Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you and good evening. The sponsor has been identified, but unlike most television programs, the performer hasn't been provided with a script. As a matter of fact, I have been permitted to choose my own words and discuss my own ideas regarding the choice that we face in the next few weeks. 谢谢。非常感谢。感谢大家，晚安。赞助商已经确认，但与大多数电视节目不同，表演者并没有拿到剧本。事实上，我被允许选择自己的措辞，讨论我自己关于未来几周我们面临的选择的想法。
I have spent most of my life as a Democrat. I recently have seen fit to follow another course. I believe that the issues confronting us cross party lines. Now, one side in this campaign has been telling us that the issues of this election are the maintenance of peace and prosperity. The line has been used, "We've never had it so good." 我一生中大部分时间都是民主党人。最近我认为应该走上另一条道路。我相信我们面临的问题超越了党派界限。现在，这场竞选的一方一直在告诉我们，这次选举的议题是维护和平与繁荣。他们一直挂在嘴边的是:"我们从未如此富裕。"
But I have an uncomfortable feeling that this prosperity isn't something on which we can base our hopes for the future. No nation in history has ever survived a tax burden that reached a third of its national income. Today, 37 cents out of every dollar earned in this country is the tax collector's share, and yet our government continues to spend 17 million dollars a day more than the government takes in. 但我有一种不安的感觉，这种繁荣并不是我们可以寄托未来希望的东西。历史上没有任何一个国家在其三分之一的国民收入被税收吞噬后还能存续下来。今天，这个国家每赚的一美元中就有37美分被税收征收者拿走，而我们的政府每天的支出仍然比收入多1700万美元。
We haven't balanced our budget 28 out of the last 34 years. We've raised our debt limit three times in the last twelve months, and now our national debt is one and a half times bigger than all the combined debts of all the nations of the world. 过去34年中，我们有28年没有平衡预算。我们在过去12个月里三次提高债务上限，现在我们的国债比世界上所有国家的债务总和还要大1.5倍。
We have 15 billion dollars in gold in our treasury; we don't own an ounce. Foreign dollar claims are 27.3 billion dollars. And we've just had announced that the dollar of 1939 will now purchase 45 cents in its total value. 我们的国库里有150亿美元的黄金；我们自己却一盎司也没有。外国美元债权为273亿美元。而且我们刚被告知，1939年的美元现在只值其原本价值的45美分。
As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like to approach the wife or mother whose husband or son has died in South Vietnam and ask them if they think this is a peace that should be maintained indefinitely. Do they mean peace, or do they mean we just want to be left in peace? There can be no real peace while one American is dying some place in the world for the rest of us. 至于我们要维护的和平，我想知道我们当中有谁愿意去走近那位丈夫或儿子在越南南部阵亡的妻子或母亲，问他们这是否是一种应该无限期维持的和平。他们指的是和平，还是指我们只想安于现状？当一个美国人正在世界某个地方为我们其他人而死时，就不可能有真正的和平。
We're at war with the most dangerous enemy that has ever faced mankind in his long climb from the swamp to the stars, and it's been said if we lose that war, and in so doing lose this way of freedom of ours, history will record with the greatest astonishment that those who had the most to lose did the least to prevent its happening. Well I think it's time we ask ourselves if we still know the freedoms that were intended for us by the Founding Fathers. 我们正在与人类从沼泽攀向星空的漫长历程中所遇到的最危险的敌人作战。有人说，如果我们输掉那场战争，并因此失去我们的自由方式，历史将以最大的惊讶记录道：那些拥有最多东西可以失去的人，却做得最少来阻止它的发生。我认为，现在是时候问问自己，我们是否仍然知道开国元勋们为我们设想的那些自由。
Not too long ago, two friends of mine were talking to a Cuban refugee, a businessman who had escaped from Castro, and in the midst of his story one of my friends turned to the other and said, "We don't know how lucky we are." And the Cuban stopped and said, "How lucky you are? I had someplace to escape to." And in that sentence he told us the entire story. If we lose freedom here, there's no place to escape to. This is the last stand on earth. 不久前，我的两个朋友正在与一位古巴难民交谈，他是一个从卡斯特罗政权逃出来的商人。在他讲述自己的故事时，我的一个朋友转向另一个说:"我们不知道自己有多幸运。"古巴人停下来问道:"你们有多幸运？我还有地方可逃。"在那句话里，他告诉了我们整个故事。如果我们在这里失去自由，就没有地方可逃了。这是地球上最后的防线。
And this idea that government is beholden to the people, that it has no other source of power except the sovereign people, is still the newest and the most unique idea in all the long history of man's relation to man. 政府对人民负有责任，它除了拥有主权的人民之外没有其他权力来源，这一思想在人类与人类关系的全部漫长历史中仍然是最新颖、最独特的思想。
This is the issue of this election: whether we believe in our capacity for self-government or whether we abandon the American revolution and confess that a little intellectual elite in a far-distant capitol can plan our lives for us better than we can plan them ourselves. 这就是这次选举的核心问题：我们是否相信我们有能力自我管理，还是我们放弃美国革命，承认一个遥远国会中的一小群知识精英能比我们自己更好地规划我们的生活？
