Thank you. Please be seated. Good evening. 谢谢。请坐。晚上好。
To the United States Corps of Cadets, to the men and women of our armed services, and to my fellow Americans: I want to speak to you tonight about our effort in Afghanistan -- the nature of our commitment there, the scope of our interests, and the strategy that my Administration will pursue to bring this war to a successful conclusion. It's an extraordinary honor for me to do so here at West Point, where so many men and women have prepared to stand up for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country. 美国军校学员团的学员们、武装部队的男女军人们、各位美国同胞：今晚我想和你们谈谈我们在阿富汗的行动——我们在那里的承诺性质、我们的利益范围，以及我的政府将致力于使这场战争圆满结束的战略。能在这里——在西点军校——发表这番讲话是我莫大的荣幸，无数男女曾在这里为捍卫我们的安全做好准备，并代表着我国最优秀的品格。
To address these important issues, it's important to recall why America and our allies were compelled to fight a war in Afghanistan in the first place. We did not ask for this fight. On September 11th, 2001, 19 men hijacked four airplanes and used them to murder nearly 3,000 people. They struck at our military and economic nerve centers. They took the lives of innocent men, women, and children without regard to their faith or race or station. 要讨论这些重要问题，我们有必要回顾一下，为什么美国和我们的盟友当初被迫在阿富汗打响这场战争。我们并未主动寻求这场战斗。2001年9月11日，19名男子劫持了四架民航客机，利用它们谋杀了近三千人。他们袭击了我们的军事和经济神经中枢。他们夺走了无辜男女和儿童的生命，不分信仰、种族或身份。
Were it not for the heroic actions of passengers on board one of these flights, they could have also struck at one of the great symbols of our democracy in Washington, and killed many more. 若非其中一架航班上乘客们的英勇行动，他们原本还可能袭击华盛顿这座我们民主制度的伟大象征之一，并造成更多伤亡。
As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda -- a group of extremists who have distorted and defiled Islam, one of the world's great religions, to justify the slaughter of innocents. Al Qaeda's base of operations was in Afghanistan, where they were harbored by the Taliban -- a ruthless, repressive, and radical movement that seized control of that country after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and after the attention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere. 众所周知，这些人属于基地组织——一个由极端分子组成的集团，他们歪曲并亵渎了伊斯兰教这一世界伟大宗教，以此为屠杀无辜者辩护。基地组织的行动基地设在阿富汗，在那里他们受到塔利班的庇护——这是一个冷酷、压制性且激进的运动，在该国经历多年苏联占领和内战的蹂躏之后、在美国和我们的朋友将目光转向他处之际，夺取了该国的控制权。
Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al Qaeda and those who harbored them -- an authorization that continues to this day. The vote in the Senate was 98 to 0. The vote in the House was 420 to 1. 「9·11」事件发生后仅仅数日，国会便授权对基地组织及其庇护者使用武力——这一授权延续至今。参议院的表决结果是98票赞成、0票反对。众议院的表决结果是420票赞成、1票反对。
For the first time in its history, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article 5 -- the commitment that says an attack on one member nation is an attack on all. And the United Nations Security Council endorsed the use of all necessary steps to respond to the 9/11 attacks. America, our allies, and the world were acting as one to destroy al Qaeda's terrorist network, and to protect our common security. 北大西洋公约组织在其历史上首次启动了第五条——即对一个成员国的攻击就是对所有成员国的攻击的承诺。联合国安理会也认可采取一切必要步骤以应对「9·11」袭击。美国、我们的盟友以及全世界团结一致，共同摧毁基地组织的恐怖网络，捍卫我们共同的安全。
Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy -- and only after the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden -- we sent our troops into Afghanistan. Within a matter of months, al Qaeda was scattered and many of its operatives were killed. 在这一国内团结和国际合法性的旗帜下——并且是在塔利班拒绝交出奥萨马·本·拉登之后——我们才向阿富汗派遣了军队。短短数月之内，基地组织被驱散，其众多行动人员被击毙。
The Taliban was driven from power and pushed back on its heels. A place that had known decades of fear now had reason to hope. At a conference convened by the UN, a provisional government was established under President Hamid Karzai. And an International Security Assistance Force was established to help bring a lasting peace to a war-torn country. 塔利班被赶下台，节节败退。一个饱受数十年恐惧之苦的地方如今有了希望的理由。在联合国主持召开的一次会议上，以哈米德·卡尔扎伊总统为首的临时政府成立。一支国际安全援助部队也随之建立，以帮助这个饱受战火蹂躏的国家实现持久和平。
Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war in Iraq. The wrenching debate over the Iraq War is well-known and need not be repeated here. It's enough to say that for the next six years, the Iraq War drew the dominant share of our troops, our resources, our diplomacy, and our national attention -- and that the decision to go into Iraq caused substantial rifts between America and much of the world. 随后，在2003年初，我们做出了在伊拉克发动第二场战争的决定。围绕伊拉克战争的痛苦争论广为人知，无需在此重述。只需说，在接下来的六年里，伊拉克战争消耗了我们绝大部分的兵力、资源、外交力量和国家注意力——而出兵伊拉克的决定在美国与世界上许多国家之间造成了严重的裂痕。
Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to an responsible end. We will remove our combat brigades from Iraq by the end of next summer, and all of our troops by the end of 2011. That we are doing so is a testament to the character of the men and women in uniform. Thanks to their courage, grit, and perseverance, we have given Iraqis a chance to shape their future, and we are successfully leaving Iraq to its people. 今天，在付出巨大代价之后，我们正在负责任地结束伊拉克战争。我们将于明年夏天结束前从伊拉克撤出战斗旅，并于2011年底前撤出全部部队。我们能做到这一点，是对男女军人品格的最好证明。正是凭借他们的勇气、坚韧和毅力，我们给了伊拉克人民塑造自己未来的机会，我们也正成功地把伊拉克交还给伊拉克人民。
But while we have achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated. After escaping across the border into Pakistan in 2001 and 2002, al Qaeda's leadership established a safe-haven there. Although a legitimate government was elected by the Afghan people, it's been hampered by corruption, the drug trade, an under-developed economy, and insufficient security forces. 然而，尽管我们在伊拉克取得了来之不易的里程碑式进展，阿富汗的局势却日益恶化。基地组织领导层在2001年和2002年越过边境逃入巴基斯坦后，在那里建立了安全避风港。虽然阿富汗人民选举产生了一个合法政府，但它一直受到腐败、毒品贸易、经济欠发达以及安全力量不足的困扰。
Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause with al Qaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government. Gradually, the Taliban has begun to control additional swaths of territory in Afghanistan, while engaging in increasingly brazen and devastating attacks of terrorism against the Pakistani people. 在过去几年里，塔利班与基地组织保持着共同目标，双方都企图推翻阿富汗政府。塔利班逐渐开始在阿富汗控制更多的领土，同时对巴基斯坦人民发动越来越猖獗、破坏性越来越大的恐怖袭击。
Now throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a fraction of what they were in Iraq. When I took office, we had just over 32,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at the peak of the war. Commanders in Afghanistan repeatedly asked for support to deal with the reemergence of the Taliban, but these reinforcements did not arrive. 而在这整个时期，我们在阿富汗的驻军人数始终只是伊拉克的一小部分。我上任时，在阿富汗服役的美军仅三万两千余人，而在战争高峰期驻伊美军高达十六万人。阿富汗的指挥官们一再请求增援以应对塔利班的重新崛起，但这些增援并未到来。
And that's why, shortly after taking office, I approved a long-standing request for more troops. After consultations with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental connection between our war effort in Afghanistan and the extremist safe-havens in Pakistan. 正因如此，我在上任后不久便批准了一项长期悬而未决的增兵请求。与盟友协商后，我随后宣布了一项新战略，承认我们在阿富汗的战争努力与巴基斯坦境内极端分子避风港之间存在根本联系。
I set a goal that was narrowly defined as disrupting, dismantling, and defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies, and pledged to better coordinate our military and civilian effort. 我设定了一个明确而有限的目标——瓦解、拆解并击败基地组织及其极端主义盟友，并承诺更好地协调我们的军事与民事行动。
Since then, we have made progress on some important objectives. High-ranking al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we've stepped up the pressure on al Qaeda world-wide. In Pakistan, that nation's Army has gone on its largest offensive in years. In Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban from stopping a presidential election, and although it was marred by fraud, that election produced a government that is consistent with Afghanistan's laws and Constitution. 此后，我们在一些重要目标上取得了进展。基地组织和塔利班的高级头目被击毙，我们加大了对全球基地组织的施压力度。在巴基斯坦，该国军队发动了多年来最大规模的攻势。在阿富汗，我们和盟友阻止了塔利班破坏总统选举的企图，尽管选举存在舞弊，但所产生的政府符合阿富汗的法律和宪法。
Yet huge challenges remain. Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years it has moved backwards. There's no imminent threat of the government being overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum. Al Qaeda has not reemerged in Afghanistan in the same numbers as before 9/11, but they retain their safe-havens along the border. 然而，巨大的挑战依然存在。阿富汗并未失败，但数年来局势一直在倒退。政府没有面临被推翻的迫在眉睫的威胁，但塔利班势头渐起。基地组织虽未以「9·11」之前的规模在阿富汗重新出现，但他们仍沿边境保留着避风港。
And our forces lack the full support they need to effectively train and partner with Afghan security forces and better secure the population. Our new Commander in Afghanistan, General McChrystal, has reported that the security situation is more serious than he anticipated. In short, the status quo is not sustainable. 而我们的部队也缺乏必要的全面支持，无法有效训练和配合阿富汗安全部队、更好地保护民众。我们在阿富汗的新任指挥官麦克里斯特尔将军报告称，安全局势比他预想的更为严峻。简言之，现状难以为继。
As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger. Some of you fought in Afghanistan. Some of you will deploy there. As your Commander-in-Chief, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined and worthy of your service. 作为学员，你们在这危险时期志愿服役。你们中有些人曾在阿富汗战斗过。你们中有些人将来会被派往那里。作为你们的统帅，我有责任给你们一个明确界定、且无愧于你们服役的使命。
