Your Honor, ladies and gentlemen, my name is Elizabeth Gurley Flynn. I am a defendant in this case, acting as my own attorney, and therefore have the opportunity to address you directly. It is unusual for a defendant to represent one's self, but my comrade, Mr. Pettis Perry and I have elected to do so. Neither of us is a lawyer. We will speak to you in the language of laymen and women, I should say. 法官大人，女士们，先生们，我叫伊丽莎白·格利·弗林。我是本案的被告，作为自己的辩护人，因此有机会直接向你们陈述。被告为自己辩护并不常见，但我的同志佩蒂斯·佩里先生和我选择这样做。我们都不是律师。我应该说，我们将用普通男女的语言与你们交流。
We are both Communist leaders, proudly and avowedly. We are qualified to explain to you what the Communist Party of the U.S.A. really stands for, what it advocates, what its day-by-day activities are, and what are its ultimate aims. We will try to do so in simple, non-technical language. 我们都是共产党领袖，自豪地公开承认这一点。我们有资格向你们解释美国共产党的真正主张、倡导的内容、日常活动以及最终目标。我们将努力用简单易懂的语言来解释。
We will prove to you that we are not a criminal conspiracy but a 33-year-old working class political party, devoted to the immediate needs and aspirations of the American people, to the advancement of the workers, farmers and the Negro people, to the preservation of the democracy and culture, and to the advocacy of Socialism. 我们将向你们证明，我们不是犯罪阴谋集团，而是一个有着33年历史的工人阶级政党，致力于美国人民的切身需求和愿望，致力于工人、农民和黑人的进步，致力于维护民主和文化，并倡导社会主义。
Our ideas may be new and strange to you. You may never have met or known a Communist. We don't ask you to agree with us but to listen with an open mind, not to take as truth the sensational stories of informers and undercover agents--who will be the principal, if not the only, witnesses for the government. 我们的观点对你们来说可能是新的、陌生的。你们可能从未见过或接触过共产党人。我们不是来请求你们认同我们的观点，而是请求你们以开放的心态倾听，不要把告密者和卧底特工耸人听闻的故事当作真理——这些人将是政府主要的，如果不是唯一的，证人。
Centuries ago, Judas became the symbol of this infamy, the forerunner of those who join sincere and upright people, preach their doctrines, practice their principles, and then betray them. 几个世纪前，犹大成为这种耻辱的象征，他是那些加入真诚正直的人群、宣扬其教义、践行其原则却最终背叛他们的人的先驱。
We will prove to you that we, who are ready to make the extreme sacrifice for our beliefs, are showing you the true purpose of the Communist Party. It is customary for the client to be introduced to the jury by his lawyer. I am my own lawyer, and must therefore introduce myself. 我们将向你们证明，我们这些准备为信仰做出极端牺牲的人，正在向你们展示共产党的真实宗旨。按照惯例，当事人由其律师介绍给陪审团。我是自己的律师，因此必须自我介绍。
I am of Irish-American descent. My father, Thomas Flynn, was born in Maine. My mother, Annie Gurley, was born in Galway, Ireland. I was born 62 years ago in Concord, New Hampshire. I was married in 1908, separated shortly afterward from my husband, and have used my own name ever since. My only son, Fred, died of lung cancer in 1940 at the age of 29. 我是爱尔兰裔美国人。我的父亲托马斯·弗林出生在缅因州。我的母亲安妮·格利出生在爱尔兰的戈尔韦。我62年前出生在新罕布什尔州的康科德。我于1908年结婚，不久后与丈夫分居，此后一直使用自己的名字。我唯一的儿子弗雷德于1940年因肺癌去世，年仅29岁。
I live with my sister, a retired teacher. We have made our home in New York City for 52 years. My mother was a skilled seamstress; my father was a stonecutter who worked his way through Dartmouth College in New Hampshire, in the engineering department. My father, grandfather, and all uncles were trade union members. 我与姐姐同住，她是一名退休教师。我们在纽约市居住了52年。我的母亲是一名熟练的裁缝；我的父亲是一名采石工人，他通过在新罕布什尔州达特茅斯学院工程系勤工俭学完成了学业。我的父亲、祖父和所有叔叔都是工会成员。
Continuing, ladies and gentlemen, one of the central issues in this case is my personal intent--my intent in joining and remaining in the Communist Party and in my efforts to carry out its program. My intent was shaped by my early experiences and my reaction to the conditions of life, especially of the workers. 继续说，女士们，先生们，本案的一个核心问题是我的个人意图——我加入共产党并一直留在党内的意图，以及我努力执行其纲领的意图。我的意图是由我早年的经历和我对生活条件，特别是工人处境的反应所塑造的。
By showing you what my intent is, and what experiences in my life shaped that intent, I will prove to you that I have never, and do not now, intend to advocate the overthrow of the government by force and violence, nor to bring about such overthrow. 通过向你们展示我的意图是什么，以及我生命中的哪些经历塑造了这种意图，我将向你们证明，我从未、现在也不打算倡导以武力和暴力推翻政府，也不打算促成这种推翻。
I come from a family where important social issues of the time were discussed in daily life, and thus I learned in childhood to question the existing order and to seek improvements. Hence, my mother championed woman suffrage, and my parents discussed with the children the campaigns of Debs, the Socialist presidential candidate. 我来自一个家庭，日常生活中经常讨论当时的重要社会问题，因此我从小就学会质疑现状并寻求改进。因此，我的母亲倡导妇女选举权，我的父母与孩子们讨论社会党总统候选人德布斯的竞选活动。
My father read to me and my brothers and sisters from the Communist Manifesto and other works of Marx and Engels--which will be introduced as evidence by the government in this case. I was a serious child, perhaps because of these childhood impressions--they were the background for my early joining of the Socialist movement as a youth and of the Communist Party as an adult. 我父亲给我和我的兄弟姐妹朗读《共产党宣言》以及马克思和恩格斯的其他著作——这些将作为政府在本案中的证据。我小时候很严肃，这可能是因为这些童年印象——它们是我年轻时加入社会党运动、成年后加入共产党的背景。
Times were hard. We were poor. My first experience of discrimination was in Manchester, New Hampshire, about 1895, when my father ran for city engineer. I heard that he was defeated because he was Irish. He was deeply bitter about it and told us about signs on factory doors when he was a boy: "No Irish need apply." 日子很艰难。我们很穷。我第一次经历歧视是在新罕布什尔州的曼彻斯特，大约在1895年，当时我父亲竞选市工程师。我听说他因为是爱尔兰人而落选。他对此非常痛苦，并告诉我们他小时候工厂门上的标语："爱尔兰人请勿申请"。
Our parents opposed all forms of national, religious, or color discrimination--we will prove that this is completely in accord with the position of the Communist Party today and was the basis of the position I hold today in the Communist Party. 我们的父母反对一切形式的民族、宗教或肤色歧视——我们将证明这与共产党今天的立场完全一致，也是我今天在共产党中所持立场的基础。