You and I are told increasingly we have to choose between a left or right. Well I'd like to suggest there is no such thing as a left or right. There's only an up or down: [up] man's old -- old-aged dream, the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law and order, or down to the ant heap of totalitarianism. And regardless of their sincerity, their humanitarian motives, those who would trade our freedom for security have embarked on this downward course. 你和我越来越被告知，我们必须在左与右之间做出选择。我想说的是，没有所谓的左或右。只有上或下：上——人类古老的梦想，与法治和秩序相一致的个人自由的极致；或者下——走向极权主义的蚂蚁堆。无论他们多么真诚，多么有人道主义动机，那些想用自由换取安全的人已经踏上了这条下坡路。
In this vote-harvesting time, they use terms like the "Great Society," or as we were told a few days ago by the President, we must accept a greater government activity in the affairs of the people. But they've been a little more explicit in the past and among themselves; and all of the things I now will quote have appeared in print. 在这个收获选票的时代，他们使用"伟大社会"这样的术语，或者像总统几天前告诉我们的那样，我们必须接受政府在人民事务中更大的作用。但他们过去和彼此之间说得更明确；我现在要引用的所有内容都已经出现在印刷品中。
These are not Republican accusations. For example, they have voices that say, "The cold war will end through our acceptance of a not undemocratic socialism." Another voice says, "The profit motive has become outmoded. It must be replaced by the incentives of the welfare state." Or, "Our traditional system of individual freedom is incapable of solving the complex problems of the 20th century." 这些不是共和党的指控。例如，他们有声音说:"冷战将通过我们接受一个并非民主的社会主义而结束。"另一个声音说:"利润动机已经过时了。必须用福利国家的激励措施来取代它。"或者:"我们传统的个人自由体系无法解决20世纪的复杂问题。"
Senator Fulbright has said at Stanford University that the Constitution is outmoded. He referred to the President as "our moral teacher and our leader," and he says he is "hobbled in his task by the restrictions of power imposed on him by this antiquated document." He must "be freed," so that he "can do for us" what he knows "is best." 参议员富布赖特在斯坦福大学说过，宪法已经过时。他称总统为"我们的道德导师和领袖"，并说他"被这份古老文件赋予的权力限制所束缚"。他必须"被解放"，以便他"能为我们做"他认为"最好的事"。
And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania, another articulate spokesman, defines liberalism as "meeting the material needs of the masses through the full power of centralized government." Well, I, for one, resent it when a representative of the people refers to you and me, the free men and women of this country, as "the masses." This is a term we haven't applied to ourselves in America. 宾夕法尼亚州的参议员克拉克，另一位雄辩的发言人，将自由主义定义为"通过中央政府的全部力量满足群众的物质需求"。就我个人而言，当一位人民代表把你们和我——这个国家的自由男女——称为"群众"时，我感到很反感。这是一个我们在美国从未用来形容自己的术语。
But beyond that, "the full power of centralized government" -- this was the very thing the Founding Fathers sought to minimize. They knew that governments don't control things. A government can't control the economy without controlling people. And they know when a government sets out to do that, it must use force and coercion to achieve its purpose. 但除此之外，"中央政府的全部力量"——这正是开国元勋们想要最小化的东西。他们知道政府不控制事物。政府不能在不控制人民的情况下控制经济。他们也知道，当政府着手这样做时，它必须使用武力和强制来实现其目的。
They also knew, those Founding Fathers, that outside of its legitimate functions, government does nothing as well or as economically as the private sector of the economy. 那些开国元勋们还知道，除了其合法职能之外，政府在任何事情上都不如私营经济部门做得好、做得经济。
Now, we have no better example of this than government's involvement in the farm economy over the last 30 years. Since 1955, the cost of this program has nearly doubled. One-fourth of farming in America is responsible for 85% of the farm surplus. Three-fourths of farming is out on the free market and has known a 21% increase in the per capita consumption of all its produce. 现在，没有比政府过去30年对农业经济的介入更好的例子了。自1955年以来，这个项目的成本几乎翻了一番。美国四分之一的农业生产造成了85%的农业剩余。四分之三的农业在自由市场上，其所有农产品的人均消费量增长了21%。
You see, that one-fourth of farming -- that's regulated and controlled by the federal government. In the last three years we've spent 43 dollars in the feed grain program for every dollar bushel of corn we don't grow. 你看，那四分之一的农业——受联邦政府监管和控制。在过去三年中，我们在谷物饲料项目上为每蒲式耳我们没有种植的玉米花费了43美元。
