Let me begin by thanking the Annenberg Foundation Trust, and everyone here at beauty -- beautiful Sunnylands and the people of Rancho Mirage for their incredible hospitality these past two days. I have hosted foreign leaders here before. It's quite another to host leaders from 10 nations at the same time. And I want to thank everybody who helped make the summit such a success. 首先，请允许我感谢安嫩伯格基金会信托基金，以及美丽的桑尼兰兹这里的每一个人和兰乔米拉奇的人民，感谢他们这两天来的盛情款待。我以前曾在这里接待过外国领导人。但同时接待来自十个国家的领导人则是另一回事。我要感谢每一位帮助这次峰会取得圆满成功的人。
For 50 years, leaders and people across Southeast Asia have worked together through ASEAN to advance their mutual security, prosperity and dignity. For decades, the United States has been a proud partner with ASEAN. And this summit has built on the unprecedented cooperation we've forged over the past seven years, as I described yesterday. 五十年来，东南亚各国领导人和人民通过东盟共同努力，增进相互安全、繁荣与尊严。几十年来，美国一直是东盟引以为傲的合作伙伴。正如我昨天所阐述的，本次峰会建立在我们过去七年间所缔造的前所未有的合作基础之上。
This spirit -- working together on behalf of mutual interests, in mutual respect -- guided our work over the past two days. And so I especially want to thank my fellow leaders from the ASEAN countries for being here, for their commitment and for the progress that we've made together. 这种精神——为共同利益而携手、以相互尊重为原则——指引了我们过去两天的工作。因此，我要特别感谢东盟各国的领导人莅临出席，感谢他们的承诺，以及我们共同取得的进展。
One of my main messages over the past two days has been the commitment of the United States to ASEAN and its people. That commitment is and will remain strong and enduring. With our Strategic Partnership, we have a framework to guide our ties for decades to come. 我过去两天传递的主要信息之一，就是美国对东盟及其人民的承诺。这一承诺现在是、并将继续是坚定而持久的。通过我们的战略伙伴关系，我们拥有一个指导未来数十年关系的框架。
Here at Sunnylands, we agreed to a number of key principles, including the principle that ASEAN will continue to be central -- in fact, indispensable -- to peace, prosperity and progress in the Asia Pacific. When ASEAN speaks with a clear, unified voice, it can help advance security, opportunity and human dignity not only for the more than 600 million people across ASEAN, but for people across the Asia Pacific and around the world. And I'm pleased that, here at this summit, ASEAN's strong voice allowed us to make progress on multiple fronts. 在桑尼兰兹，我们就若干关键原则达成了一致，其中包括东盟将继续在亚太地区的和平、繁荣与进步中发挥核心作用——事实上是不可或缺的作用这一原则。当东盟以清晰、统一的声音发声时，它不仅能够为东盟六亿多人民推动安全、机遇和人的尊严，也能为亚太地区乃至全世界人民造福。我很高兴，在本次峰会上，东盟的强音使我们能够在多条战线上取得进展。
First, we agreed to do more together to encourage the entrepreneurship and innovation that are at the heart of modern, competitive economies. 第一，我们同意共同加大力度，鼓励创业和创新，这是现代竞争性经济体的核心。
We had an excellent discussion with a number of pioneering business leaders who reiterated the recipe for attracting trade and investment -- rule of law, transparency, protection of intellectual property, efficient customs, modern infrastructure, e-commerce and the free flow of information, support for small and medium-sized businesses, and perhaps most importantly, investment in people -- investment in strong schools to educate and train the next generation. 我们与一批开拓型商界领袖进行了非常好的讨论，他们重申了吸引贸易和投资的要素——法治、透明度、知识产权保护、高效的海关、现代化的基础设施、电子商务和信息的自由流动、对中小企业的支持，以及也许最重要的是对人的投资——对优质学校的投资，以教育和培养下一代。
Around the table, there was widespread recognition that this is the path ASEAN countries need to continue on. As they do, it will create even more opportunities for trade and investment between the U.S. and ASEAN countries. 席间，各方普遍认识到这是东盟国家需要继续走下去的道路。随着它们的前行，这将为美国与东盟国家之间的贸易和投资创造更多机遇。