And that's why, after the Afghan voting was completed, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy. Now let me be clear: There has never been an option before me that called for troop deployments before 2010. So there has been no delay or denial of resources necessary for the conduct of the war during this review period. 正因如此，在阿富汗选举结束后，我坚持对我们的战略进行全面审查。我要明确说明：在我面前从未有过要求在2010年之前部署部队的方案。因此，在这次审查期间，战争的进行并没有被延误或拒绝提供必要的资源。
Instead, the review has allowed me ask the hard questions, and to explore all of the different options along with my national security team, our military and civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and our key partners. Now given the stakes involved, I owed the American people, and our troops, no less. 相反，这次审查让我得以提出尖锐的问题，并与我的国家安全团队、我们在阿富汗的军政领导人以及关键伙伴一起探讨所有不同的方案。鉴于其中的利害关系，我对美国人民和我们的军队，责无旁贷。
This review is now complete. And as Commander-in-Chief, I have determined that it is in our vital national interest to send an additional 30,000 U.S. troops to Afghanistan. After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home. These are the resources that we need to seize the initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan. 这次审查现已完成。作为统帅，我判定，向阿富汗增派3万名美军符合我们至关重要的国家利益。18个月后，我们的部队将开始撤回。这些正是我们夺回主动权所需的资源，同时也能建设阿富汗自身的能力，使我们能够负责任地将部队撤出阿富汗。
I do not make this decision lightly. I opposed the war in Iraq precisely because I believe that we must exercise restraint in the use of military force, and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions. We have been at war now for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and resources. 我做出这一决定并不轻率。我当初反对伊拉克战争，恰恰是因为我相信我们在使用军事力量时必须保持克制，并始终考虑我们行动的长期后果。我们已经战争了八年，付出了巨大的生命和资源代价。
Years of debate over Iraq and terrorism have left our unity on national security issues in tatters and created a highly polarized and partisan backdrop for this effort. And having just experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the American people are understandably focused on rebuilding our economy and putting people to work here at home. 多年来围绕伊拉克和恐怖主义的争论，使我们在国家安全问题上的团结支离破碎，并为这一努力制造了一个高度极化和党派化的背景。而刚刚经历了大萧条以来最严重的经济危机，美国人民理所当然地专注于重建经济、让国民在国内重新就业。
And most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you -- a military that, along with your families, has already borne the heaviest of all burdens. As President, I have signed a letter of condolence to the family of each American who gives their life in these wars. I have read the letters from the parents and spouses of those who deployed. 最重要的是，我知道这一决定要求你们付出更多——一支已与家人共同承受了最沉重负担的军队。作为总统，我已为每一位在这些战争中献出生命的美国人签署了致其家属的慰问信。我读过那些被派遣军人的父母和配偶写来的信。
I've visited our courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed. I've travelled to Dover to meet the flag-draped caskets of 18 Americans returning home to their final resting place. I see firsthand the terrible wages of war. If I did not think that the security of the United States and the safety of the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would gladly order every single one of our troops home tomorrow. 我曾在沃尔特·里德医院探望过我们英勇的伤员。我曾前往多佛迎接18名美国人覆着国旗的灵柩回家安息。我亲眼目睹了战争的惨痛代价。如果我不认为美国的安全和美国人民的安全在阿富汗受到威胁，我会乐意地下令明天就把我们每一位军人都撤回国。
So no, I do not make this decision lightly. I make this decision because I am convinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This is the epicenter of violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda. It is from here that we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from here that new attacks are being plotted as I speak. This is no idle danger, no hypothetical threat. 所以，不，我做出这一决定并不轻率。我做出这一决定，是因为我确信我们的安全在阿富汗和巴基斯坦受到了威胁。这里是基地组织实施暴力极端主义的震中。「9·11」事件正是从这里对我们发动了袭击，而就在我说话之际，新的袭击也正在这里被策划。这不是虚幻的危险，也不是假设性的威胁。
In the last few months alone, we have apprehended extremists within our borders who were sent here from the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts of terror. And this danger will only grow if the region slides backwards, and al Qaeda can operate with impunity. We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and to do that we must increase the stability and capacity of our partners in the region. 仅在过去的几个月里，我们就在国内逮捕了从阿富汗和巴基斯坦边境地区被派来制造新一轮恐怖袭击的极端分子。如果该地区继续倒退、基地组织可以肆无忌惮地活动，这种危险只会与日俱增。我们必须继续对基地组织保持压力，而要做到这一点，我们必须增强该地区伙伴的稳定性和能力。