Senator Humphrey last week charged that Barry Goldwater, as President, would seek to eliminate farmers. He should do his homework a little better, because he'll find out that we've had a decline of 5 million in the farm population under these government programs. 参议员汉弗莱上周指控巴里·戈德华特担任总统后会寻求消灭农民。他应该更仔细地做做功课，因为他会发现，在这些政府项目下，农业人口已经减少了500万。
He'll also find that the Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress [an] extension of the farm program to include that three-fourths that is now free. He'll find that they've also asked for the right to imprison farmers who wouldn't keep books as prescribed by the federal government. 他还会发现，民主党政府曾试图从国会获得一项农业项目的延期，以涵盖目前属于自由市场的那四分之三。他会发现，他们还要求有权监禁那些不愿按照联邦政府规定记账的农民。
The Secretary of Agriculture asked for the right to seize farms through condemnation and resell them to other individuals. And contained in that same program was a provision that would have allowed the federal government to remove 2 million farmers from the soil. 农业部长要求有权通过没收程序夺取农场并转售给其他人。在同一个项目中还有一项条款，允许联邦政府将200万农民从土地上移除。
At the same time, there's been an increase in the Department of Agriculture employees. There's now one for every 30 farms in the United States, and still they can't tell us how 66 shiploads of grain headed for Austria disappeared without a trace and Billie Sol Estes never left shore. 与此同时，农业部员工人数有所增加。现在美国每30个农场就有一个农业部员工，他们仍然无法告诉我们，66艘运往奥地利的粮食船是如何消失得无影无踪的，而比利·索尔·埃斯特斯从未离开过岸边。
Every responsible farmer and farm organization has repeatedly asked the government to free the farm economy, but how -- who are farmers to know what's best for them? The wheat farmers voted against a wheat program. The government passed it anyway. Now the price of bread goes up; the price of wheat to the farmer goes down. 每一个负责任的农民和农民组织都一再要求政府解放农业经济，但——农民怎么知道什么对他们最好？麦农投票反对小麦项目。政府无论如何都通过了。现在面包价格上涨了；农民的小麦价格下降了。
Meanwhile, back in the city, under urban renewal the assault on freedom carries on. Private property rights [are] so diluted that public interest is almost anything a few government planners decide it should be. In a program that takes from the needy and gives to the greedy, we see such spectacles as in Cleveland, Ohio, a million-and-a-half-dollar building completed only three years ago must be destroyed to make way for what government officials call a "more compatible use of the land." 与此同时，回到城市，在城市更新的名义下，对自由的侵蚀仍在继续。私人财产权被稀释到如此程度，以至于公共利益几乎成了少数政府规划者决定的任何东西。在一个从穷人那里获取、给予富人的项目中，我们看到了这样的景象：在俄亥俄州克利夫兰市，一座耗资150万美元、仅三年前建成的建筑必须被拆除，为政府官员称之为"更兼容的土地使用"让路。
The President tells us he's now going to start building public housing units in the thousands, where heretofore we've only built them in the hundreds. But FHA [Federal Housing Authority] and the Veterans Administration tell us they have 120,000 housing units they've taken back through mortgage foreclosure. 总统告诉我们，他现在将开始建造数千套公共住房单元，而此前我们只建造了数百套。但联邦住房管理局和退伍军人事务部告诉我们，他们通过抵押品赎回权收回了12万套住房单元。
For three decades, we've sought to solve the problems of unemployment through government planning, and the more the plans fail, the more the planners plan. The latest is the Area Redevelopment Agency. They've just declared Rice County, Kansas, a depressed area. Rice County, Kansas, has two hundred oil wells, and the 14,000 people there have over 30 million dollars on deposit in personal savings in their banks. And when the government tells you you're depressed, lie down and be depressed. 三十年来，我们一直试图通过政府规划来解决失业问题，计划越失败，规划者就越多。最新的是区域再开发署。他们刚刚宣布堪萨斯州的赖斯县为萧条地区。堪萨斯州的赖斯县有200口油井，那里的1.4万人在银行的个人储蓄中存有超过3000万美元。当政府告诉你你很萧条时，躺下表现得萧条吧。
We have so many people who can't see a fat man standing beside a thin one without coming to the conclusion the fat man got that way by taking advantage of the thin one. So they're going to solve all the problems of human misery through government and government planning. Well, now, if government planning and welfare had the answer -- and they've had almost 30 years of it -- shouldn't we expect government to read the score to us once in a while? Shouldn't they be telling us about the decline each year in the number of people needing help? The reduction in the need for public housing? 我们有太多人，看到一个胖男人站在一个瘦男人旁边，就得出结论说胖男人是通过剥削瘦男人才变胖的。所以他们打算通过政府和政府规划来解决所有人类苦难的问题。既然政府规划和福利有答案——他们已经做了将近30年了——我们难道不应该期望政府偶尔给我们读读成绩单吗？他们难道不应该告诉我们每年需要帮助的人数在减少吗？公共住房需求在减少吗？