I affirmed our strong support for the ASEAN Community and pledged that the United States will continue to be a partner in ASEAN's efforts to integrate economies and reduce barriers to trade and investment. I'm also announcing a new initiative -- U.S.-ASEAN Connect -- a network of hubs across the region to better coordinate our economic engagement and connect more of our entrepreneurs, investors and businesses with each other. 我重申了我们对东盟共同体的坚定支持，并承诺美国将继续作为伙伴参与东盟整合经济、减少贸易和投资壁垒的努力。我还宣布了一项新倡议——"美国—东盟连接"——一个覆盖整个地区的枢纽网络，以更好地协调我们的经济交往，将我们更多的企业家、投资者和企业相互连接起来。
We're also doing more to help aspiring innovators in the region learn English, the international language of business. And I reiterated that the Trans-Pacific Partnership -- which includes four ASEAN members -- can advance economic integration across ASEAN and set stronger rules for trade throughout the Asia Pacific. To that end, we've launched a new effort to help all ASEAN countries understand the key elements of TPP, as well as the reforms that could eventually lead to them joining. 我们还在加大力度帮助该地区有志于创新的人士学习英语这一国际商务语言。我重申，跨太平洋伙伴关系协定——其中包括四个东盟成员国——能够推动整个东盟的经济一体化，并为整个亚太地区的贸易制定更有力的规则。为此，我们启动了一项新的工作，帮助所有东盟国家了解TPP的关键要素，以及最终可能促使它们加入的各项改革。
Second, with regard to security, the United States and ASEAN are reaffirming our strong commitment to a regional order where international rules and norms -- and the rights of all nations, large and small -- are upheld. We discussed the need for tangible steps in the South China Sea to lower tensions, including a halt to further reclamation, new construction and militarization of disputed areas. Freedom of navigation must be upheld and lawful commerce should not be impeded. 第二，在安全方面，美国和东盟重申我们对区域秩序的坚定承诺，在这一秩序中，国际规则和规范——以及所有国家无论大小的权利——都得到维护。我们讨论了在南海采取切实步骤缓和紧张局势的必要性，包括停止进一步的岛礁建设、新建工程和争议地区的军事化。航行自由必须得到维护，合法商业不应受到阻碍。
I reiterated that the United States will continue to fly, sail, and operate wherever international law allows, and we will support the right of all countries to do the same. We will continue to help our allies and partners strengthen their maritime capabilities. And we discussed how any disputes between claimants in the region must be resolved peacefully, through legal means, such as the upcoming arbitration ruling under the U.N. Convention of the Law of the Seas, which the parties are obligated to respect and abide by. 我重申，美国将继续在国际法允许的任何地方飞行、航行和行动，我们将支持所有国家这样做的权利。我们将继续帮助我们的盟友和伙伴加强其海上能力。我们还讨论了该地区声索国之间的任何争端都必须通过法律手段和平解决，例如即将根据《联合国海洋法公约》作出的仲裁裁决，各当事方有义务尊重和遵守这一裁决。
Third, I made it clear that the United States will continue to stand with those across Southeast Asia who are working to advance rule of law, good governance, accountable institutions and the universal human rights of all people. We continue to encourage a return to civilian rule in Thailand. We will sustain our engagement with the people of Myanmar as a new president is selected, and as they work to implement the ceasefire agreement and move forward with national reconciliation. 第三，我明确表示，美国将继续与东南亚各地那些致力于推进法治、善政、负责任的机构和所有人的普遍人权的人们站在一起。我们继续鼓励泰国回归文官统治。我们将继续与缅甸人民接触，因为新总统即将选出，他们正在努力执行停火协议并推进民族和解。
Across the region, we'll continue to stand with citizens and civil society and defend their freedom of speech, of assembly and of the press. No one, including those in political opposition, should ever be detained or imprisoned simply for speaking their mind. That only stymies progress, only makes it harder for countries to truly thrive and prosper. 在整个地区，我们将继续与公民和公民社会站在一起，捍卫他们的言论、集会和新闻自由。任何人，包括政治反对派人士，都不应该仅仅因为表达自己的想法而被拘留或监禁。那只会阻碍进步，只会让各国更难真正实现蓬勃发展和繁荣。