My first understanding of the meaning of imperialism--which will be an issue in this case--was a vivid memory of my father's opposition to the Spanish-American War and his insistence that the people of Cuba and the Philippines had the right to independence. He joined the Anti-Imperialist League to protest our country's stepping on the evil road of imperialism. 我对帝国主义含义的最初了解——这将是本案的一个问题——是我对父亲反对美西战争的生动回忆，以及他坚持古巴和菲律宾人民有权独立的主张。他加入了反帝国主义联盟，抗议我们的国家踏上帝国主义的邪恶道路。
Conditions in the textile towns of New Hampshire and Massachusetts led me later to join the Communist Party. I saw the huge gray factories like prisons, the barracks-like company boarding houses, the long hours, the meager wages, the prolonged shutdowns. The wealthy bosses lived in the center of Adams, Massachusetts, riding about in fine carriages. 新罕布什尔州和马萨诸塞州纺织城镇的状况促使我后来加入了共产党。我看到巨大的灰色工厂像监狱一样，军营式的公司宿舍，漫长的工时，微薄的工资，长时间的停工。富有的老板住在马萨诸塞州亚当斯镇的中心，乘坐漂亮的马车四处兜风。
I saw neighbors' tables with lard instead of butter, children without underwear in the cold New England winters, a girl across from our school whose scalp was cut by an unattended machine in the factory. I saw an old man weep when locked up as a vagrant in the station house. 我看到邻居餐桌上用猪油代替黄油，新英格兰寒冷的冬天里孩子们没有内衣穿，我们学校对面工厂里一个女孩被一台无人看管的机器割伤了头皮。我看到一位老人在被当作流浪汉关进拘留所时哭泣。
Later we moved to the drab South Bronx, near the New Haven Railroad yards, living in a cold-water apartment without heat, lit by gas. The casualty and accident rate among railroad workers was high. In hard times, children were maimed when picking coal in the yards. My mother helped women neighbors who could not afford a doctor when giving birth. 后来我们搬到了单调的南布朗克斯，靠近纽黑文铁路的调车场，住在一个没有暖气、靠煤气照明的冷水公寓里。铁路工人中的伤亡和事故率很高。在困难时期，孩子们在院子里捡煤时受伤致残。我的母亲帮助邻居中那些生孩子时付不起医生费用的妇女。
Yes, all this troubled me deeply. Why should kind and industrious people suffer so? Why should people willing to work, able to work, eager to work, find no jobs? Why so much unemployment? Why should some people be rich who obviously did nothing to earn it? I hated poverty. 是的，这一切让我深感困扰。为什么善良勤劳的人们要遭受如此痛苦？为什么愿意工作、有能力工作、渴望工作的人找不到工作？为什么有这么多失业？为什么有些富人显然无所事事却享受生活？我痛恨贫困。
I saw the humiliation of my mother when she could not pay the grocery bill and the landlord stood at the door for the rent. 我看到母亲在无力支付杂货账单、房东站在门口催缴房租时的屈辱。
I joined the debating society of Public School No. 9 in the Bronx. I won a medal in a debate on "Should the government own the mines?" I said, "Yes, it should." 我加入了布朗克斯区第9公立学校的辩论社。我在一场关于"政府应该拥有矿山吗？"的辩论中获得了奖牌。我说："是的，应该。"
That was during the great anthracite coal strike of 1902. I attended the Bronx Socialist meetings in 1905; later the Harlem Socialist Club on 125th Street. My speaking career began in 1906 with the topic, "Woman Under Socialism." 那是在1902年的无烟煤大罢工期间。我于1905年参加了布朗克斯社会党会议；后来参加了125街的哈莱姆社会党俱乐部。我的演讲生涯始于1906年，主题是社会主义下的妇女。
Naturally, I drew heavily from the works of American women writers like Charlotte Perkins Gilman and Susan B. Anthony, and from a book written in 1872 by August Bebel--a member of the German Reichstag, a Socialist, who wrote it while serving a term in prison under Bismarck's anti-Socialist laws. It was first published in the United States by the Socialist Labor Party in 1904. 自然，我大量借鉴了美国女性作家，如夏洛特·佩廷吉尔和苏珊·B·安东尼，以及奥古斯特·倍倍尔1872年写的一本书——倍倍尔是德国国会的社会党成员，这本书是他在俾斯麦反社会党法律下服刑期间写的。该书于1904年首次由美国社会劳工党出版。
I am puzzled why it appears on the government's list of documents. It is hard to see what it has to do with this indictment unless advocating the full political, economic, and social emancipation of women has become a form of advocating the overthrow of the government by force and violence under the government's interpretation of the Smith Act. 我很困惑为什么它会出现在政府的文件清单上。它与这份起诉书有什么关系难以理解，除非倡导妇女的全面政治、经济和社会解放已成为根据政府对史密斯法案的解释而倡导以武力和暴力推翻政府的一种形式。
But if this now very out-of-date historical and economic study is to be minutely combed for sentences torn from their context to distort their meaning, then we will prove that any book can be so treated, whatever its purpose, even the Bible, Shakespeare, or Gray's Anatomy. 但如果这份如今已非常过时的历史和经济研究要被细细梳理，从中摘取断章取义的句子来歪曲其含义，那么我们将证明，任何书籍都可以被这样对待，无论其目的是什么，即使是《圣经》、莎士比亚作品或《格雷氏解剖学》。
Believe it or not, my youthful ambition was to be a constitutional lawyer. Instead, I became a labor organizer. Then called an agitator, or, as the press termed it, a rabble-rouser. I was determined to change the dreadful conditions under which our family and all about us suffered. 信不信由你，我年轻时的抱负是成为一名宪法律师。相反，我成为了一名劳工组织者。那时被称为煽动者，或者被媒体称为煽动群众的人。我决心改变我们家庭和周围所有人所遭受的恶劣条件。
I have persisted in this work for 46 years. I think in doing so I have always been a good American. I have spent my life with workers throughout the United States, sleeping in their homes, eating at their tables. They are the majority whom we believe have the right to govern this country. 我为此坚持了46年。我认为这样做我一直是一个好美国人。我一生都与美国各地的工人在一起，在他们家里睡觉，在他们餐桌上吃饭。他们是我们认为有权治理国家的大多数人。
By workers we mean all who do useful work with hand or brain. My life work began in 1906 with the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.)--a pioneer industrial union that, for nearly two decades, blazed across the sky of the American labor movement like a giant comet. 我们所说的工人，是指所有用手或用脑从事有益工作的人。我的毕生工作始于1906年加入世界产业工人组织（I.W.W.）——这是一个工业工会的先驱，在近二十年的时间里像一颗巨大的彗星划过美国劳工运动的天空。
In 1912, I returned to New England--my birthplace--as an I.W.W. organizer where the I.W.W. led the historic textile workers' strikes in Lawrence, Lowell, and New Bedford, Massachusetts. These strikes were spontaneous, made by foreign-born men and women whose wages were cut after the Massachusetts law reducing hours went into effect. 1912年，我作为I.W.W.组织者回到新英格兰——我的出生地，在那里I.W.W.领导了马萨诸塞州劳伦斯、洛厄尔和新贝德福德的历史性纺织工人罢工。这些罢工是自发组织的，参与者主要是外国出生的男女，他们的工资在马萨诸塞州法律减少工时后被削减。
In 1913, I was a leader in the Paterson silk strike in New Jersey; in 1916, I participated in the strike of iron miners in the Mesabi Range, Minnesota, where the mines were owned by the United States Steel Trust. 1913年，我是新泽西州帕特森丝绸罢工的领导者；1916年，我参与了明尼苏达州梅萨比山脉铁矿工人的罢工，那里的矿山由美国钢铁托拉斯所有。
