Mr. President, I rise today both humbled and honored by the opportunity to express my support for renewal of the expiring provisions of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. 议长先生，今天我怀着谦卑和荣幸之情站起来，表达我对重新授权1965年《投票权法案》即将到期条款的支持。
I want to thank the many people inside and outside Congress who have worked so hard over the past year to get us here. We owe a great debt of gratitude to the leadership on both sides of the aisle. And we owe special thanks to Chairmen Sensenbrenner and Specter, Ranking Members Conyers and Leahy, and Representative Mel Watt. Without their work and dedication, and the support of voting rights advocates across the country, I doubt that this bill would have come before us so soon. 我要感谢国会内外许许多多在过去一年里辛勤工作、推动我们走到今天的人。我们深深感激两党领导层的贡献。我们还要特别感谢森森布伦纳和斯佩克特主席、康耶斯和利亚尼资深委员，以及梅尔·瓦特众议员。没有他们的工作和奉献，没有全国各地投票权倡导者的支持，我怀疑这项法案不会这么快就提交到我们面前。
I want to thank both Chambers and both sides of the aisle, as well, for getting this done with the same broad support that drove the original act 40 years ago. At a time when Americans are frustrated with the partisan bickering that too often stalls our work, the refreshing display of bipartisanship we're seeing today reflects our collective belief in the success of the act and reminds us of how effective we can be when we work together. 我还要感谢参众两院和两党，以四十年前推动原始法案的那种广泛支持完成了这项工作。在美国人对党派争吵经常阻碍我们工作感到失望的当下，我们今天看到的令人耳目一新的两党合作，反映了我们对这项法案成功效果的集体信念，也提醒我们当我们携手合作时能有多么高效。
Nobody can deny that we've come a long way since 1965. Look at the registration numbers. Only two years after the passage of the original Act, registration numbers for minority voters in some States doubled. Soon after, not a single State covered by the Voting Rights Act had registered less than half of its minority voting age population. 没有人能否认自1965年以来我们取得了长足进步。看看登记数据。原始法案通过仅两年后，一些州的少数族裔选民登记人数就翻了一番。此后不久，受《投票权法案》覆盖的各州没有一个登记的少数族裔适龄选民低于半数。
Look at the influence of African-American elected officials at every single level of government. There are African-American Members of Congress. Since 2001, our Nation's top diplomat has been African American. In fact, most of America's elected African-American officials come from States covered by section 5 of the Voting Rights Act -- States like Mississippi, and Alabama, Louisiana, and Georgia. 看看非裔美国人当选官员在各级政府中的影响力。有非裔国会议员。自2001年以来，我国最高外交官一直由非裔美国人担任。事实上，美国大多数当选的非裔官员都来自受《投票权法案》第五条覆盖的州——如密西西比州、阿拉巴马州、路易斯安那州和佐治亚州。
But to me, the most striking evidence of our progress can be found right across this building in my dear friend Congressman John Lewis, who was on the front lines of the Civil Rights Movement, risking life and limb for freedom. And on March 7th, 1965, he led 600 peaceful protesters, demanding the right to vote, across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama. 但对我而言，我们进步最惊人的证据就在这座建筑的对面——我的挚友约翰·刘易斯众议员。他身处民权运动最前线，为自由冒着生命危险。1965年3月7日，他带领六百名和平抗议者，要求投票权，穿越阿拉巴马州塞尔玛的埃德蒙·佩特斯大桥。
Now, I've often thought about the people on the Edmund Pettus Bridge that day, not only John Lewis and Hosea Williams, who led the march, but the hundreds of everyday Americans who left their homes and their churches to join it -- Blacks and Whites, teenagers, children, teachers, bankers, shopkeepers -- what Dr. King called a beloved community of God's children ready to stand for freedom. 我时常想起那天在埃德蒙·佩特斯大桥上的人们，不仅是领头的约翰·刘易斯和霍西阿·威廉姆斯，还有数百名离开家园和教堂加入游行的普通美国人——黑人和白人、青少年、儿童、教师、银行家、店主——金博士所说的那群随时准备为自由挺身而出的上帝挚爱的子民。
And I wonder sometimes -- Where did they find that kind of courage? You know, when you're facing row after row of State troopers on horseback, armed with billy clubs and tear gas -- when they're coming toward you spewing hatred and violence, how do you simply stop, kneel down, and pray to the Lord for salvation? 我有时会想——他们从哪里找到那种勇气的？要知道，当你面对一排排骑在马背上的州警，他们手持警棍和催泪弹——当他们喷吐着仇恨和暴力向你逼近时，你怎么能做到停下来、跪下，向主祈求救赎？