But the reverse is true. Each year the need grows greater; the program grows greater. We were told four years ago that 17 million people went to bed hungry each night. Well that was probably true. They were all on a diet. But now we're told that 9.3 million families in this country are poverty-stricken on the basis of earning less than 3,000 dollars a year. Welfare spending [is] 10 times greater than in the dark depths of the Depression. 但事实恰恰相反。每年需求都在增长；项目也在增长。四年前我们被告知，每晚有1700万人饿着肚子睡觉。那可能是真的。他们都在节食。但现在我们被告知，这个国家有930万家庭处于贫困中，标准是每年收入低于3000美元。福利支出是大萧条最黑暗时期的10倍。
We're spending 45 billion dollars on welfare. Now do a little arithmetic, and you'll find that if we divided the 45 billion dollars up equally among those 9 million poor families, we'd be able to give each family 4,600 dollars a year. And this added to their present income should eliminate poverty. Direct aid to the poor, however, is only running only about 600 dollars per family. It would seem that someplace there must be some overhead. 我们在福利上花费了450亿美元。现在做一点算术，你会发现，如果我们把450亿美元平均分给那900万贫困家庭，我们每年能给每个家庭4600美元。加上他们目前的收入，应该可以消除贫困。然而，对穷人的直接援助每个家庭每年只有大约600美元。看来某处一定有一些管理费用。
Now -- so now we declare "war on poverty," or "You, too, can be a Bobby Baker." Now do they honestly expect us to believe that if we add 1 billion dollars to the 45 billion we're spending, one more program to the 30-odd we have -- and remember, this new program doesn't replace any, it just duplicates existing programs -- do they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by magic? 现在——所以现在我们宣布"向贫困开战"，或者"你也可以成为鲍比·贝克"。他们真的期望我们相信，如果我们在已经花费的450亿美元上再加10亿美元，在我们已有的30多个项目中再加一个——记住，这个新项目不会替代任何现有项目，它只是重复现有项目——他们相信贫困会突然消失吗？
Well, in all fairness I should explain there is one part of the new program that isn't duplicated. This is the youth feature. We're now going to solve the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting something like the old CCC camps [Civilian Conservation Corps], and we're going to put our young people in these camps. 好吧，公平地说，我应该说明新项目中有一部分是不重复的。这就是青年计划。我们现在要通过恢复类似旧的民间资源保护队营地来解决辍学问题和青少年犯罪问题，我们要把年轻人放进这些营地。
But again we do some arithmetic, and we find that we're going to spend each year just on room and board for each young person we help 4,700 dollars a year. We can send them to Harvard for 2,700! Course, don't get me wrong. I'm not suggesting Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency. 但同样，我们做一些算术，发现我们每年在每个我们帮助的年轻人身上仅食宿就花费4700美元。我们可以送他们去哈佛，只需2700美元！当然，别误会我。我并不是说哈佛是解决青少年犯罪的答案。
But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek to help? Not too long ago, a judge called me here in Los Angeles. He told me of a young woman who'd come before him for a divorce. She had six children, was pregnant with her seventh. Under his questioning, she revealed her husband was a laborer earning 250 dollars a month. She wanted a divorce to get an 80 dollar raise. She's eligible for 330 dollars a month in the Aid to Dependent Children Program. She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood who'd already done that very thing. 但说真的，我们在对那些我们想帮助的人做什么？不久前，一位洛杉矶的法官给我打电话。他告诉我一个年轻女子的故事，她来他面前要求离婚。她有六个孩子，正怀着第七个。在他的询问下，她透露她的丈夫是一个劳工，每月挣250美元。她想离婚是为了获得80美元的加薪。她有资格通过"援助依赖儿童计划"每月获得330美元。她是从附近两个已经这么做的女人那里得到这个主意的。
Yet anytime you and I question the schemes of the do-gooders, we're denounced as being against their humanitarian goals. They say we're always "against" things -- we're never "for" anything. Well, the trouble with our liberal friends is not that they're ignorant; it's just that they know so much that isn't so. 然而，每当你和我质疑那些行善者的计划时，我们就被谴责为反对他们的人道主义目标。他们说我们总是"反对"什么——我们从不"支持"任何东西。我们开明的朋友的问题不是他们无知；而是他们知道太多并非如此的东西。
Now -- we're for a provision that destitution should not follow unemployment by reason of old age, and to that end we've accepted Social Security as a step toward meeting the problem. 现在——我们支持一项规定：贫困不应因年老而伴随失业，为此我们接受社会保障作为解决这个问题的一步。
But we're against those entrusted with this program when they practice deception regarding its fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any criticism of the program means that we want to end payments to those people who depend on them for a livelihood. They've called it "insurance" to us in a hundred million pieces of literature. But then they appeared before the Supreme Court and they testified it was a welfare program. They only use the term "insurance" to sell it to the people. 但我们反对那些受托管理这个项目的人在其财政缺陷上实施欺骗，当他们指责任何对该项目的批评意味着我们想停止向那些依靠这些付款维生的人付款时。他们在一亿份文献中把它称为"保险"。但后来他们出现在最高法院面前，作证说它是一个福利项目。他们只是用"保险"这个术语来向人民推销它。