I shall try to prove to you that it is not Communists who advocate and use force and violence. I saw force and violence used in all these labor struggles, but not by the workers--by the police, company guards, and state militia. I saw workers clubbed, shot down. 我将试图向你们证明，不是共产党人倡导和使用武力和暴力。我在所有这些劳工斗争中看到了武力和暴力的使用，但不是工人使用的，而是警察、公司警卫和州民兵使用的。我看到工人被棍棒殴打、被枪杀。
As a Communist speaker, I traveled the length and breadth of this country. I saw the fruits of lawless, aggressive, ruthless, and merciless capitalism--which makes profits for a few at the expense of the many. 作为共产党演讲者，我的足迹遍布全国。我看到了无法无天、侵略性、野蛮和无情的资本主义的恶果——它为少数人攫取利润，牺牲了多数人的利益。
Our country is a rich and beautiful land, fully capable of producing abundance for all, educating the youth, caring for the old. We believe this can be done under socialism. I saw great forests cut down, the denuded lands left with charred stumps; miles of topsoil blown away, washed away by water, fertile fields turned into deserts. 我们的国家是一个富饶美丽的国家，完全有能力为所有人生产充足的物资，教育青年，照顾老人。我们相信在社会主义制度下可以做到这一点。我看到大片森林被砍伐，裸露的土地上留下烧焦的树桩；数英里的表土被风吹走、被水冲走，肥沃的田地变成了沙漠。
I saw textile workers who weave beautiful woolen fabrics shivering for lack of warm clothing, coal miners living in cold shacks in company towns, steel towns transformed into armed camps. I saw people blacklisted, forced to flee from town to town, change their names because they dared try to organize a union. 我看到织出漂亮羊毛织物的纺织工人因缺少保暖衣物而瑟瑟发抖，煤矿工人住在公司城镇的寒冷棚屋里，钢铁城镇变成了武装营地。我看到人们被列入黑名单，被迫从一个城镇逃到另一个城镇，因为他们敢于尝试组织工会而被迫改名换姓。
We will prove to you that it is not Communists who advocate or practice force and violence, but the bourgeoisie, as I have seen throughout my history in the American labor movement--like General Sherman Bell during the Colorado miners' strike, who said: "To hell with the writ of habeas corpus; we'll give 'em a coroner's inquest." 我们将向你们证明，不是共产党人倡导或实践了武力和暴力，而是资产阶级在我参与美国劳工运动的整个历史中都在这样做，比如科罗拉多州矿工罢工期间的谢尔曼·贝尔将军说："让人身保护令见鬼去吧；我们会给他们验尸。"
We will prove to you that it is not we who flout the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, but the bourgeoisie has always done so. We will prove that we are here fighting for our constitutional and democratic rights, not to advocate force and violence, but to expose and stop the use of force and violence against the people. 我们将向你们证明，不是我们藐视宪法和权利法案，而是资产阶级一直在这样做。我们将证明，我们在这里是为争取我们的宪法权利和民主权利而斗争，不是为了倡导武力和暴力，而是为了揭露和制止对人民使用武力和暴力。
We will show that in fighting for our rights we believe we are defending the constitutional rights of all Americans. We believe our conduct is that of good Americans. 我们将表明，在为我们的权利而斗争时，我们相信我们是在捍卫所有美国人的宪法权利。我们相信我们的行为是作为好美国人的行为。
Since 6 out of the 11 articles of mine in Political Affairs listed by the government deal with the so-called defense question, I shall prove to you that this has been part of my life work since 1907--before there was a Communist Party. 既然政府列出的我在《政治事务》杂志上的11篇文章中有6篇涉及所谓的辩护问题，我将向你们证明，这自1907年以来一直是我毕生工作的一部分——那时还没有共产党。
For example, I distributed thousands of copies in the 1920s of the famous document entitled "Illegal Practices of the Department of Justice," which is not in the government's old document exhibits, but I would be happy to provide it to the jury. It was signed by 12 of the most distinguished lawyers of the time, including Professors Frankfurter and Chafee of Harvard, and Francis Fisher Kane, who resigned as United States Attorney in Philadelphia to protest such procedures. 例如，我在20世纪20年代分发了数千份名为"司法部的非法行为"的著名文件，这份文件不在政府的旧文件展品中，但我很乐意向陪审团提供。它由当时最杰出的12位律师签署，包括哈佛大学的弗兰克福特教授和蔡菲教授，以及因抗议此类程序而辞去费城美国检察官职务的弗朗西斯·费舍尔·凯恩。
My early identification with the struggle for freedom of speech on the streets and in halls made me a founding member of the American Civil Liberties Union in 1917, and later an organizer of the Workers Defense League--a representative body of unions and fraternal organizations that provided legal defense in political and labor prosecution cases. 我早年就参与争取街头和大厅自由演讲的斗争。这种对公民自由的早期认同使我在1917年成为美国公民自由联盟的创始成员，后来成为工人辩护联盟的组织者——这是一个由工会和兄弟组织组成的代表机构，为政治和劳工起诉案件提供法律辩护。
During the infamous Palmer raids of 1920, we had much work to do. I conducted a seven-year struggle, without success, to save the lives of Sacco and Vanzetti. In the government's exhibit list is an article I wrote in August 1947, entitled "Sacco and Vanzetti--Twenty Years After," in which I pointed out the worldwide belief in their innocence. 在臭名昭著的1920年帕尔默红色恐怖袭击期间，我们有很多工作要做。我为拯救萨科和万泽蒂的生命进行了七年不懈的斗争，但没有成功。在政府的展品清单中有我1947年8月写的一篇题为"萨科和万泽蒂——二十年后"的文章，其中我指出了全世界对他们无罪的信念。
Now I shall explain how and why I left the I.W.W. and joined the Communist Party. This goes directly to the issue of overthrow by force. After careful thought, I became clearly aware that the I.W.W. was an anarcho-syndicalist organization. 现在我将说明我如何以及为什么离开I.W.W.并加入共产党。这直接关系到武力推翻政府的问题。经过深思熟虑，我清楚地认识到I.W.W.是一个无政府工团主义组织。
The I.W.W. hoped to achieve socialism within capitalism and then to break through the shell of capitalism by the general strike and seizure of industries. It was precisely this position which I rejected. I.W.W.希望在资本主义内部实现社会主义，然后通过总罢工和夺取工业来突破资本主义的外壳。恰恰是这一立场被我拒绝了。
I concluded that socialism cannot be achieved by one violent outburst, but only by the persistent political activity of the workers and the people. Hence, to participate in the political struggle for socialism, I joined the Communist Party. 我得出的结论是，社会主义不能通过一次暴力爆发来实现，而是要通过工人和人民坚持不懈的政治活动来实现。因此，为了参与争取社会主义的政治活动，我加入了共产党。
Concerning the origin of the Communist Party, we shall show here that an organized left-wing movement developed within the Socialist Party, and by 1919, the left wing had become the majority of that party. A split occurred at the Chicago convention of the Socialist Party. The left wing, expelled by the police, reorganized as the Communist Party. 关于共产党的起源，我们将在这里表明，社会党内发展出了有组织的左翼运动，到1919年，左翼已经成为该党的多数派。在社会党的芝加哥代表大会上发生了分裂。被警察驱逐的左翼重新组织为共产党。