And finally, the United States and ASEAN are doing more to deal with transnational challenges together. I offered our assistance to help ASEAN counties better leverage Interpol data to prevent the flow of foreign terrorist fighters. We agree that implementing the Paris climate change agreement, including helping developing countries adapt to and mitigate the impacts of climate change, will be critical and it will enable them to leap ahead to new and affordable clean energy. 最后，美国和东盟正在加大力度共同应对跨国挑战。我提出我们愿意协助东盟各国更好地利用国际刑警组织的数据，防止外国恐怖作战人员的流动。我们一致认为，执行巴黎气候变化协定，包括帮助发展中国家适应和减缓气候变化的影响，将至关重要，这将使它们能够跃进到新的、可负担的清洁能源。
As we pursue our sustainable development goals, we're launching a new competition -- an innovation challenge to encourage students across ASEAN to develop new solutions to boost agriculture. We're moving ahead with our Global Health Security Agenda to prevent future epidemics, and I pledged additional U.S. assistance to help ASEAN combat the horror of human trafficking. 在追求可持续发展目标的过程中，我们正在发起一项新的竞赛——一项创新挑战赛，鼓励东盟各地的学生开发促进农业发展的新方案。我们正在推进我们的全球卫生安全议程以预防未来的流行病，并且我承诺追加美国援助，帮助东盟打击恐怖的人口贩运活动。
So, to sum up, I believe this summit has put the U.S.-ASEAN partnership on a new trajectory that will carry us to even greater heights in the decades ahead. America's foreign policy rebalance to the Asia Pacific, including Southeast Asia, will continue to be a foreign policy priority of my presidency. I look forward to visiting Vietnam for the first time in May and to becoming the first U.S. President to visit Laos when it hosts the East Asia Summit in September. 总而言之，我认为本次峰会使美国—东盟伙伴关系迈上了新的轨道，将在未来数十年引领我们达到更高的高度。美国的亚太再平衡外交政策，包括对东南亚的再平衡，将继续是我总统任期内的外交政策优先事项。我期待着五月份首次访问越南，并期待着在老挝主办东亚峰会时成为首位访问老挝的美国总统。
And I'm confident that whoever the next President may be will build on the foundation that we've laid, because there's strong, sustained, bipartisan support for American engagement in the Asia Pacific region. And through our Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, our investment in young people, in their business success, and civil society and grassroots leaders across the region I believe will further bind us together in a spirit of partnership and friendship for many years to come. 我相信，无论下一位总统是谁，都将在我们奠定的基础上继续前进，因为美国对参与亚太地区事务有着强大、持续、两党一致的支持。通过我们的东南亚青年领袖倡议，我们对年轻人、对他们的商业成功、对公民社会和基层领袖的投资，我相信将进一步把我们以伙伴与友谊的精神联结在一起，历久弥新。
So, with that, let me take a few questions. And I'm going to start with Darlene Superville of the Associated Press. Where is Darlene? There she is. 好，下面我来回答几个问题。我先请美联社的达琳·苏佩维尔提问。达琳在哪里？在那儿。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. My question is about the Supreme Court. 记者：谢谢您，总统先生。我的问题是关于最高法院的。
President Obama: I'm shocked. 奥巴马总统：我好震惊啊。
Question: What recourse do you have if Leader McConnell blocks a vote on your Supreme Court nominee? And do you think that if you choose someone moderate enough that Republicans might change course and schedule a vote? And as you consider that choice and who to nominate, what qualities are important to you, and is diversity among them? Thank you. 记者：如果麦康奈尔领袖阻止对您的最高法院提名进行投票，您有什么追索权？您是否认为如果您选择一位足够温和的人选，共和党人可能会改变立场并安排投票？在您考虑人选和提名谁时，您认为哪些品质是重要的，多样性是否在其中？谢谢。
President Obama: First of all, I want to reiterate heartfelt condolences to the Scalia family. Obviously, Justice Scalia and I had different political orientations and probably would have disagreed on the outcome of certain cases. But there's no doubt that he was a giant on the Supreme Court, helped to shape the legal landscape. 奥巴马总统：首先，我要再次向斯卡利亚家人表示诚挚的慰问。显然，斯卡利亚大法官和我有着不同的政治倾向，可能在某些案件的判决结果上也会有分歧。但毫无疑问，他是最高法院的一位巨擘，帮助塑造了法律格局。
He was, by all accounts, a good friend and loved his family deeply. And so it's important, before we rush into the all the politics of this, to take stock of somebody who made enormous contributions to the United States. And we are grateful not only for his service but for his family's service. 人们都说，他是一位好朋友，深深爱着他的家人。因此，在我们匆忙卷入所有政治纷争之前，重要的是缅怀一位为美国做出巨大贡献的人。我们不仅感谢他的奉献，也感谢他家人的奉献。