Of course this burden is not ours alone to bear. This is not just America's war. Since 9/11, al Qaeda's safe-havens have been the source of attacks against London and Amman and Bali. The people and governments of both Afghanistan and Pakistan are endangered. And the stakes are even higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because we know that al Qaeda and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reason to believe that they would use them. 当然，这一重担并非只由我们承担。这不仅仅是美国的战争。自「9·11」以来，基地组织的避风港一直是针对伦敦、安曼和巴厘岛发动袭击的源头。阿富汗和巴基斯坦两国的人民与政府都身处险境。而在一个拥有核武器的巴基斯坦，利害关系更大，因为我们知道基地组织和其他极端分子企图获取核武器，我们完全有理由相信他们会使用核武器。
These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies. Our overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future. 这些事实迫使我们与朋友和盟友共同行动。我们的总体目标始终不变：在阿富汗和巴基斯坦瓦解、拆解并击败基地组织，并防止其未来威胁美国和我们的盟友的能力。
To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan. We must deny al Qaeda a safe-haven. We must reverse the Taliban's momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government. And we must strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan's security forces and government, so that they can take lead responsibility for Afghanistan's future. 为实现这一目标，我们将在阿富汗境内追求以下目标。我们必须剥夺基地组织的避风港。我们必须扭转塔利班的势头，剥夺其推翻政府的能力。我们必须加强阿富汗安全部队和政府的能力，使它们能够在阿富汗的未来中承担主要责任。
We will meet these objectives in three ways. First, we will pursue a military strategy that will break the Taliban's momentum and increase Afghanistan's capacity over the next 18 months. 我们将通过三种方式实现这些目标。第一，我们将推行一项军事战略，在未来18个月内打破塔利班的势头并提升阿富汗的能力。
The 30,000 additional troops that I'm announcing tonight will deploy in the first part of 2010 -- the fastest possible pace -- so that they can target the insurgency and secure key population centers. They'll increase our ability to train competent Afghan security forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight. And they will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans. 我今晚宣布的3万名增援部队将于2010年上半年以最快速度部署到位，以便他们能够打击叛乱活动、保障关键人口中心的安全。他们将提高我们训练合格阿富汗安全部队的能力，并与他们并肩作战，使更多阿富汗人能够投入战斗。他们还将帮助创造条件，使美国能够将责任移交给阿富汗人。
Because this is an international effort, I've asked that our commitment be joined by contributions from our allies. Some have already provided additional troops, and we're confident that there will be further contributions in the days and weeks ahead. Our friends have fought and bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan. And now we must come together to end this war successfully. For what's at stake is not simply a test of NATO's credibility; what's at stake is the security of our allies, and the common security of the world. 由于这是一项国际努力，我已要求我们的承诺得到盟友贡献的加入。一些盟友已经提供了额外部队，我们确信在未来数日和数周内还会有更多贡献。我们的朋友在阿富汗与我们并肩作战、流血、牺牲。现在我们必须团结一致，成功地结束这场战争。因为利害攸关的不仅仅是北约信誉的考验；利害攸关的是我们盟友的安全，以及世界的共同安全。
Now taken together, these additional American and international troops will allow us to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to begin the transfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011. Just as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground. 综合来看，这些新增的美军和国际部队将使我们能够加速将责任移交给阿富汗部队，并使我们能够在2011年7月开始将部队撤出阿富汗。正如我们在伊拉克所做的那样，我们将负责任地执行这一过渡，并考虑到当地的实际情况。
We'll continue to advise and assist Afghanistan's security forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul. But it will be clear to the Afghan government -- and more importantly, to the Afghan people -- that they will ultimately be responsible for their own country. 我们将继续为阿富汗安全部队提供指导和协助，确保他们能够取得长远的成功。但阿富汗政府——更重要的是阿富汗人民——必须明白，他们最终要为自己的国家负责。
Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the government can take advantage of improved security. 第二，我们将与我们的伙伴、联合国以及阿富汗人民合作，推行一项更有效的民事战略，使阿富汗政府能够利用改善的安全形势。
This effort must be based on performance. The days of providing a blank check are over. President Karzai's inauguration speech sent the right message about moving in a new direction. And going forward, we will be clear about what we expect from those who receive our assistance. We'll support Afghan Ministries, governors, and local leaders that combat corruption and deliver for the people. We expect those who are ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable. And we will also focus our assistance in areas, such as agriculture, that can make an immediate impact in the lives of the Afghan people. 这一努力必须以业绩为基础。提供空白支票的日子已经结束。卡尔扎伊总统的就职演说传递了迈向新方向的正确信息。展望未来，我们将明确我们对受援方的期望。我们将支持打击腐败、为民办事的阿富汗各部、省长和地方领导人。我们要求那些不称职或腐败的人被追究责任。我们还将把援助重点放在农业等能够立即改善阿富汗人民生活的领域。