And they said Social Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government, and the government has used that tax. There is no fund, because Robert Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and admitted that Social Security as of this moment is 298 billion dollars in the hole. But he said there should be no cause for worry because as long as they have the power to tax, they could always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail them out of trouble. And they're doing just that. 他们还说，社会保障缴款是政府的一般税收，政府已经使用了这笔税收。没有基金，因为精算负责人罗伯特·拜尔斯在一个国会委员会面前承认，截至目前，社会保障的赤字为2980亿美元。但他说不必担心，因为只要他们有征税的权力，他们总能从人民手中拿走他们需要的任何东西来解救自己。他们正是在这样做。
A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary -- his Social Security contribution would, in the open market, buy him an insurance policy that would guarantee 220 dollars a month at age 65. The government promises 127. He could live it up until he's 31 and then take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security. Now are we so lacking in business sense that we can't put this program on a sound basis, so that people who do require those payments will find they can get them when they're due -- that the cupboard isn't bare? Barry Goldwater thinks we can. 一个21岁的年轻人，以平均工资工作——他的社会保障缴款在公开市场上可以给他购买一份保险保单，保证他65岁时每月获得220美元。政府承诺127美元。他可以挥霍到31岁，然后购买一份支付金额超过社会保障的保单。现在我们是否如此缺乏商业头脑，以至于不能把这个项目建立在健全的基础上，确保那些确实需要这些付款的人能够在到期时得到它们——确保橱柜不是空的？巴里·戈德华特认为我们可以。
At the same time, can't we introduce voluntary features that would permit a citizen who can do better on his own to be excused upon presentation of evidence that he had made provision for the non-earning years? Should we not allow a widow with children to work, and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her deceased husband? 与此同时，我们难道不能引入自愿选项，让那些能自己做得更好的公民在提供证据证明他们已为非工作岁月做好准备后获得豁免吗？我们难道不应该允许有孩子的寡妇工作，而不失去据称由她已故丈夫支付的福利吗？
Shouldn't you and I be allowed to declare who our beneficiaries will be under this program, which we cannot do? 你和我难道不应该被允许声明谁将是这个项目下的受益人吗？而我们现在不能这样做。
I think we're for telling our senior citizens that no one in this country should be denied medical care because of a lack of funds. But I think we're against forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into a compulsory government program, especially when we have such examples, as was announced last week, when France admitted that their Medicare program is now bankrupt. They've come to the end of the road. 我认为我们支持告诉我们的老年人，这个国家不应该有人因为缺钱而被剥夺医疗保健。但我认为我们反对强迫所有公民，无论需要与否，加入一个强制性的政府项目，特别是当我们有这样的例子，如上星期宣布的，法国承认他们的医疗保险计划现在已经破产。他们已经走到了尽头。
In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested that our government give up its program of deliberate, planned inflation, so that when you do get your Social Security pension, a dollar will buy a dollar's worth, and not 45 cents worth? 此外，当巴里·戈德华特建议我们的政府放弃其有意的、有计划的通货膨胀计划时，他是如此不负责任吗？这样当你确实拿到你的社会保障养老金时，一美元能买到一美元的东西，而不是45美分的东西？
I think we're for an international organization, where the nations of the world can seek peace. But I think we're against subordinating American interests to an organization that has become so structurally unsound that today you can muster a two-thirds vote on the floor of the General Assembly among nations that represent less than 10 percent of the world's population. 我认为我们支持一个国际组织，让世界各国能够寻求和平。但我认为我们反对将美国利益置于一个结构上如此不健全的组织之下，以至于今天你可以在大会堂获得代表不足世界人口10%以下国家的三分之二投票。
I think we're against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies because here and there they cling to a colony, while we engage in a conspiracy of silence and never open our mouths about the millions of people enslaved in the Soviet colonies in the satellite nations. 我认为我们反对这种虚伪：攻击我们的盟友因为他们在这里或那里坚持殖民地，而我们却参与了一个沉默的阴谋，从不开口谈论数以百万计在苏联卫星国殖民地中被奴役的人民。
I think we're for aiding our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those nations which share in our fundamental beliefs, but we're against doling out money government to government, creating bureaucracy, if not socialism, all over the world. 我认为我们支持通过分享我们的物质财富来帮助那些与我们有基本信念的同盟国，但我们反对通过政府对政府的方式发放资金，在全世界创造官僚机构，如果不是社会主义的话。