The Constitution is pretty clear about what is supposed to happen now. When there is a vacancy on the Supreme Court, the President of the United States is to nominate someone. The Senate is to consider that nomination, and either they disapprove of that nominee or that nominee is elevated to the Supreme Court. 宪法对现在应该发生的事情规定得相当清楚。当最高法院出现空缺时，美国总统应提名人选。参议院应审议该提名，要么否决被提名人，要么将其升任最高法院大法官。
Historically, this has not been viewed as a question. There's no unwritten law that says that it can only be done on off years -- that's not in the constitutional text. I'm amused when I hear people who claim to be strict interpreters of the Constitution suddenly reading into it a whole series of provisions that are not there. There is more than enough time for the Senate to consider in a thoughtful way the record of a nominee that I present and to make a decision. 从历史上看，这从未被视为一个问题。没有什么不成文法说只能在非选举年做这件事——那不在宪法文本里。我觉得很有意思，听到那些自称严格解释宪法的人，突然往里面读出了一大堆根本不存在的条款。参议院有充足的时间来审慎审议我所提名的人选的履历，并作出决定。
And with respect to our process, we're going to do the same thing that we did with respect to Justice Kagan's nomination and Justice Sotomayor's nomination. We're going to find somebody who is has an outstanding legal mind, somebody who cares deeply about our democracy and cares about rule of law. 关于我们的程序，我们将采用与卡根大法官提名和索托马约尔大法官提名相同的做法。我们将找到一位拥有杰出法律头脑的人，一位深切关心我们的民主、关心法治的人。
There's not going to be any particular position on a particular issue that determines whether or not I nominate them, but I'm going to present somebody who indisputably is qualified for the seat and any fair-minded person -- even somebody who disagreed with my politics -- would say would serve with honor and integrity on the Court. 不会有某个特定问题上的特定立场来决定我是否提名他们，但我将推出一位无可争议地胜任这一席位的人，任何公正的人——哪怕不同意我政治立场的人——都会承认此人将以荣誉和正直在最高法院任职。
Now, part of the problem that we have here is, is we've almost gotten accustomed to how obstructionist the Senate has become when it comes to nominations. I've got 14 nominations that have been pending that were unanimously approved by the Judiciary Committee -- so Republicans and Democrats on the Judiciary Committee all agreed that they were well-qualified for the position. And yet we can't get a vote on those individuals. 我们现在面临的部分问题是，在提名问题上，我们几乎已经习惯了参议院的阻挠程度。我有十四项提名悬而未决，它们都获得了司法委员会的一致通过——也就是说，司法委员会的共和党人和民主党人都一致认为他们完全胜任该职位。然而我们就是无法对这些人进行投票。
So in some ways, this argument is just an extension of what we've seen in the Senate, generally -- and not just on judicial nominees. 因此，在某种程度上，这场争论只是我们在参议院普遍看到的一个延伸——而且不仅仅是在法官提名上。
The basic function of government requires that the President of the United States, in his or her duties, has a team of people -- Cabinet secretaries, assistant secretaries -- that can carry out the basic functions of government. It requires -- the Constitution requires that we appoint judges so that they can carry out their functions as a separate branch of government. 政府的基本职能要求美国总统在履行职责时有一个团队——内阁部长、助理部长——来执行政府的基本职能。宪法要求我们任命法官，以便他们能够作为政府的一个独立分支履行其职能。
And the fact that we've almost grown accustomed to a situation that is almost unprecedented, where every nomination is contested, everything is blocked regardless of how qualified the person is, even when there's no ideological objection to them, certainly where there's no disqualifying actions by the nominee that have surfaced -- the fact that it's that hard, that we're even discussing this, is I think a measure of how, unfortunately, the venom and rancor in Washington has prevented us from getting basic work done. This would be a good moment for us to rise above that. 我们几乎已经习惯了一种几乎史无前例的局面：每一项提名都受到争议，无论人选多么合格都被一概阻挠，即便没有意识形态上的反对，当然也没有发现被提名人有任何丧失资格的行为——事情竟如此困难，我们竟然还在讨论这个问题，我认为这不幸地衡量了华盛顿的恶毒与怨愤如何阻碍了我们完成基本工作。这将是我们超越这一切的好时机。