The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades. They've been confronted with occupation by the Soviet Union, and then by foreign al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes. So tonight, I want the Afghan people to understand: America seeks an end to this era of war and suffering. We have no interest in occupying your country. 阿富汗人民数十年来饱受暴力之苦。他们先后经历了苏联的占领，以及随后外国基地组织武装分子为自身目的利用阿富汗土地的侵扰。因此今晚，我希望阿富汗人民明白：美国寻求结束这个战争与苦难的时代。我们没有占领你们国家的兴趣。
We will support efforts by the Afghan government to open the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human rights of their fellow citizens. And we will seek a partnership with Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect -- to isolate those who destroy, to strengthen those who build, to hasten the day when our troops will leave, and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your partner, and never your patron. 我们将支持阿富汗政府的努力，向那些放弃暴力、尊重同胞人权的塔利班敞开大门。我们将寻求与阿富汗建立基于相互尊重的伙伴关系——孤立破坏者，壮大建设者，加快我们的部队撤离的那一天，并缔造一种持久的友谊，其中美国是你们的伙伴，而永远不会是你们的庇护人。
Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in Afghanistan is inextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan. 第三，我们将充分认识到，我们在阿富汗的成功与同巴基斯坦的伙伴关系密不可分，并据此采取行动。
We're in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading through that country. But this same cancer has also taken root in the border region of Pakistan. And that's why we need a strategy that works on both sides of the border. 我们驻军阿富汗是为了防止一种癌症再次蔓延到那个国家。但同样的癌症也已在巴基斯坦边境地区扎根。正因如此，我们需要一项在边境两侧都行之有效的战略。
In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who have argued that the struggle against extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is better off doing little or seeking accommodation with those who use violence. But in recent years, as innocents have been killed from Karachi to Islamabad, it has become clear that it is the Pakistani people who are the most endangered by extremism. Public opinion has turned. The Pakistani Army has waged an offensive in Swat and South Waziristan. And there is no doubt that the United States and Pakistan share a common enemy. 过去，巴基斯坦曾有人主张反极端主义的斗争不是他们的战斗，巴基斯坦最好少干预或与使用暴力者妥协。但近年来，从卡拉奇到伊斯兰堡，无辜者不断遇害，这表明巴基斯坦人民才是最受极端主义威胁的人。舆论已经转变。巴基斯坦军队在斯瓦特和南瓦济里斯坦发动了攻势。毫无疑问，美国和巴基斯坦有着共同的敌人。
In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly. And those days are over. Moving forward, we are committed to a partnership with Pakistan that is built on a foundation of mutual interests, mutual respect, and mutual trust. 过去，我们过于狭隘地定义与巴基斯坦的关系。那样的日子已经结束。展望未来，我们致力于在共同利益、相互尊重和相互信任的基础上与巴基斯坦建立伙伴关系。
We will strengthen Pakistan's capacity to target those groups that threaten our countries, and have made it clear that we cannot tolerate a safe-haven for terrorists whose location is known, and whose intentions are clear. America is also providing substantial resources to support Pakistan's democracy and development. We are the largest international supporter for those Pakistanis displaced by the fighting. 我们将加强巴基斯坦打击那些威胁我们两国的组织的能力，并已明确表示，我们无法容忍那些位置已知、意图明确的恐怖分子拥有避风港。美国也在提供大量资源支持巴基斯坦的民主和发展。我们是因战乱流离失所的巴基斯坦人的最大国际援助者。
And going forward, the Pakistani people must know: America will remain a strong supporter of Pakistan's security and prosperity long after the guns have fallen silent, so that the great potential of its people can be unleashed. 展望未来，巴基斯坦人民必须知道：在枪声沉寂很久之后，美国仍将是巴基斯坦安全与繁荣的坚定支持者，以使巴基斯坦人民的巨大潜能得以释放。
These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to create the conditions for a transition; a civilian surge that reinforces positive action; and an effective partnership with Pakistan. 这些就是我们战略的三个核心要素：为过渡创造条件的军事努力；巩固积极行动的民事增援；以及与巴基斯坦的有效伙伴关系。
I recognize that there are a range of concerns about our approach. So let me briefly address a few of the prominent arguments that I have heard, and which I take very seriously. 我认识到，人们对我们的做法有种种担忧。所以让我简要回应一下我听到的几个主要论点，这些都是我非常认真对待的。
First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam. They argue that it cannot be stabilized, and we're better off cutting our losses and rapidly withdrawing. I believe this argument depends upon a false reading of history. Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a broad coalition of 43 nations that recognizes the legitimacy of our action. Unlike Vietnam, we are not facing a broad-based popular insurgency. 第一种观点认为阿富汗是另一个越南。他们主张阿富汗无法稳定，我们最好及时止损、迅速撤军。我认为这种论点建立在对历史的误读之上。与越南不同，我们有43个国家的广泛联盟加入，并认可我们行动的合法性。与越南不同，我们面对的并非一场广泛的大规模民众叛乱。
