的事。我举几个还在与团队探讨的方向；这不是公布一套五点计划，而是大家可能共同关注的领域。
Number one, precisely because law enforcement is often determined at the state and local level, I think it would be productive for the Justice Department, governors, mayors to work with law enforcement about training at the state and local levels in order to reduce the kind of mistrust in the system that sometimes currently exists. 第一，正因为执法通常由州和地方决定，司法部、州长和市长若与执法部门合作，加强州和地方培训，减少眼下制度中有时存在的不信任，我认为会有帮助。
When I was in Illinois, I passed racial profiling legislation, and it actually did just two simple things. One, it collected data on traffic stops and the race of the person who was stopped. But the other thing was it resourced us training police departments across the state on how to think about potential racial bias and ways to further professionalize what they were doing. 我在伊利诺伊州时推动通过防止种族定性执法的法律，主要做两件简单的事：收集交通拦检数据和被拦者的种族；同时投入资源，在全州警察部门开展培训，帮助他们认识可能存在的种族偏见，提高工作的专业水平。
And initially, the police departments across the state were resistant, but actually they came to recognize that if it was done in a fair, straightforward way that it would allow them to do their jobs better and communities would have more confidence in them and, in turn, be more helpful in applying the law. And obviously, law enforcement has got a very tough job. 起初，全州警察部门有所抵触；后来他们认识到，只要做得公平、直接，这会让他们更好履职，社区也会更信任他们，进而更愿意配合执法。执法部门的工作显然非常艰难。
So that’s one area where I think there are a lot of resources and best practices that could be brought to bear if state and local governments are receptive. And I think a lot of them would be. And let's figure out are there ways for us to push out that kind of training. 因此，如果州和地方政府愿意，可以调动许多资源和成熟做法。我相信不少地方会接受。我们该研究如何推广这类培训。
Along the same lines, I think it would be useful for us to examine some state and local laws to see if it -- if they are designed in such a way that they may encourage the kinds of altercations and confrontations and tragedies that we saw in the Florida case, rather than diffuse potential altercations. 与此类似，我认为应审视某些州和地方法律，看其设计是否可能助长佛罗里达案中那种争执、对抗和悲剧，而不是化解潜在冲突。
I know that there's been commentary about the fact that the "stand your ground" laws in Florida were not used as a defense in the case. On the other hand, if we're sending a message as a society in our communities that someone who is armed potentially has the right to use those firearms even if there's a way for them to exit from a situation, is that really going to be contributing to the kind of peace and security and order that we'd like to see? 我知道有人说，佛罗里达的“坚守阵地”法在这个案件中并未作为辩护理由使用。但从另一方面看，如果社会向社区传达的信息是，持枪者即使能退出冲突，也可能有权使用枪支，这真的有利于我们想要的和平、安全与秩序吗？
And for those who resist that idea that we should think about something like these "stand your ground" laws, I'd just ask people to consider, if Trayvon Martin was of age and armed, could he have stood his ground on that sidewalk? And do we actually think that he would have been justified in shooting Mr. Zimmerman who had followed him in a car because he felt threatened? And if the answer to that question is at least ambiguous, then it seems to me that we might want to examine those kinds of laws. 对于反对重新考虑“坚守阵地”法的人，我请你们想想：如果特雷冯·马丁已成年且持枪，他能否在那条人行道上“坚守阵地”？如果他因受威胁而朝开车跟踪他的齐默尔曼先生开枪，我们真的会认为那是正当的吗？如果答案至少存在疑问，我认为我们就该审视这类法律。
Number three -- and this is a long-term project -- we need to spend some time in thinking about how do we bolster and reinforce our African American boys. And this is something that Michelle and I talk a lot about. There are a lot of kids out there who need help who are getting a lot of negative reinforcement. And is there more that we can do to give them the sense that their country cares about them and values them and is willing to invest in them? 第三，这是一项长期工作，我们需要认真思考如何扶持和鼓励非洲裔男孩。米歇尔和我经常讨论此事。许多需要帮助的孩子不断收到负面评价。我们还能做些什么，让他们感到国家关心、重视他们，并愿意投资于他们？