I understand the stakes. I understand the pressure that Republican senators are, undoubtedly, under. I mean, the fact of the matter is, is that what the issue here is, is that the Court is now divided on many issues; this would be a deciding vote. And there are a lot of Republican senators who are going to be under a lot of pressure from various special interests and various constituencies and many of their voters to not let any nominee go through, no matter who I nominate. But that's not how the system is supposed to work. That's not how our democracy is supposed to work. 我明白其中的利害关系。我理解共和党参议员毫无疑问承受的压力。我的意思是，事实上，问题的关键在于，最高法院在许多问题上目前处于分裂状态；这将是一个决定性的投票。许多共和党参议员将承受来自各种特殊利益集团、各种选民以及他们许多选民的巨大压力，要求不让任何提名人通过，无论我提名的是谁。但制度本不该这样运作。我们的民主本不该这样运作。
And I intend to nominate in due time a very well-qualified candidate. If we are following basic precedent, then that nominee will be presented before the committees; the vote will be taken; and ultimately, they'll be confirmed. 我打算在适当时候提名一位非常合格的候选人。如果我们遵循基本先例，那么提名人将被提交委员会；将进行投票；最终，他们将获得确认。
Justice Kennedy, when he was nominated by Ronald Reagan -- in Ronald Reagan's last year in office, a vote was taken, and there were a whole lot of Democrats who I'm sure did not agree with Justice Kennedy on his position on a variety of issues -- but they did the right thing; they confirmed him. And if they voted against him, they certainly didn't mount a filibuster to block a vote from even coming up. 肯尼迪大法官当年由罗纳德·里根提名时——在里根总统任期的最后一年——进行了投票，当时有很多民主党人，我敢肯定他们在各种问题上都不同意肯尼迪大法官的立场——但他们做了正确的事；他们确认了他的提名。即使他们投票反对他，他们当然也没有动用冗长辩论来阻止投票进行。
This is the Supreme Court. The highest court in the land. It's the one court where we would expect elected officials to rise above day-to-day politics. And this will be the opportunity for senators to do their job. Your job doesn't stop until you're voted out or until your term expires. I intend to do my job between now and January 20th of 2017. I expect them to do their job as well. 这是最高法院。是全国最高的法院。这是我们期望民选官员能够超越日常政治的唯一法院。这将是参议员们履行职责的机会。你们的职责不会停止，直到你们落选或任期结束。我打算在2017年1月20日之前履行我的职责。我也期望他们履行自己的职责。
All right. Let's see who we've got here. Jeff Mason. 好的。让我们看看下一位是谁。杰夫·梅森。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. Following up on that, should we interpret your comments just now that you are likely to choose a moderate nominee? Would you -- 记者：谢谢您，总统先生。接着刚才的问题，我们是否可以理解您刚才的话意味着您可能会选择一位温和的提名人？您是否——
President Obama: No. 奥巴马总统：不是。
Question: Okay. 记者：好的。
President Obama: I don't know where you found that. You shouldn't assume anything about the qualifications of the nominee other than they're going to be well-qualified. 奥巴马总统：我不知道你是从哪儿听出来的。你不应该对提名人的资质做任何假设，只需要知道他们将会非常合格。
Question: All right. 记者：好的。
President Obama: Okay. 奥巴马总统：好的。
Question: Following up, would you consider a recess appointment if your nominee is not granted a hearing? 记者：再追问一下，如果您的提名人没有获得听证，您会考虑休会任命吗？
President Obama: I think that we have more than enough time to go through regular order, regular processes. I intend to nominate somebody, to present them to the American people, to present them to the Senate. I expect them to hold hearings. I expect there to be a vote. 奥巴马总统：我认为我们有充足的时间通过正常程序、正常流程来处理。我打算提名一个人，向美国人民介绍他们，向参议院提交他们。我期望他们举行听证会。我期望进行投票。
Question: That means no recess appointment? 记者：那意味着不会有休会任命？