All my Socialist friends and colleagues were left-wingers. I sympathized deeply with them. By 1926, I had become convinced that the Communist Party was the logical inheritor of all the good traditions, history, and struggles of the old Socialist movement and the I.W.W. 我所有的社会党朋友和同事都是左翼分子。我非常同情他们。到1926年，我已经确信共产党是旧社会党运动和I.W.W.所有优秀传统、历史和斗争的合理继承者。
In 1926, I was ready to join the party and submitted my application to Charles Ruthenberg, then secretary of the Communist Party. Since he died suddenly a few weeks later during the most critical period of my own illness, that application was apparently lost. I was suffering from a heart attack in Portland, Oregon, at the time. 1926年，我准备加入该党，并向当时的共产党书记查尔斯·鲁思伯格提交了申请。由于他在我自己患病最关键的时期几周后突然去世，那份申请显然丢失了。当时我在俄勒冈州波特兰患有心脏病。
During this period, I kept in close touch with my old friends--Ella Reeve Bloor of California and Anita Whitney, both Communist leaders. Naturally, despite my illness, my heart and mind were deeply involved in the current political problems of the people--the threat of fascism in Europe. 在此期间，我与我的老朋友——加利福尼亚州的埃拉·里夫·布洛尔和安妮塔·惠特尼保持着密切联系，她们都是共产党领袖。自然而然，尽管我生病了，但我的心和思想深深卷入了人民当前的政治问题——欧洲法西斯主义的威胁。
Miss Whitney brought me in the fall of 1935 a copy of the Daily Worker containing a speech by Georgi Dimitroff, "The United Front Against War and Fascism"--which the government has indicated it intends to introduce as evidence. This speech made a profound impression on me. 惠特尼小姐在1935年秋天给我带来了一份《工人日报》，上面有乔治·季米特洛夫的演讲《反对战争和法西斯主义的统一战线》——政府已表示打算将其作为证据提交。这篇演讲给我留下了深刻的印象。
We will show the character of the struggle against fascism which Communists undertook under this call by Dimitroff--who died in 1949 as the Prime Minister of his country. We will show the background of this speech, which is essential to your understanding of its meaning and of my intent in joining the Communist Party at that time. 我们将展示共产党人在季米特洛夫的这一号召下反对法西斯主义的斗争特点——季米特洛夫于1949年作为他国家的总理去世。我们将展示这篇演讲的背景，这对于你们理解其含义以及我当时加入共产党的意图至关重要。
It was the period of the rise of fascism, and we will show that in our country in the 1930s, most people thought fascism seemed very remote. People laughed at Hitler and Mussolini as demagogues and charlatans, but it aroused great concern among the peoples of Europe, especially among Communists in countries directly affected or threatened. 那是法西斯主义兴起的时期，我们将表明，在我们国家20世纪30年代，大多数人认为法西斯主义似乎非常遥远。人们嘲笑希特勒和墨索里尼是煽动者和江湖骗子，但它引起了欧洲各国人民的极大关注，特别是那些直接受到影响或威胁的国家的共产党人。
Georgi Dimitroff was a Bulgarian Communist who had fled to Germany, where he was framed up for participation in the infamous Reichstag fire. After his release, Dimitroff took refuge in the Soviet Union and delivered this speech at the Congress of the Communist International in 1935. 乔治·季米特洛夫是保加利亚共产党人，曾流亡德国，在那里他被诬陷参与臭名昭著的国会纵火案。季米特洛夫被释放后，在苏联避难，并于1935年在共产国际代表大会上发表了这篇演讲。
It was an eloquent and dramatic appeal against fascism, which he described as the most evil enemy of mankind. It was addressed primarily to Communists and other progressive people everywhere, calling upon them to lay aside all immediate party or sectarian interests, differences, or ultimate political goals and unite to stop fascism. 这是一篇反对法西斯主义的雄辩而戏剧性的呼吁，他将法西斯主义描述为人类最邪恶的敌人。它主要是针对共产党人以及其他地方的进步人士，呼吁他们抛开所有眼前的党派或宗派利益、分歧或最终政治目标，团结起来制止法西斯主义。
We will prove this is what the "United Front" meant. This policy united Communists with all other honest and patriotic people--determined to save their country from the ravages of fascism. We will show that our party organizer, Hank Forbes--who might otherwise have been a defendant here--died on Anzio beach carrying out this policy. 我们将证明这就是"统一战线"的含义。这一政策使共产党人与所有其他诚实和爱国的人团结在一起——他们决心拯救自己的国家免受法西斯主义的蹂躏。我们将展示我们党的组织者汉克·福布斯——否则他可能会作为被告出现在这里——就是根据这一政策在安齐奥海滩牺牲的。
When I read this powerful appeal, I made up my mind: "This is where I belong. When I am well again, I will apply for membership in the Communist Party once more." I did. William Z. Foster--whom I first met in 1909 in the I.W.W.--and Ella Reeve Bloor--whom I knew from the old Socialist Party--sponsored my application in the winter of 1936-37. 当我读到这份强有力的呼吁时，我下定决心："这就是我所属的地方。等我身体好转，我将再次申请加入共产党。"我做到了。威廉·Z·福斯特——我1909年在I.W.W.第一次见到他——和埃拉·里夫·布洛尔——我从旧社会党认识她——在1936年至1937年冬季提交了我的申请。
I joined the non-political I.W.W. in my youth; in my maturity, I returned to the Socialist, working-class political movement. This may seem a long introduction, but I have tried to draw conclusions from my biography relevant to the issues in this case. 我年轻时加入了非政治性的I.W.W.；成年后，我重新回到了社会主义的工人阶级政治运动中。这可能看起来是一个很长的介绍，但我试图从我的传记中得出与本案问题相关的结论。
Now, concerning my official positions in the Communist Party--which I proudly and publicly acknowledge--these are matters of public record: In 1938, I became a member of the National Committee of the Communist Party, and still am. The National Committee was reduced to 13 members in 1948. 现在，关于我在共产党中的官方职位——我自豪地公开承认——这些都是公开记录：1938年我成为共产党全国委员会成员，至今仍是。全国委员会在1948年缩减至13人。
The other 12 members were our chairman, William Z. Foster (who has been seriously ill for several years), and my dear comrades--the 11 Communist leaders convicted under the Smith Act who have challenged the constitutionality of that act. I have also served as chairman of the Women's Commission of the Communist Party since 1945. 其他12名成员是我们的主席威廉·Z·福斯特（他已重病数年）和我亲爱的同志们——11名根据史密斯法案被定罪的共产党领袖，他们质疑该法案违宪。我自1945年以来还担任共产党妇女委员会主席。
My comrade, Claudia Jones--one of the defendants in this case--was the executive secretary. Together we worked, spoke, wrote, and helped organize women for full equality, both political and economic, for the building of peace movements, consumer councils, parent-teacher organizations. 我的同志克劳迪娅·琼斯——本案的被告之一——是执行秘书。我们一起工作、一起演讲、一起写作，并帮助组织妇女争取全面平等，无论是政治上还是经济上，为建立和平运动、消费者委员会、家长教师组织而努力。