We set out to help 19 countries. We're helping 107. We've spent 146 billion dollars. With that money, we bought a 2 million dollar yacht for Haile Selassie. We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra wives for Kenya[n] government officials. We bought a thousand TV sets for a place where they have no electricity. In the last six years, 52 nations have bought 7 billion dollars worth of our gold, and all 52 are receiving foreign aid from this country. 我们最初着手帮助19个国家。我们现在正在帮助107个国家。我们已经花费了1460亿美元。用这笔钱，我们为海尔·塞拉西买了一艘200万美元的游艇。我们为希腊殡仪承办人买了礼服，为肯尼亚政府官员买了额外的妻子。我们为一个没有电的地方买了一千台电视机。在过去六年中，52个国家购买了我们价值70亿美元的黄金，而这52个国家都在从这个国家获得外国援助。
No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size. So, governments' programs, once launched, never disappear. Actually, a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever see on this earth. 没有哪个政府会自愿缩小自己的规模。所以，政府项目一旦启动，就永远不会消失。事实上，政府机构是我们在这个地球上能看到的最接近永恒生命的东西。
Federal employees -- federal employees number two and a half million; and federal, state, and local, one out of six of the nation's work force employed by government. These proliferating bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our constitutional safeguards. How many of us realize that today federal agents can invade a man's property without a warrant? They can impose a fine without a formal hearing, let alone a trial by jury? And they can seize and sell his property at auction to enforce the payment of that fine. 联邦员工——联邦员工总数为250万人；加上州和地方政府，全国六分之一的劳动力受雇于政府。这些激增的机构及其成千上万的法规让我们失去了许多宪法保障。我们当中有多少人意识到，今天联邦特工可以在没有搜查令的情况下侵入一个人的财产？他们可以在没有正式听证的情况下处以罚款，更不用说陪审团审判了？他们可以扣押并在拍卖会上出售他的财产来强制执行该罚款。
In Chico County, Arkansas, James Wier over-planted his rice allotment. The government obtained a 17,000 dollar judgment. And a U.S. marshal sold his 960-acre farm at auction. The government said it was necessary as a warning to others to make the system work. 在阿肯色州奇科县，詹姆斯·威尔过度种植了他的水稻配额。政府获得了1.7万美元的判决。美国执法官在拍卖会上出售了他960英亩的农场。政府说这是必要的，作为对其他人的警告，以使系统运行。
Last February 19th at the University of Minnesota, Norman Thomas, six-times candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket, said, "If Barry Goldwater became President, he would stop the advance of socialism in the United States." I think that's exactly what he will do. 去年2月19日在明尼苏达大学，六次参选总统的社会党候选人诺曼·托马斯说："如果巴里·戈德华特成为总统，他将阻止美国社会主义的推进。"我认为这正是他会做的。
But as a former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn't the only man who has drawn this parallel to socialism with the present administration, because back in 1936, Mr. Democrat himself, Al Smith, the great American, came before the American people and charged that the leadership of his Party was taking the Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down the road under the banners of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. 但作为一个前民主党人，我可以告诉你，诺曼·托马斯并不是唯一一个将当前政府与社会主义相提并论的人，因为早在1936年，民主党人自己——伟大的美国人阿尔·史密斯——就来到美国人民面前，指责他的党的领导层正在带领杰斐逊、杰克逊和克利夫兰的党，沿着马克思、列宁和斯大林的旗帜走下去。
And he walked away from his Party, and he never returned til the day he died -- because to this day, the leadership of that Party has been taking that Party, that honorable Party, down the road in the image of the labor Socialist Party of England. 他离开了他的党，直到去世那天他从未回去——因为直到今天，那个党的领导层一直在带领那个党，那个光荣的党，沿着英国工党的社会主义路线走下去。
Now it doesn't require expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to impose socialism on a people. What does it mean whether you hold the deed to the -- or the title to your business or property if the government holds the power of life and death over that business or property? And such machinery already exists. 现在，要将社会主义强加给一个民族，并不需要征用或没收私人财产或企业。如果你持有企业或财产的契约或所有权，而政府掌握着对该企业或财产的生死大权，这又有什么区别呢？这样的机制已经存在了。
The government can find some charge to bring against any concern it chooses to prosecute. Every businessman has his own tale of harassment. Somewhere a perversion has taken place. Our natural, unalienable rights are now considered to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been so fragile, so close to slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment. 政府可以找到任何它选择起诉的企业的指控。每个商人都有自己的骚扰故事。某处发生了一种变态。我们自然的、不可剥夺的权利现在被视为政府的恩赐，而自由从未像现在这样脆弱，如此接近从我们的掌握中溜走。
Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues. They want to make you and I believe that this is a contest between two men -- that we're to choose just between two personalities. 我们的民主党对手似乎不愿意辩论这些问题。他们想让你和我相信，这是一场两个人之间的竞赛——我们只是在两个人格之间做出选择。