President Obama: Full stop. 奥巴马总统：到此为止。
Question: And lastly, as long as we're doing this in a row, how do you respond to Republican criticism that your position is undercut by the fact that you and other members of your administration who were in the Senate at the time tried to filibuster Judge Alito in 2006? 记者：最后，既然我们在一连串提问，您如何回应共和党的批评，即您的立场站不住脚，因为您和您政府中当时在参议院任职的其他成员曾在2006年试图阻挠阿里托法官的提名？
President Obama: Look, I think what's fair to say is that how judicial nominations have evolved over time is not historically the fault of any single party. This has become just one more extension of politics. And there are times where folks are in the Senate and they're thinking, as I just described, primarily about, is this going to cause me problems in a primary? Is this going to cause me problems with supporters of mine? And so people take strategic decisions. I understand that. 奥巴马总统：我认为公平地说，司法提名随时间演变的方式，从历史上看不是任何单一政党的过错。这已经变成了政治的又一个延伸。有时候在参议院的人们——正如我刚才描述的——主要在想，这会不会给我在初选中带来麻烦？这会不会给我的支持者带来麻烦？所以人们会做出战略性的决定。我理解这一点。
But what is also true is Justice Alito is on the bench right now. I think that, historically, if you look at it, regardless of what votes particular senators have taken, there's been a basic consensus, a basic understanding, that the Supreme Court is different. And each caucus may decide who's going to vote where and what but that basically you let the vote come up, and you make sure that a well-qualified candidate is able to join the bench, even if you don't particularly agree with them. And my expectation is, is that the same should happen here. 但同样真实的是，阿里托大法官现在就在法官席上。我认为，从历史上看，不管具体参议员投了什么票，都存在一个基本共识、一个基本理解，那就是最高法院是不同的。每个党团可以决定谁投什么票，但基本上你要让投票进行，你要确保一个合格的候选人能够进入法官席，即使你并不特别认同他们。我的期望是，同样的情况也应该在这里发生。
Now, this will be a test -- one more test -- of whether or not norms, rules, basic fair play can function at all in Washington these days. But I do want to point out, this is not just the Supreme Court. We have consistently seen just a breakdown in the basic functions of government because the Senate will not confirm well-qualified nominees even when they're voted out of committee, which means that they're voted by both parties without objection. 现在，这将是一次考验——又一次考验——考验规范、规则、基本的公平竞争在当今华盛顿是否还能发挥作用。但我想指出，这不仅仅是最高法院的问题。我们一再看到政府基本职能的崩溃，因为参议院不肯确认合格的提名人，即使他们已经在委员会投票通过——也就是说，两党都无异议地投票通过了。
And we still have problems, because there's a certain mindset that says we're just going to grind the system down to a halt, and if we don't like the President then we're just not going to let him make any appointments. We're going to make it tougher for the administration to do their basic job. 我们仍然存在问题，因为有一种心态认为我们就是要让系统陷入停滞，如果我们不喜欢总统，我们就不让他做任何任命。我们要让政府更难开展基本工作。
We're going to make sure that ambassadors aren't seated, even though these are critical countries and it may have an effect on our international relations. We're going to make sure that judges aren't confirmed, despite the fact that Justice Roberts, himself, has pointed out there's emergencies in courts around the country because there are just not enough judges and there are too many cases, and the system is breaking down. 我们要让大使无法到任，尽管这些都是关键国家，而且可能会影响我们的国际关系。我们要让法官无法获得确认，尽管罗伯茨首席大法官本人已经指出，全国各地的法院都存在紧急情况，因为法官数量不足而案件太多，系统正在崩溃。
So this has become a habit. And it gets worse and worse each year. And it's not something that I have spent a huge amount of time talking about, because, frankly, the American people, on average, they're more interested in gas prices and wages and issues that touch on their day-to-day lives in a more direct way, so it doesn't get a lot of political attention. 所以这已经成了一种习惯。而且一年比一年糟糕。这不是我花了大量时间谈论的事情，因为说实话，美国人民通常更关心油价、工资以及那些更直接影响他们日常生活的问题，所以这没有得到太多政治关注。