Many articles written by both of us on these subjects appear in the government's list of exhibits. We will show you how constructive and beneficial was our work among women, inspiring them to greater self-confidence, closer comradeship among themselves, and more participation in public affairs. 我们两人关于这些主题写的许多文章都出现在政府的展品清单中。我们将向你们展示我们在妇女中的工作具有多么建设性和有益的性质，激励她们增强自信心、增进彼此的同志情谊、更多地参与公共事务。
We wrote about the history of the women's movement in our country--every right we now enjoy was won through organized struggle--woman suffrage, jury service for women, labor legislation protecting women workers, mothers' pensions, and so on. 我们写过我国妇女运动的历史——我们现在享有的每项权利都是通过有组织的斗争赢得的——妇女投票权、担任陪审团的权利、保护女工的劳工立法、母亲养老金等等。
We made our sharpest criticism of the fact that Negro women in the South were practically disfranchised (by force and violence and the poll tax), of discrimination against women in industry, of the lack of child care. 我们对南方黑人妇女实际上被剥夺选举权（通过武力和暴力以及人头税）、工厂中对妇女的歧视、缺乏教养等问题提出了最尖锐的批评。
We advocated socialism as the social system which best guarantees full equality for women in all fields and ensures that they have the opportunity to exercise those rights. 我们倡导社会主义作为最能保障妇女在所有领域享有充分平等权利并确保她们有机会行使这些权利的社会制度。
Again, I remind you, we are not here asking you to agree with our views, but we will prove to you that we have never advocated force and violence, but rather a peaceful, happy world. 我再次提醒你们，我们不是来请求你们认同我们的观点，而是将向你们证明我们从未倡导过武力和暴力，而是倡导一个和平、幸福的世界。
Since the arrest of our above-mentioned leaders in 1948, I have also served as chairman of the Party's Defense Committee. The evidence will show that our duties were to raise funds to provide adequate legal defense for Party members who might be arrested under the Smith Act or deported under the McCarran Act. 自1948年我们上述领导人被捕以来，我还担任党的辩护委员会主席。证据将表明，我们的职责是筹集资金，为可能根据史密斯法案被捕或根据麦卡伦法案被驱逐出境的党员提供充分的法律辩护。
Our duties were to publicize the facts of the cases--since newspaper coverage is notoriously inadequate and always biased--to organize mass meetings, arrange speaker tours, and generally appeal to the public for support for their defense. 我们的职责是宣传案件事实——因为报纸报道众所周知是不充分的，而且总是有偏见的——组织群众集会、安排演讲者巡回演讲，并普遍呼吁公众支持他们的辩护。
Furthermore, the list of documents which the government has listed and tells us it will introduce in this case clearly shows that I was a columnist for the Daily Worker. That is correct. 此外，政府列出的他们告诉我们将在本案中提交或表示将提交的文件清单清楚地表明，我是《工人日报》的专栏作家。这是正确的。
For 15 years, from 1937 to the present, I have written at least two columns a week, in addition to many feature articles for the Sunday edition. These were my personal columns, not submitted in advance to the editorial staff. The reader's praise or criticism was the only feedback. 从1937年至今的15年里，我每周至少写两篇专栏文章，此外还为周日版写了许多专题文章。这些是我的个人专栏，不提前提交给编辑人员。读者的赞扬或批评是唯一的反馈。
Some of my columns and articles are listed by the government as government exhibits which they intend to introduce. If they wish to prove my official position in the Party, my nation-wide speaking tours, my speaking at particular places, or my inviting people to join the Communist Party, the government need not waste time. 我的一些专栏和文章被政府列为政府展品，他们打算提交。如果他们想证明我在党内的官方职位、我的全国巡回演讲、我在特定地方的演讲或我邀请人们加入共产党，政府不必浪费时间。
I believe in the Party to which I belong. In my opinion, it is a legitimate political party devoted to the best interests of the people, and I would not belong to it if I were not willing to invite any honest person to join me. Hundreds have joined at my invitation. 我相信我所属的党。在我看来，这是一个致力于人民最大利益的合法政党，如果我不愿意邀请任何诚实的人加入我，我就不会属于它。数百人应我的邀请加入了。
I will prove to you accordingly that none of them advocate force and violence. 我将据此向你们证明，其中没有一篇倡导武力和暴力。
During the past period covered by the indictment, I also wrote a dozen pamphlets. One was entitled "Informers," another "The Conspiracy to Muzzle America." 在起诉书涵盖的过去时期，我还写了十几本小册子。一本名为《告密者》，另一本名为《堵住美国嘴巴的阴谋》。
The government did not list them for your attention. I particularly suggest that if any document they introduce is shown, you must read the eloquent and excellent opening statement by Eugene Dennis, General Secretary of the Communist Party. 政府没有将它们列入你们的注意范围。我特别建议，如果他们提交的任何一份文件被展示，你们一定要读一读共产党总书记尤金·丹尼斯雄辩而出色的开场白。
I wrote an introduction for it. It is entitled "The Communist Party's Case." The government has indicated it intends to introduce it as evidence, probably for that reason. 我为它写了一篇引言。它名为《共产党的案件》。政府已表示打算将其作为证据提交，可能就是为此原因。
I have hundreds of leaflets, advertisements, and clippings relating to public mass meetings arranged by the Communist Party during the past 15 years, at which I and other defendants have spoken. We will prove that nowhere was force and violence advocated. 我有成百上千份与共产党在过去15年里安排的公共群众集会相关的传单、广告和剪报，我和其他被告在这些集会上发表过演讲。我们将证明，在任何地方都没有倡导武力和暴力。
Examples: "The Fight Against the Taft-Hartley Law"--"The Rights of the Negro People"--I and other defendants have spoken on the radio during the period covered by the indictment and before, especially in political campaigns supporting Communist and other candidates. 举几个例子："反对塔夫脱-哈特利法的斗争"——"黑人人民的权利"——我和其他被告在起诉书涵盖的时期以及之前在广播中发表过演讲，特别是在支持共产党和其他候选人的政治竞选中。
We will prove to you that the Communist Party of the United States is not a social group, group, or assembly as described in the indictment, but a legitimate political party. It nominates candidates for all public offices, including the presidency. 我们将向你们证明，美国共产党不是起诉书所描述的社会团体、群体或集会，而是一个合法的政党。它提名了包括总统在内的所有公职候选人。
In 1942, I ran for Congress at-large with Benjamin J. Davis, Jr., and we each received over 50,000 votes. Our campaign slogan or platform for victory was: "No idle men. No idle machines. No idle land." 1942年，我与本杰明·J·戴维斯先生一起竞选国会全院席位，我们每人获得了超过5万张选票。我们的竞选口号或胜利纲领是："没有闲置的人。没有闲置的机器。没有闲置的土地。"