Well what of this man that they would destroy -- and in destroying, they would destroy that which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold dear? Is he the brash and shallow and trigger-happy man they say he is? Well I've been privileged to know him "when." I knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office, and I can tell you personally I've never known a man in my life I believed so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing. 那么他们要摧毁的这个人呢——在摧毁他的同时，他们也会摧毁他所代表的东西，即你和我珍视的那些理念？他是他们所说的那种粗暴、浅薄、好战的人吗？我有幸了解他。在他梦想竞选公职之前很久我就认识他了，我可以亲自告诉你，我一生中从未认识一个我认为如此不可能做不诚实或不光彩之事的人。
This is a man who, in his own business before he entered politics, instituted a profit-sharing plan before unions had ever thought of it. He put in health and medical insurance for all his employees. He took 50 percent of the profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all his employees. He sent monthly checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn't work. He provides nursing care for the children of mothers who work in the stores. When Mexico was ravaged by the floods in the Rio Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there. 这个人在进入政界之前在自己的生意中，在工会想到它之前就建立了利润分享计划。他为所有员工建立了健康和医疗保险。他将税前利润的50%拿出来建立了一个退休计划，即所有员工的养老金计划。他向生病无法工作的员工终身每月寄送支票。他为在商店工作的母亲的孩子提供护理。当墨西哥遭受里奥格兰德洪水蹂躏时，他爬上自己的飞机，飞往那里运送药品和物资。
An ex-GI told me how he met him. It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying to get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas. And he said that [there were] a lot of servicemen there and no seats available on the planes. And then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, "Any men in uniform wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such-and-such," and they went down there, and there was a fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane. 一位前GI告诉我他是如何认识他的。那是在朝鲜战争期间圣诞节前的那一周，他在洛杉矶机场试图搭便车回亚利桑那州过圣诞节。他说那里有很多军人，飞机上没有空位。然后扬声器里传来一个声音说："任何想搭车去亚利桑那州的穿军装的人，去某个跑道"，他们下去了，那里有一个叫巴里·戈德华特的人坐在他的飞机里。
Every day in those weeks before Christmas, all day long, he'd load up the plane, fly it to Arizona, fly them to their homes, fly back over to get another load. 在圣诞节前的那几周里，每天一整天，他都会装载飞机，飞往亚利桑那州，把他们送到家，再飞回去接另一批人。
During the hectic split-second timing of a campaign, this is a man who took time out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of cancer. His campaign managers were understandably impatient, but he said, "There aren't many left who care what happens to her. I'd like her to know I care." 在竞选活动忙碌的分分秒秒中，这个人抽出时间坐在一位即将死于癌症的老朋友身边。他的竞选经理们可以理解地不耐烦，但他说："剩下的人不多了，谁会关心她发生什么事呢。我想让她知道我关心。"
This is a man who said to his 19-year-old son, "There is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life on that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real start." This is not a man who could carelessly send other people's sons to war. And that is the issue of this campaign that makes all the other problems I've discussed academic, unless we realize we're in a war that must be won. 这个人对他19岁的儿子说："没有什么基础像诚实和公平的磐石，当你开始在那块磐石上建立你的生活，并用你对上帝的信仰作为水泥，那么你就有了一个真正的开始。"这不是一个能粗心大意地把别人的儿子送上战场的人。这就是这场竞选的核心问题，使我讨论的所有其他问题都变得学术化，除非我们意识到我们正处于一场必须获胜的战争中。
Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen of the welfare state have told us they have a utopian solution of peace without victory. They call their policy "accommodation." And they say if we'll only avoid any direct confrontation with the enemy, he'll forget his evil ways and learn to love us. 那些想把我们的自由换成福利国家的汤厨房的人告诉我们，他们有一个不战而胜的乌托邦式和平解决方案。他们称之为"迁就"。他们说如果我们只避免与敌人的任何直接对抗，他就会忘记他的邪恶方式，学会爱我们。
All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers. They say we offer simple answers to complex problems. Well, perhaps there is a simple answer -- not an easy answer -- but simple: If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials that we want our national policy based on what we know in our hearts is morally right. 所有反对他们的人都被指控为战争贩子。他们说我们为复杂问题提供简单的答案。好吧，也许有一个简单的答案——不是一个容易的答案——但是简单：如果你和我有勇气告诉我们当选的官员，我们希望我们的国家政策基于我们内心深处知道在道德上是正确的东西。