And most importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people were viciously attacked from Afghanistan, and remain a target for those same extremists who are plotting along its border. To abandon this area now, and to rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from a distance, would significantly hamper our ability to keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and create an unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our homeland and our allies. 最重要的是，与越南不同，美国人民曾从阿富汗遭到残忍袭击，并且仍然是那些在其边境沿线密谋的极端分子的目标。如果现在放弃这一地区，仅靠远程打击基地组织，将严重削弱我们对其保持压力的能力，并给我们的本土和盟友带来不可接受的再次遭受袭击的风险。
Second, there are those who acknowledge that we can't leave Afghanistan in its current state, but suggest that we go forward with the troops that we already have. But this would simply maintain a status quo in which we muddle through, and permit a slow deterioration of conditions there. It would ultimately prove more costly and prolong our stay in Afghanistan, because we would never be able to generate the conditions needed to train Afghan security forces and give them the space to take over. 第二种观点承认我们不能让阿富汗维持现状，但建议用现有兵力继续推进。然而，这只会维持我们得过且过的现状，任由当地局势缓慢恶化。最终这将被证明代价更高，并延长我们在阿富汗的驻留，因为我们永远无法创造训练阿富汗安全部队、让他们接手所需的条件。
Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a timeframe for our transition to Afghan responsibility. Indeed, some call for a more dramatic and open-ended escalation of our war effort -- one that would commit us to a nation building project of up to a decade. I reject this course because it sets goals that are beyond what can be achieved at a reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve to secure our interests. 最后一种观点反对为过渡到由阿富汗承担责任设定时间表。事实上，有人主张对我们战争努力进行更激进、更开放式的升级——这会使我们卷入一项长达十年的国家建设工程。我拒绝这一路径，因为它设定的目标超出了以合理代价所能实现的范畴，也超出了我们为保障自身利益所需要实现的目标。
Furthermore, the absence of a timeframe for transition would deny us any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government. It must be clear that Afghans will have to take responsibility for their security, and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in Afghanistan. 此外，过渡时间表的缺失将使我们与阿富汗政府合作时缺乏紧迫感。必须明确的是，阿富汗人必须为自己的安全负责，而美国无意在阿富汗打一场永无止境的战争。
As President, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility, our means, or our interests. And I must weigh all of the challenges that our nation faces. I don't have the luxury of committing to just one. Indeed, I'm mindful of the words of President Eisenhower, who -- in discussing our national security -- said, "Each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs." 作为总统，我拒绝设定超出我们责任、能力或利益的目标。我必须权衡我们国家面临的所有挑战。我没有只专注于一项的奢侈。事实上，我铭记艾森豪威尔总统的话——他在讨论我们的国家安全时说：「每一项提案都必须从更广泛的考量来权衡：即在各国家项目之间以及项目内部保持平衡的需要。」
Over the past several years, we have lost that balance. We've failed to appreciate the connection between our national security and our economy. In the wake of an economic crisis, too many of our neighbors and friends are out of work and struggle to pay the bills. Too many Americans are worried about the future facing our children. Meanwhile, competition within the global economy has grown more fierce. So we can't simply afford to ignore the price of these wars. 在过去几年里，我们失去了这种平衡。我们未能充分认识国家安全与经济之间的联系。在经济危机之后，太多的邻里和朋友失业，为支付账单而挣扎。太多的美国人为孩子们面临的未来担忧。与此同时，全球经济中的竞争变得更加激烈。因此，我们根本无法忽视这些战争的代价。
All told, by the time I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan approached a trillion dollars. Going forward, I am committed to addressing these costs openly and honestly. Our new approach in Afghanistan is likely to cost us roughly 30 billion dollars for the military this year, and I'll work closely with Congress to address these costs as we work to bring down our deficit. 总而言之，到我上任时，伊拉克和阿富汗战争的开支已接近万亿美元。展望未来，我承诺公开、诚实地应对这些开支。我们在阿富汗的新方案今年军事上预计耗资约300亿美元，我将与国会密切合作，在致力于削减赤字的同时应对这些开支。
But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility, we must rebuild our strength here at home. Our prosperity provides a foundation for our power. It pays for our military. It underwrites our diplomacy. It taps the potential of our people, and allows investment in new industry. And it will allow us to compete in this century as successfully as we did in the last. That's why our troop commitment in Afghanistan cannot be open-ended -- because the nation that I am most interested in building is our own. 但当我们结束伊拉克战争、过渡到由阿富汗承担责任时，我们必须重建国内的力量。我们的繁荣为我们的力量提供了基础。它为我们的军队买单，为我们的外交提供支撑，激发人民的潜力，并允许对新产业进行投资。它将使我们能像上个世纪一样成功地在本世纪参与竞争。正因如此，我们在阿富汗的驻军承诺不能是开放式的——因为我最有兴趣建设的国家是我们自己的国家。