Mr. Gerson received 150,000 votes in Brooklyn in 1948. One of the defendants in the current Smith Act trial in Los Angeles--the famous Communist, Miss Bernadette Doyle--received over 600,000 votes as a peace candidate for a state-wide office. 格尔森先生在1948年的布鲁克林获得了15万张选票。现任洛杉矶史密斯法案审判中的一名被告——著名共产党人伯纳黛特·多伊尔小姐——作为和平候选人获得了超过60万张全州公职选票。
If our Party were not hampered by increasing electoral restrictions placed upon it and other minority parties, and if it were not banned from the ballot in some states, we are confident that we would win many more votes and elect representatives. 如果我们党与其他少数党不受日益增加的选举限制的阻碍，并且在某些州不被禁止参加选举，我们坚信我们将赢得更多选票，并选举出议员。
Today, Communists are represented in the parliaments of all major non-fascist countries in the world. This is the arena where political opinions belong--in the public marketplace of ideas, to be decided solely by the voters of our country. 如今，共产党人在世界上所有主要非法西斯国家的议会中都有代表。这是政治观点所属的舞台——在思想的公共市场上，由我们国家的选民独自决定。
The government will apparently emphasize the fact that we sometimes speak to a group of specific people in someone's home. Concerning these house meetings--some of which are purely social--we will explain the following reasons: 政府显然打算强调这样一个事实：我们有时会在某人的家中对一群特定的人发表演讲。关于这些家庭聚会——其中一些纯粹是社交性质的——我们将说明以下几点原因：
Sometimes because halls could not be rented, in small single-industry towns like steel, coal, and textile, where people seen attending Communist meetings by company spies lose their jobs and are blacklisted, even unions cannot protect these members. 有时是因为租不到大厅，在钢铁、煤炭和纺织等小型单一产业城镇，被公司间谍看到参加共产党会议的人会失去工作并被列入黑名单，甚至工会也无法保护这些成员。
Sometimes we held meetings in homes for the convenience of women who could not attend other events. Sometimes to protect Negroes, especially in the South and border areas, where the speaker goes to them instead of having them come to hear the speaker. 有时我们在家庭中举行聚会是为了方便那些无法参加其他活动的妇女。有时是为了保护黑人，特别是在南方和边境地区，演讲者去他们那里而不是让他们来听演讲。
We will show that we believe it is the duty of Communists to protect workers--whether members or not--from harassment, loss of jobs, threats of violence, or FBI surveillance simply because they attend our meetings. 我们将表明，我们认为作为共产党人，我们有责任保护工人——无论是否是党员——免受骚扰、失业、暴力威胁或联邦调查局监视，仅仅因为他们参加了我们的会议。
Criticism should be directed not at us but at those who create repressive conditions--conditions which force workers to choose between their jobs and their beliefs. We will prove, I can assure you, that if we had the same rights and protection as other people engaged in political activity, not a single member of our Party would be unwilling to announce his membership publicly. 批评不应针对我们，而应针对那些制造压制性条件的人——这些条件迫使工人在工作和信仰之间做出选择。我们将证明，我可以向你们保证，如果我们能像其他从事政治活动的人一样享有同样的权利和保护，我们党内没有任何成员不愿意公开宣布自己的党员身份。
The government will also emphasize the schools--as Mr. Lane has already pointed out--where Marxism-Leninism is taught. I have spoken at certain schools in New York City, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, Cleveland, and at one national training school. 政府还将强调学校——正如莱恩先生已经指出的——在那里教授马克思列宁主义。我在纽约市、匹兹堡、费城、克利夫兰的某些学校以及一所国家培训学校发表过演讲。
My subjects were either "History of the Labor Movement" or "History of the American Women's Movement." I have outlines of these courses, which are analytical and explanatory, and I will offer them as evidence in this case. 我的主题要么是"劳工运动史"，要么是"美国妇女运动史"。我有这些课程的大纲，它们是分析性的和解释性的，我将在本案中提供它们作为证据。
The course "History of the American Labor Movement" taught at the Jefferson School in New York was introduced as an overt act of Mr. Louis Weinstock. 在纽约杰斐逊学校讲授的"美国劳工运动史"课程被作为路易斯·韦恩斯托克先生的公开行为提交。
This brings me to the framework upon which this case is based--a strange new type of overt act, if I may say so, reminiscent of Nazi book-burning. 这就引出了本案所依据的框架——一种奇怪的新型公开行为，如果我可以这么说的话，让人联想到纳粹的焚书。
What they present, we believe, is the everyday behavior of all organizations and individuals who express their views in the marketplace of ideas. Of 29 overt acts, 11 are articles in Political Affairs, 5 are Daily Worker articles, 5 (including mine) are public meetings, 2 are committee meetings, 1 is leaving a building, 1 is mailing letters, 1 is writing a pamphlet, 1 is becoming a Party organizer. 他们提出的，我们认为，是所有组织和个人在思想市场上表达观点时的日常行为。在29项公开行为中，11项是《政治事务》杂志上的文章，5项是《工人日报》文章，5项（包括我的）是公共集会，2项是委员会会议，1项是离开建筑物，1项是邮寄信件，1项是写小册子，1项是成为党组织者。
The government will also try to wrap them up in so-called Aesopian language, or, in other words, to say that whatever we say, we mean the opposite. To say peace loudly to ten thousand people and mean war is really a Houdini-like performance. 政府还将试图用所谓的伊索式语言来包装它们，或者说，无论我们说什么，我们的意思其实相反。对一万人大声说和平却意味着战争，这真是一种胡迪尼式的表演。
Mr. Perry, myself, and our co-defendants will, in the evidence we submit as the case progresses, try to penetrate the maze of distortions which we believe is associated with Aesopian language and make it clear that we mean exactly what we say, that the language of Marxism-Leninism is not as mysterious or obscure as the government would have it sound. 佩里先生、我和我们的共同被告将在案件进展过程中提交的证据中，努力穿透我们认为与伊索式语言相关的歪曲迷宫，并明确表明我们言出必行、言行一致，马克思列宁主义的语言并不像政府试图让它听起来的那样神秘或晦涩。
All sciences, even law, have their own terminology, but like a doctor's prescription, that does not mean they are dishonest or misleading to the public. No charge has been made against any of us of violent acts. Neither, so far as I know, has any charge been made against any of us collectively or individually of advocating the overthrow of the government of the United States by force. 所有科学，甚至法律，都有自己的术语，但就像医生的处方一样，这并不意味着它们对公众是不诚实或误导的。没有指控我们任何人犯有暴力行为。到目前为止，我所知道的也没有指控我们任何人集体或个人倡导武力推翻美国政府。
The science of Marxism-Leninism, as set forth in the books offered as evidence, originated over a century ago with two great political thinkers--Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. They declared that what happens to humanity is not blind fate, nor the will of great men, nor should it be accepted as unchangeable. 作为证据提交的书籍中阐述的马克思列宁主义科学，起源于一个多世纪前的两位伟大政治思想家——卡尔·马克思和弗雷德里克·恩格斯。他们宣称，人类发生的事情不是盲目的命运，也不是伟人的意志，也不应被接受为不可改变的。