We cannot buy our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb by committing an immorality so great as saying to a billion human beings now enslaved behind the Iron Curtain, "Give up your dreams of freedom because to save our own skins, we're willing to make a deal with your slave masters." Alexander Hamilton said, "A nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master, and deserves one." 我们不能通过对现在被奴役在铁幕后面的十亿人类犯下如此巨大的不道德行为来购买我们的安全，即我们从核弹威胁中获得的自由——"放弃你们的自由梦想，因为为了保全我们自己的皮肤，我们愿意与你们的奴隶主做交易。"亚历山大·汉密尔顿说："一个能够选择耻辱而非危险的民族，已经准备好接受主人，也活该如此。"
Now let's set the record straight. There's no argument over the choice between peace and war, but there's only one guaranteed way you can have peace -- and you can have it in the next second -- surrender. 现在让我们把记录摆正。在和平与战争的选择上没有争论，但只有一种保证你能拥有和平的方法——你可以在下一秒就拥有它——投降。
Admittedly, there's a risk in any course we follow other than this, but every lesson of history tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement, and this is the specter our well-meaning liberal friends refuse to face -- that their policy of accommodation is appeasement, and it gives no choice between peace and war, only between fight or surrender. If we continue to accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we have to face the final demand -- the ultimatum. 诚然，我们采取的任何其他路线都有风险，但历史的每一个教训都告诉我们，更大的风险在于绥靖，这正是我们善意的开明朋友拒绝面对的幽灵——他们的迁就政策就是绥靖，它没有给出和平或战争的选择，只有战斗或投降的选择。如果我们继续迁就，继续退让，最终我们将不得不面对最后的要求——最后通牒。
And what then -- when Nikita Khrushchev has told his people he knows what our answer will be? He has told them that we're retreating under the pressure of the Cold War, and someday when the time comes to deliver the final ultimatum, our surrender will be voluntary, because by that time we will have been weakened from within spiritually, morally, and economically. 然后会发生什么——当赫鲁晓夫已经告诉他的人民他知道我们的答案会是什么时？他已经告诉他们，我们在冷战的压力下正在撤退，有一天当交付最后通牒的时刻到来时，我们的投降将是自愿的，因为到那时我们将在精神上、道德上和经济上被从内部削弱。
He believes this because from our side he's heard voices pleading for "peace at any price" or "better Red than dead," or as one commentator put it, he'd rather "live on his knees than die on his feet." And therein lies the road to war, because those voices don't speak for the rest of us. 他相信这一点，因为从我们这边他听到了恳求"不惜任何代价的和平"或"宁可红也不要死"的声音，或者正如一位评论员所说，他宁愿"跪生也不愿站死"。这就是通往战争的道路，因为那些声音并不代表我们其他人。
You and I know and do not believe that life is so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery. If nothing in life is worth dying for, when did this begin -- just in the face of this enemy? Or should Moses have told the children of Israel to live in slavery under the pharaohs? Should Christ have refused the cross? 你和我知道并且不相信生命如此珍贵，和平如此甜美，以至于可以用锁链和奴役的代价来购买。如果生命中没有什么值得为之牺牲的，那这是从什么时候开始的——就在面对这个敌人的时候？或者摩西应该告诉以色列的孩子们在法老的统治下生活在奴役中吗？基督应该拒绝十字架吗？
Should the patriots at Concord Bridge have thrown down their guns and refused to fire the shot heard 'round the world? The martyrs of history were not fools, and our honored dead who gave their lives to stop the advance of the Nazis didn't die in vain. 康科德桥的爱国者们应该扔下他们的枪，拒绝打响那声响彻世界的枪声吗？历史上的殉道者不是傻瓜，我们为阻止纳粹推进而献出生命的光荣死者没有白白牺牲。
Where, then, is the road to peace? Well it's a simple answer after all. 那么，通往和平的道路在哪里呢？毕竟这是一个简单的答案。
You and I have the courage to say to our enemies, "There is a price we will not pay." There is a point beyond which they must not advance. 你和我有勇气对我们的敌人说："有一个代价我们不会付出。"有一个他们不能越过的界限。
This is the meaning of Barry Goldwater's "peace through strength." Winston Churchill said, "The destiny of man is not measured by material computations. When great forces move in the world, we learn we're spirits -- not animals." 这就是巴里·戈德华特"通过实力求和平"这句话的含义。温斯顿·丘吉尔说："人的命运不是用物质计算来衡量的。当伟大的力量在世界上移动时，我们知道我们是精神——不是动物。"
And he said, "There's something going on in time and space, and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not, spells duty." 他还说："在时间和空间中，有某种东西正在发生，超越时间和空间，无论我们是否喜欢，它都意味着责任。"
You and I have a rendezvous with destiny. We'll preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on earth, or we'll sentence them to take the last step into a thousand years of darkness. 你和我与命运有一个约会。我们将为我们的孩子们保护这个，地球上人类最后的最佳希望，或者我们将判他们踏上通往千年黑暗的最后一步。
We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us. He has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny. 我们将牢记并记住，巴里·戈德华特信任我们。他相信你和我有能力、有尊严、有权利做出我们自己的决定，决定我们自己的命运。
Thank you very much. 非常感谢。