I'm not naïve about the prospects of some grand, new federal program. I'm not sure that that’s what we're talking about here. But I do recognize that as President, I've got some convening power, and there are a lot of good programs that are being done across the country on this front. 我不会天真地以为一定能创设某个宏大的联邦新项目，也不确定这里谈的是这种做法。但我知道，身为总统，我有召集各方的能力；全国也已有许多好项目在做这件事。
And for us to be able to gather together business leaders and local elected officials and clergy and celebrities and athletes, and figure out how are we doing a better job helping young African American men feel that they're a full part of this society and that they've got pathways and avenues to succeed -- I think that would be a pretty good outcome from what was obviously a tragic situation. And we're going to spend some time working on that and thinking about that. 如果我们能让企业领袖、地方民选官员、宗教人士、名人和运动员聚到一起，寻找更好的办法，让年轻非洲裔男性感到自己是社会完整的一员，拥有成功的道路和机会，那么从这场悲剧中取得这样的成果，会是件好事。我们会花时间思考并推动。
And then, finally, I think it's going to be important for all of us to do some soul-searching. There has been talk about should we convene a conversation on race. I haven't seen that be particularly productive when politicians try to organize conversations. They end up being stilted and politicized, and folks are locked into the positions they already have. On the other hand, in families and churches and workplaces, there's the possibility that people are a little bit more honest, and at least you ask yourself your own questions about, am I wringing as much bias out of myself as I can? 最后，我认为每个人都要反省。有人提出是否应组织全国性的种族问题对话。政治家主持的这类对话，我没见过特别有效的，常常生硬、政治化，各方仍固守原有立场。但在家庭、教堂和工作场所，人们或许能更诚实一些，至少问问自己：我是否已尽力消除内心的偏见？
Am I judging people as much as I can, based on not the color of their skin, but the content of their character? That would, I think, be an appropriate exercise in the wake of this tragedy. 我是否尽可能依据一个人的品格，而非肤色作出判断？这会是这场悲剧之后恰当的自省。
And let me just leave you with a final thought that, as difficult and challenging as this whole episode has been for a lot of people, I don’t want us to lose sight that things are getting better. Each successive generation seems to be making progress in changing attitudes when it comes to race. It doesn’t mean we’re in a post-racial society. It doesn’t mean that racism is eliminated. But when I talk to Malia and Sasha, and I listen to their friends and I seem them interact, they’re better than we are -- they’re better than we were -- on these issues. 最后我想说，尽管整件事对许多人艰难而痛苦，也不要忽视社会正在变好。每一代人对种族的态度似乎都在进步。这不意味着我们已进入“后种族”社会，也不意味着种族主义消失。但我和玛丽娅、萨莎交谈，听她们的朋友说话、看他们相处时，会觉得他们在这些问题上比我们现在、比我们当年做得更好。
And that’s true in every community that I’ve visited all across the country. 我走访全国各地社区，看到的都是这样。
And so we have to be vigilant and we have to work on these issues. And those of us in authority should be doing everything we can to encourage the better angels of our nature, as opposed to using these episodes to heighten divisions. But we should also have confidence that kids these days, I think, have more sense than we did back then, and certainly more than our parents did or our grandparents did; and that along this long, difficult journey, we’re becoming a more perfect union -- not a perfect union, but a more perfect union. 所以，我们必须保持警惕、继续努力。掌权者应尽力唤起人性中更善良的一面，而不是利用这些事件加深分裂。但也要相信，今天的孩子在这方面比当年的我们更明白事理，肯定也比父母和祖父母那一代更明白。沿着漫长而艰难的道路，我们正在成为一个更完善的联邦；尚不完美，却比过去更完善。
Thank you, guys. 谢谢各位。