They said that humanity can find a scientific explanation for war, famine, economic depressions, and poverty, that humanity, especially the working class, can help change society, can alter and guide the course of history, can eliminate these evils, and build a planned social order based on the well-being of all. 他们说，人类可以找到战争、饥荒、经济萧条和贫困的科学解释，人类，特别是工人阶级，可以帮助改变社会，可以改变和引导历史进程，可以消除这些罪恶，并建立一个基于所有人福祉的计划社会秩序。
Today, this has become a vast subject, impossible for any one person to explain fully, nor would the time allowed at this trial permit it. These scientific theories were not fixed and final at the time of Marx and Engels' death--they never regarded them as dogma. Like all sciences, they have been expanded and modified with subsequent developments. 今天，这已成为一个庞大的主题，任何一个人都无法完全解释，审判允许的时间也不允许。马克思和恩格斯去世时，这些科学理论并非固定不变的——他们从不认为它们是教条。像所有科学一样，它们已经扩展，并随着后续发展而得到修改。
Other scholars and writers have carried on their work, notably V.I. Lenin--a great thinker and great man, who suffered exile and imprisonment under the Russian Tsar. He returned to his beloved country and led the workers and peasants out of Tsarist tyranny and exploitation. 其他学者和作家继承了他们的事业，特别是V·I·列宁——一位伟大的思想家和伟人，在俄罗斯沙皇统治下遭受了流亡和监禁。他回到心爱的国家，领导工人和农民摆脱沙皇暴政和剥削。
Lenin enriched Marxism through his studies, especially his analysis of the new social conditions brought about by the rise of imperialism and the emergence of socialism. Today, the writings of Marxism-Leninism fill thousands of books in all known languages, enough to fill this courtroom from floor to ceiling. 列宁通过他的研究丰富了马克思主义，特别是他对帝国主义兴起和社会主义出现带来的新社会条件的分析。如今，马克思列宁主义著作填满了数千本书，涵盖所有已知语言，足以从地板到天花板堆满这个法庭。
We believe that, according to our established American traditions, political theories should not be tried in court. Their value cannot be decided by a jury; only the people can do that. 我们认为，根据我们既定的美国传统，政治理论不应在法庭上受审。陪审团的裁决不能决定它们的价值；只有人民才能做到这一点。
We believe that, under the Bill of Rights, we have the right to advocate our views, but since our views are on trial here, we feel a sacred duty to defend ourselves and our Party fully against any slander or distortion. 我们相信，根据权利法案，我们有权倡导我们的观点，但既然我们的观点在这里受审，我们感到有神圣的责任为自己和我们的党充分辩护，免受任何诽谤或歪曲。
We advocate the right of Americans to speak freely on any subject. We Communists have the right to defend socialism, or the evolution of the capitalist system and economy, and the private ownership of the means of livelihood for all people. 我们主张美国人有权就任何问题畅所欲言。我们共产党人有权捍卫社会主义，或捍卫资本主义制度和经济的演变，以及所有人民生活资料的私有制。
We will prove that such change can only come about when the great majority of the American people are ready and willing for it, and that the Communist Party does not advocate bringing about such change by force and violence. 我们将证明，这种变革只能在美国大多数人民准备好并愿意实现时才能实现，共产党不倡导以武力和暴力实现这种变革。
Abraham Lincoln said: "Next to the family tie, the strongest sympathy in the world should be that which unites the working people of all nations, all languages, and all nationalities." May Day and International Women's Day both originated in the United States, although they are now celebrated internationally. 亚伯拉罕·林肯说："除家庭关系外，人类最强大的同情纽带应该是团结所有国家、所有语言和所有民族的劳动者。"五一节和国际妇女节都起源于美国，尽管它们现在在国际上庆祝。
In this spirit of solidarity, I shall show that I made three trips abroad: in 1945 to attend the Women's Congress; in 1949 to attend the 80th birthday of Marcel Cachin, editor of the Communist daily newspaper in Paris, L'Humanité; and in 1950 to cover the French Communist Party Congress. 本着这种团结精神，我将表明我进行了三次国外旅行：1945年参加妇女代表大会；1949年参加巴黎共产党日报《人道报》主编马塞尔·卡尚的80岁生日；以及1950年报道法国共产党代表大会。
On the last trip, I spent a weekend in London, spoke at a London-area Communist meeting, and visited the tomb of Karl Marx. 在最后一次旅行中，我在伦敦度过了一个周末，在伦敦地区共产党会议上发表了演讲，并参观了卡尔·马克思的墓地。
This Congress in Paris was held without heat, with flickering lights and scanty food supplies, dedicated to building permanent peace in the world, the welfare of children, and the rights of women--all of which had been ruthlessly destroyed by the Nazis. "Never again" was their passionate determination. 这次在巴黎举行的代表大会没有暖气，灯光闪烁，食品供应稀少，致力于在世界上建立永久和平、儿童福利和妇女权利——所有这些都被纳粹无情地摧毁了。"决不让历史重演"是他们强烈的决心。
Our American delegation was surprised to find them so worried that fascism would rise again like the mythical phoenix from the ashes. On our return voyage on an army transport ship carrying 5,000 or more returning GIs, we found their longing for peace was as strong as that of the women of Europe. 我们的美国代表团惊讶地发现，他们如此担心法西斯主义会像神话中的凤凰一样从灰烬中重生。在我们乘坐载有5000多名归国军人的军队运输舰回国的途中，我们发现他们对和平的渴望与欧洲妇女一样强烈。
We will prove to you that our Party leadership had already begun to re-evaluate our ideas and actions, and even without Duclos' article, although perhaps not so rapidly, we would have rebuilt our Party, which has existed since 1919. 我们将向你们证明，我们党的领导层已经开始重新评估我们的思想和行动，即使没有杜克洛的文章，尽管可能不会那么迅速，我们也会重建我们自1919年以来一直存在的党。
We believe we are entitled to ask the government to explain in the course of the prosecution: If the alleged danger from our work is so obvious and urgent that the Smith Act was needed in 1940, why was it not used against our leadership until 1948, or why not against us defendants until 11 years after the passage of the Act? 我们认为，我们有权要求政府在指控过程中解释：如果我们工作产生的所谓危险如此明显和紧迫，以至于1940年需要史密斯法案，为什么直到1948年才对我们的领导层使用该法案，或者为什么直到法案通过11年后才对我们这些被告使用？
Remember, we have openly advocated socialism as our ultimate goal since the birth of the Party 33 years ago. The charge of force and violence is not a newly discovered issue either. The government fought stubbornly for 16 years in the famous Schneiderman case--which began in 1927 and which they lost in the Supreme Court in 1943. 请记住，我们自33年前党的诞生以来就公开倡导社会主义作为我们的最终目标。武力和暴力的指控也不是新发现的问题。政府在著名的施奈德曼案中顽强地斗争了16年——该案始于1927年，他们于1943年在最高法院败诉。