Now let me be clear: None of this will be easy. The struggle against violent extremism will not be finished quickly, and it extends well beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan. It will be an enduring test of our free society and our leadership in the world. And unlike the great power conflicts and clear lines of division that defined the 20th century, our effort will involve disorderly regions, failed states, diffuse enemies. 我要明确说明：这一切都不会轻松。打击暴力极端主义的斗争不会迅速结束，它远超阿富汗和巴基斯坦的范围。这将对我们的自由社会和我们的世界领导力构成持久的考验。与界定20世纪的大国冲突和明确的分界线不同，我们的努力将涉及混乱的地区、失败的国家和分散的敌人。
So as a result, America will have to show our strength in the way that we end wars and prevent conflict -- not just how we wage wars. We'll have to be nimble and precise in our use of military power. Where al Qaeda and its allies attempt to establish a foothold -- whether in Somalia or Yemen or elsewhere -- they must be confronted by growing pressure and strong partnerships. 因此，美国必须以我们结束战争、防止冲突的方式来展示我们的力量——而不仅仅是发动战争的方式。我们在使用军事力量时必须敏捷而精准。在基地组织及其盟友企图立足之处——无论是索马里、也门还是其他地方——他们都必须面临日益增大的压力和强有力的伙伴关系的对抗。
And we can't count on military might alone. We have to invest in our homeland security, because we can't capture or kill every violent extremist abroad. We have to improve and better coordinate our intelligence, so that we stay one step ahead of shadowy networks. 我们不能仅靠军事力量。我们必须投资于国土安全，因为我们无法在海外捕获或击毙每一个暴力极端分子。我们必须改进并更好地协调我们的情报工作，以便我们始终领先于那些隐秘的网络一步。
We will have to take away the tools of mass destruction. And that's why I've made it a central pillar of my foreign policy to secure loose nuclear materials from terrorists, to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and to pursue the goal of a world without them, because every nation must understand that true security will never come from an endless race for ever-more destructive weapons. True security will come for those who reject them. 我们必须剥夺大规模杀伤性工具。正因如此，我已将防止恐怖分子获取松散核材料、阻止核武器扩散，以及追求一个没有核武器的世界作为我外交政策的中心支柱，因为每个国家都必须明白，真正的安全永远不会来自一场永无止境的、追求更具破坏性武器的竞赛。真正的安全只属于那些拒绝这些武器的人。
We will have to use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the challenges of an interconnected world acting alone. I've spent this year renewing our alliances and forging new partnerships. And we have forged a new beginning between America and the Muslim World -- one that recognizes our mutual interest in breaking a cycle of conflict, and that promises a future in which those who kill innocents are isolated by those who stand up for peace and prosperity and human dignity. 我们必须运用外交，因为没有任何一个国家能够独自应对这个相互联系的世界的挑战。我今年花了大量时间重振我们的同盟、缔造新的伙伴关系。我们还在美国与穆斯林世界之间开启了新的开端——这一开端承认我们在打破冲突循环方面的共同利益，并承诺一个未来：在那里，杀戮无辜者的人将被捍卫和平、繁荣和人类尊严的人所孤立。
And finally, we must draw on the strength of our values. For the challenges that we face may have changed, but the things that we believe in must not. And that's why we must promote our values by living them at home -- which is why I have prohibited torture and will close the prison at Guantanamo Bay. 最后，我们必须汲取我们价值观的力量。因为我们面临的挑战可能已经改变，但我们所信仰的东西绝不能改变。正因如此，我们必须在国内践行我们的价值观来推广它们——这也是我禁止酷刑并将关闭关塔那摩监狱的原因。
And we must make it clear to every man, woman, and child around the world who lives under the dark cloud of tyranny that America will speak out on behalf of their human rights, and tend to the light of freedom, and justice, and opportunity, and respect for the dignity of all peoples. That is who we are. That is the source, the moral source of America's authority. 我们必须向全世界每一位生活在暴政阴云之下的男女老幼明确表示：美国将为他们的人权发声，并守护自由、正义、机遇以及对所有人尊严的尊重之光。这就是我们。这就是美国权威的源泉，道义上的源泉。
Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of our grandparents and great grandparents, our country has borne a special burden in global affairs. We have spilled American blood in many countries on multiple continents. We have spent our revenue to help others rebuild from rubble and develop their own economies. We have joined with others to develop an architecture of institutions from the United Nations to NATO to the World Bank that provide for the common security and prosperity of human beings. 自富兰克林·罗斯福时代以来，自我们的祖辈和曾祖辈的服务与牺牲以来，我国在全球事务中承担了特殊的责任。我们在多个大陆的许多国家洒下了美国人的鲜血。我们用自己的财政收入帮助他人从废墟中重建、发展他们自己的经济。我们与他国一道，构建了从联合国到北约再到世界银行的制度架构，为人类提供共同的安全与繁荣。