But the most amazing thing of all is that after that day, after John Lewis was beaten within an inch of his life, after people's heads were gashed open and their eyes were burned, and they watched their children's innocence literally beaten out of them -- after all that, they went back and marched again. They marched again. They crossed the bridge. They awakened a nation's conscience. And not five months later the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was signed into law. It was reauthorized in 1970, in 1975, and 1982. 但最令人惊叹的是，在那一天之后，在约翰·刘易斯被打得险些丧命之后，在人们头破血流、眼睛被灼伤、亲眼看着孩子们的纯真被暴力打碎之后——在经历了这一切之后，他们回去再次游行。他们再次游行。他们穿越了那座桥。他们唤醒了国家的良知。不到五个月，1965年《投票权法案》便签署成为法律。此后在1970年、1975年和1982年三次重新授权。
Now, in 2006 John Lewis, the physical scars of those marches still visible, is an original cosponsor of the fourth reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act. And he was joined last week by 389 of his House colleagues in voting for its passage. 如今，2006年，约翰·刘易斯身上那些游行留下的伤疤依然可见，他是《投票权法案》第四次重新授权的最初共同提案人。上周，他与389位众议院同僚一起投票支持了法案的通过。
There were some in the House, and there may be some in the Senate, who argue that the Act is no longer needed, that the protections of section 5's "preclearance" requirement -- a requirement that ensures certain States are upholding the right to vote -- are targeting the wrong States. 众议院中有些人，参议院中可能也有些人，认为这项法案已不再需要，认为第五条"预先审批"要求——确保某些州维护投票权的要求——针对了错误的州。
Unfortunately, the evidence refutes that notion. Of the 1100 objections issued by the Department of Justice since 1965, 56 percent occurred since the last reauthorization in 1982. Over half have occurred since 1982. So despite the progress these States have made in upholding the right to vote, it's clear that problems still exist. 遗憾的是，证据驳斥了这种说法。自1965年以来司法部发出的1100份异议中，56%发生在1982年上次重新授权之后。超过一半的异议发生在1982年以来。因此，尽管这些州在维护投票权方面取得了进步，但问题显然仍然存在。
Now, there are others who would argue that we shouldn't renew section 203's protection of language minorities. These arguments have been tied to debates over immigration and they tend to muddle a noncontroversial issue -- protecting the right to vote -- with one of today's most contentious debates. 还有些人主张我们不应续期第203条对语言少数族裔的保护。这些论点被与移民辩论挂钩，倾向于将一个没有争议的问题——保护投票权——与当今最具争议的辩论混为一谈。
But let's remember, you can't request language assistance if you're not a voter. And you can't be a voter if you are not a citizen. And while voters, as citizens, must be proficient in English, many are simply more confident that they can cast ballots printed in their native languages without making errors. It's not an unreasonable assumption. 但请记住，如果你不是选民，你就无法要求语言协助。如果你不是公民，你就不能成为选民。虽然选民作为公民必须具备英语能力，但许多人只是更有信心使用母语印制的选票投票而不出错。这并非不合理的假设。
A representative of the Southwestern Voter Registration Project is quoted as saying: 西南选民登记项目的一位代表被引述说：
Citizens who prefer Spanish registration cards do so because they feel more connected to the process. They also feel they trust the process more when they fully understand it. 偏好西班牙语登记卡的公民这样做是因为他们感到与这个过程更加紧密相连。他们也表示，当他们完全理解这个过程时，他们对它更加信任。
These sentiments, connection to and trust in our democratic process, are exactly what we want from our voting rights legislation. 这些情感——与民主进程的连接和信任——恰恰是我们希望从投票权立法中看到的。
Our challenges, of course, don't end at reauthorizing the Voting Rights Act. We have to prevent the problems we've seen in recent elections from happening again. We've seen political operatives purge voters from registration rolls for no legitimate reason, prevent eligible ex-felons from casting ballots, distribute polling equipment unevenly, and deceive voters about the time, location, and rules of elections. And unfortunately, these efforts have been directed primarily at minority voters -- the disabled, low-income individuals, and other historically disenfranchised groups. 当然，我们的挑战不止于重新授权《投票权法案》。我们必须防止近年来选举中出现的种种问题再次发生。我们看到政治操盘手以不合理的理由将选民从登记册上清除，阻止符合条件的前重罪犯投票，不均等地分配投票设备，以及欺骗选民关于选举的时间、地点和规则。而不幸的是，这些行径主要针对少数族裔选民——残疾人、低收入者和其他历史上被剥夺选举权的群体。
The Help America Vote Act, or HAVA, was a big step in the right direction. But we've got to do more. We need to fully fund HAVA if we're going to move forward in the next stage of securing the right to vote for every citizen. We need to enforce critical requirements like statewide registration databases. We need to make sure polling equipment is distributed equitably and equipment actually works. And we need to work on getting more people to the polls on election day. 《帮助美国投票法案》（HAVA）是朝正确方向迈出的一大步。但我们还需要做得更多。如果要在下一阶段确保每位公民的投票权，我们需要为HAVA提供充足资金。我们需要执行全州登记数据库等关键要求。我们需要确保投票设备公平分配且设备实际可用。我们还需要致力于让更多人在选举日去投票。