From the foregoing, a reasonable conclusion can be drawn: that the Party in 1927 wished to achieve its objectives by peaceful and democratic means, and as a theoretical question, only justified the use of force and violence after the Party had attained control by peaceful means to prevent a violent counter-revolutionary overthrow, or in some special circumstances at some indefinite future time when constitutional or peaceful channels were no longer available. 从上述情况可以得出一个合理的结论：该党在1927年希望通过和平民主手段实现其目标，作为一个理论问题，仅在党以和平方式获得控制权后防止武力反革命推翻，或在未来某个不确定的时间因特殊情况导致宪法或和平渠道不再畅通时，才为使用武力和暴力辩护。
This is the concluding statement quoted by Justice Murphy. We will prove that our Party has endorsed this statement on many occasions, regarding it as a substantially correct (though incomplete) statement of our Party's policy on the question of force and violence. 这是墨菲大法官引述的结束语。我们将证明，我们党多次认可这一陈述，认为它基本上正确地（尽管不完整地）阐述了我们党在武力和暴力问题上的政策。
Our contention is that neither socialism nor the charge of force and violence should legitimately bring us before this jury under this indictment. They obscure what we believe to be the real issues, which lie mainly in our day-to-day activities. 我们的论点是，无论是社会主义还是武力和暴力的指控，都不应合法地将我们带到这个陪审团面前接受这份起诉书。它们掩盖了我们认为主要存在于我们日常活动中的真正问题。
We believe the struggle for peace and democratic rights will soon lead to new political alignments in our country, which we believe will break the two-party system and establish a new People's Party which we will support. 我们相信，争取和平与民主权利的斗争将很快导致我国出现新的政治联盟，我们相信这将打破两党制的格局，建立一个我们将支持的新人民党。
We will prove that so-called capitalism has existed in the United States for a relatively short time--less than two centuries, and that it is not identical with government. It is neither the first nor the last stage of human society. 我们将证明，所谓的资本主义在美国只存在了相对较短的时间——不到两个世纪，它与政府并不等同。它既不是人类社会的第一个阶段，也不是最后一个阶段。
Before capitalism was feudalism--where feudal lords owned the land and lived on the labor of serfs. Before feudalism was slavery, barbarism. Capitalism developed and replaced feudalism. With the advent of power-driven machinery for mass production, it expanded rapidly, and as free competition was replaced by monopoly, it became controlled by smaller and smaller groups. 资本主义之前是封建主义——封建领主拥有土地，靠农奴的劳动生活。封建主义之前是奴隶制度、野蛮时代。资本主义发展并取代了封建主义。随着动力驱动的大规模生产机器的出现，它迅速扩张，随着自由竞争被垄断取代，它由越来越小的群体控制。
When we speak of abolishing capitalism, we certainly do not mean abolishing our country's rich natural resources, nor the vast productive industries developed by the labor of the people. We will prove that we mean the abolition of private ownership of the basic means of production and the profit system which arises from it. 当我们谈论废除资本主义时，我们当然不是指废除我国丰富的自然资源，也不是指废除由人民劳动发展起来的庞大生产工业。我们将证明，我们指的是废除基本生产资料的私有制及其产生的利润制度。
We mean that natural resources, mines, factories, railroads, means of communication should be owned collectively by all the people as national property, managed by a government representing the working class as well as all other people. 我们的意思是，自然资源、矿山、工厂、铁路、通讯手段应作为国家财产由全体人民共同拥有，由代表工人阶级以及所有其他人民的政府管理。
We do not mean that personal property or private property in things acquired by saving or for personal use is abolished. What will be abolished is the use of private property to exploit the labor of others. 我们并不是说个人财产或私有财产在储蓄所得或个人使用的物品中被废除。将被废除的是利用私有财产剥削他人劳动的行为。
In a Communist society--different from a Socialist society--when everything needed for human life, development, and comfort is abundant, the principle will be: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs." 在共产主义社会中——与社会主义社会不同——当人类生活、发展和舒适所需的一切都充足时，原则将是"各尽所能，按需分配"。
That is communism--the realization of the ideal human society in which we believe, and which we believe is possible and desirable. 这就是共产主义——我们相信的理想人类社会的实现，我们相信这是可能且可取的。
Concerning how we expect to achieve socialism--contrary to the theory of force and violence--we will prove that this cannot be achieved by our efforts alone, but only through the action of the great majority of the American people when they are ready and willing for such change. 关于我们如何期望实现社会主义——与武力和暴力理论相反——我们将证明，这不能仅靠我们的努力来实现，而只能在美国大多数人民准备好并愿意实现这种变革时通过他们的行动来实现。
We will show that we sincerely condemn in the Constitution "any group or party that conspires or acts to overthrow, destroy, weaken, or overthrow any or all of the institutions of American democracy--through which the great majority of the American people can maintain their right to decide their own destiny." 我们将表明，我们在宪法中真诚谴责"任何阴谋或采取行动颠覆、破坏、削弱或推翻美国民主任何或所有机构的团体或政党——通过这些机构，大多数美国人民可以维护他们决定自己命运的权利。"
Here, as in England and elsewhere, we Communists strive for the peaceful road to socialism. We will show that we will do everything in our power to prevent the use of force and violence in the establishment of socialism--we know full well that without the support of the great majority of the people, socialism cannot be achieved here or anywhere. 在这里，就像在英国和其他地方一样，我们共产党人努力走和平的社会主义道路。我们将表明，我们将尽一切努力防止在建立社会主义时使用武力和暴力——我们深知，无论在这里还是其他地方，没有大多数人民的支持，社会主义都无法实现。
However, I repeat, socialism is not on the agenda in the United States today. We will prove that our Party's current political program is anti-war and anti-fascist, designed to build a People's Front government dedicated to the well-being of the people. 然而，我再说一遍，社会主义在美国尚未提上日程。我们将证明，我们党的当前政治纲领是反战和反法西斯的，旨在建立一个致力于保障人民福祉的人民阵线政府。
We stand before you as defendants in a Smith Act case. We will prove to you that we are not conspirators but men and women inspired and united by common ideals and aspirations--with the courage to affirm our beliefs, with confidence in the people and the future, and with the willingness to make sacrifices for a better world which we are confident is being born. 我们作为史密斯法案案件的被告站在你们面前。我们将向你们证明，我们不是阴谋家，而是由共同的理想和愿望所激励和团结的人——有勇气肯定我们的信仰，对人民和未来有信心，并愿意为一个我们确信正在诞生的更美好世界做出牺牲。