We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have at times made mistakes. But more than any other nation, the United States of America has underwritten global security for over six decades -- a time that, for all its problems, has seen walls come down, and markets open, and billions lifted from poverty, unparalleled scientific progress, and advancing frontiers of human liberty. 我们的这些努力并不总是被人感谢，我们有时也犯过错误。但美利坚合众国比任何其他国家都更多地承担了全球安全的责任，长达六十多年——这一时期尽管充满种种问题，却见证了高墙倒塌、市场开放、数十亿人摆脱贫困、空前的科学进步，以及人类自由前沿的推进。
For unlike the great powers of old, we have not sought world domination. Our union was founded in resistance to oppression. We do not seek to occupy other nations. We will not claim another nation's resources or target other peoples because their faith or ethnicity is different from ours. What we have fought for, and what we continue to fight for, is a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if others [sic] peoples' children and grandchildren can live in freedom and access opportunity. 因为与昔日的大国不同，我们从未谋求统治世界。我们的合众国是在反抗压迫中诞生的。我们无意占领他国。我们不会因他国信仰或族裔与我们不同而觊觎其资源或针对其人民。我们为之奋斗的、并将继续为之奋斗的，是我们子孙后代更美好的未来，而我们相信，如果其他国家（原文如此）人民的子孙后代能够生活在自由中并获得机会，我们子孙后代的生活也会更加美好。
As a country, we're not as young and perhaps not as innocent as we were when Roosevelt was President. Yet we are still heirs to a noble struggle for freedom. And now we must summon all of our might and moral suasion to meet the challenges of a new age. 作为一个国家，我们已不再像罗斯福任总统时那样年轻，或许也不再那样天真。然而，我们仍然是一场崇高自由斗争的继承者。现在，我们必须召唤我们全部的力量和道义感召力，以迎接新时代的挑战。
In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the strength of our arms. It derives from our people: from the workers and businesses who will rebuild our economy; from the entrepreneurs and researchers who will pioneer new industries; from the teachers that will educate our children, and the service of those who work in our communities at home; 归根结底，我们的安全和领导力并非仅仅来自武力的强大。它源自我们的人民：源自将重建我们经济的工人和企业；源自将开拓新产业的企业家和研究人员；源自将教育我们孩子的教师，以及在国内社区中服务的人们；
from the diplomats and Peace Corps volunteers who spread hope abroad; and from the men and women in uniform who are part of an unbroken line of sacrifice that has made government of the people, by the people, and for the people a reality on this Earth. 源自在海外传播希望的外交官和和平队志愿者；以及身着军装的男女军人——他们是一段绵延不绝的牺牲传承的一部分，正是这份传承使「民有、民治、民享」的政府在这个地球上成为现实。
This vast and diverse citizenry will not always agree on every issue -- nor should we. But I also know that we, as a country, cannot sustain our leadership nor navigate the momentous challenges of our time if we allow ourselves to be split asunder by the same rancor and cynicism and partisanship that has in recent times poisoned our national discourse. 这支庞大而多元的公民群体不会在每一个问题上都达成一致——也不应该如此。但我也深知，如果我们任由近年来毒害我国国民话语的怨恨、愤世嫉俗和党派之争将自己撕裂，那么我们作为一个国家，将无法维持我们的领导力，也无法驾驭我们这个时代的重大挑战。
It's easy to forget that when this war began, we were united -- bound together by the fresh memory of a horrific attack, and by the determination to defend our homeland and the values we hold dear. I refuse to accept the notion that we cannot summon that unity again. I believe -- I believe with every fiber of my being that we, as Americans, can still come together behind a common purpose. For our values are not simply words written into parchment. They are a creed that calls us together, and that has carried us through the darkest of storms as one nation, as one people. 人们很容易忘记，当这场战争开始时，我们是团结的——被对那场可怕袭击的新鲜记忆、以及捍卫我们家园和我们珍视的价值观的决心紧紧联系在一起。我拒绝接受我们无法再次凝聚那种团结的说法。我相信——我全心全意地相信，作为美国人，我们仍然能够在一个共同的目标下团结起来。因为我们的价值观不仅仅是写在羊皮纸上的文字。它们是召唤我们团结一致的信条，并曾带领我们作为一个国家、一个民族穿越最黑暗的风暴。
America, we are passing through a time of great trial. And the message that we send in the midst of these storms must be clear: that our cause is just, our resolve unwavering. We will go forward with the confidence that right makes might, and with the commitment to forge an America that is safer, a world that is more secure, and a future that represents not the deepest of fears but the highest of hopes. 美国，我们正经历一个巨大考验的时期。而在这些风暴中，我们传达的信息必须明确：我们的事业是正义的，我们的决心坚定不移。我们将怀着「正义即力量」的信念前行，并致力于建设一个更安全的美国、一个更安全的世界，以及一个不代表最深的恐惧、而代表最高的希望的未来。
Thank you. God Bless you. And God Bless the United States of America. 谢谢。愿上帝赐福你们。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。