We need to make sure that minority voters are not the subject of some deplorable intimidation tactics when they do go to the polls. 我们需要确保少数族裔选民去投票时不会成为某些恶劣恐吓手段的目标。
You know, in 2004 Native American voters in South Dakota were confronted by men posing as law enforcement. These hired intimidators joked about jail time for ballot missteps and followed voters to their cars to record their license plates. 要知道，2004年南达科他州的原住民选民遭到了冒充执法人员的男子恐吓。这些受雇的恐吓者拿投票失误会入狱开玩笑，并尾随选民到他们的车旁记录车牌号。
In Lake County, Ohio, some voters received a memo on bogus Board of Election letterhead, informing voters who registered through Democratic and NAACP drives that they could not vote. 在俄亥俄州莱克县，一些选民收到了印在伪造选举委员会信头上的备忘录，通知通过民主党和NAACP活动登记的选民他们不能投票。
In Wisconsin, a flier purporting to be from the "Milwaukee Black Voters League" was circulated in predominantly African-American neighborhoods with the following message: "If you've already voted in any election this year, you can't vote in the presidential election. If you violate any of these laws, you can get ten years in prison and your children will get taken away from you." 在威斯康星州，一份声称来自"密尔沃基黑人选民联盟"的传单在以非裔美国人为主的社区流传，内容如下："如果你今年已经在任何选举中投过票，你就不能在总统选举中投票。如果你违反了这些法律中的任何一条，你可能被判处十年监禁，你的孩子也会被带走。"
Now, think about that. We've got a lot more work to do. This occasion is a cause for celebration. But it's also an opportunity to renew our commitment to voting rights. As Congressman Lewis said last week: It's clear that we've come a great distance, but we still have a great distance to go. 想想这些吧。我们还有大量工作要做。今天这个场合值得庆祝，但它也是一个重新承诺捍卫投票权的机会。正如刘易斯众议员上周所说：我们已经走了很远的路，但我们还有很远的路要走。
Now, the memory of Selma still lives on in the spirit of the Voting Rights Act. Since that day, the Voting Rights Act has been a critical tool in ensuring that all Americans not only have the right to vote but have the right to have their vote counted. 塞尔玛的记忆仍然活在《投票权法案》的精神中。自那一天起，《投票权法案》一直是确保所有美国人不仅有投票权、而且有权让其选票被计算的关键工具。
And those of us concerned about protecting those rights can't afford to sit on our laurels upon reauthorization of this bill. We need to take advantage of this rare, united front and continue to fight to ensure unimpeded access to the polls of all Americans. In other words, we need to take the spirit that existed on that bridge, and we have to spread it across this country. 我们这些关心保护这些权利的人，不能在法案重新授权后就满足于此。我们需要利用这一难得的团结阵线，继续为确保所有美国人畅通无阻地前往投票站而奋斗。换句话说，我们需要将那座桥上存在的精神发扬光大，传播到这个国家的每个角落。
You know, two weeks after the first march was turned back, Dr. King spoke, and he told a gathering of organizers and activists and community members -- he said that they should not despair because "the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice." 要知道，在第一次游行被驱散两周后，金博士发表讲话，对一群组织者、活动家和社区成员说——他们不应绝望，因为"道德宇宙的弧线虽然漫长，但它弯向正义。"
The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice. That's because of the work that each of us do that it bends toward justice. It's because of people like John Lewis and Fannie Lou Hamer and Coretta Scott King and Rosa Parks -- all the giants upon whose shoulders we stand -- that we are beneficiaries of that arc bending toward justice. 道德宇宙的弧线虽然漫长，但它弯向正义。正是因为我们每个人所做的工作，它才弯向正义。正是因为约翰·刘易斯、范妮·卢·哈默、科丽塔·斯科特·金和罗莎·帕克斯这样的人——所有那些我们站在其肩膀上的巨人——我们才成为那弯向正义的弧线的受益者。
That's why I stand here today. I would not be in the United States Senate had it not been for the efforts and courage of so many parents and grandparents and ordinary people who were willing to reach up and bend that arc in the direction of justice. 这就是我今天站在这里的原因。如果不是因为有如此多的父母、祖父母和普通人愿意伸出手，将那道弧线弯向正义的方向，我不会成为美国参议院的一员。
I hope we continue to see that spirit live on not just during this debate but throughout all our work here in the Senate. 我希望我们不仅在这场辩论中，而且在参议院的所有工作中，继续看到这种精神延续下去。
Thank you, Mr. President. I yield the floor. 谢谢您，议长先生。我让出发言权。