But this is the Supreme Court. And it's going to get some attention. And we have to ask ourselves as a society a fundamental question: Are we able to still make this democracy work the way it's supposed to, the way our Founders envisioned it? 但这是最高法院。这会引起一些关注。我们必须作为一个社会问自己一个根本问题：我们是否还能让这个民主制度按照它应有的方式运转，按照我们开国元勋设想的方式运转？
And I would challenge anyone who purports to be adhering to the original intent of the Founders, anybody who believes in the Constitution, coming up with a plausible rationale as to why they would not even have a hearing for a nominee made in accordance with the Constitution by the President of the United States --with a year left, practically, in office. It's pretty hard to find that in the Constitution. 我要向任何声称坚持开国元勋原意的人、任何信仰宪法的人发起挑战，请他们拿出一个合理的理由，说明为什么他们甚至不肯对美国总统根据宪法作出的提名举行听证——实际上还有一整年的任期。这在宪法里可是很难找到依据的。
All right. You've gotten at least -- you've gotten four now, Jeff. 好的。你至少——你已经问了四个了，杰夫。
Toluse. 托卢斯。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. Two different topics -- first on Syria. Last year, when President Putin was about to enter into Syria, you said that he was doing so from a position of weakness and that he would only get himself involved in a quagmire there. Now, with Aleppo about to fall, it seems like President Putin is basically getting one of his goals, which is to bolster Assad and to take out the rebels, which the U.S. is backing. 记者：谢谢您，总统先生。两个不同的话题——首先是叙利亚。去年，当普京总统即将介入叙利亚时，您说他这样做是出于弱势地位，他只会让自己陷入那里的泥潭。现在，随着阿勒颇即将陷落，普京总统似乎基本上正在实现他的目标之一，那就是支持阿萨德并消灭美国支持的反对派。
How do you respond to critics who say that you have been outfoxed by Putin? And what is your plan if Aleppo does fall? Do you plan to step up military action to help the rebels in Syria, who you have said are key to taking on ISIS? 您如何回应那些说您被普京耍了的批评者？如果阿勒坡真的陷落，您有什么计划？您是否计划加强军事行动来帮助叙利亚反对派——您曾说他们是打击ISIS的关键？
And then secondly, I wanted to ask you about 2016 as well. 其次，我还想问您关于2016年的问题。
President Obama: Okay, this is getting to be a lot of questions here. How about -- you asked me a big question right there. How about I just answer that one? 奥巴马总统：好吧，这问题可真多啊。不如——你刚才问了一个大问题。不如我就回答那个？
Question: Okay, sure. 记者：好的，当然。
President Obama: All right. 奥巴马总统：好的。
First of all, if you look back at the transcripts, what I said was that Russia has been propping up Assad this entire time. The fact that Putin finally had to send his own troops and his own aircraft and invest this massive military operation was not a testament to a great strength; it was a testament to the weakness of Assad's position. 首先，如果你回看文字记录，我说的是俄罗斯一直在支持阿萨德政权。普京最终不得不派出自己的军队、自己的飞机并投入这场大规模军事行动，这并非强大的证明；而是阿萨德政权弱势的证明。
That if somebody is strong, then you don't have to send in your army to prop up your ally. They have legitimacy in their country and they are able to manage it their self, and then you have good relations with them. You send in your army when the horse you're backing isn't effective. And that's exactly what's happened. 因为如果一个人很强大，你就不需要派你的军队去支持你的盟友。他们在自己的国家有合法性，他们能够自己管理，然后你和他们保持良好关系。当你支持的人不中用的时候，你才需要派军队去。事实就是如此。
Now, what I said was, is that Russia would involve itself in a quagmire. Absolutely, it will. If there's anybody who thinks that somehow the fighting ends because Russia and the regime has made some initial advances -- about three-quarters of the country is still under control of folks other than Assad. That's not stopping anytime soon. 我说的是，俄罗斯会陷入泥潭。绝对会的。如果有人认为因为俄罗斯和政权取得了一些初步进展战斗就会结束——该国大约四分之三的地区仍在阿萨德以外的势力控制之下。这不会很快停止。
I say that, by the way, with no pleasure. This is not a contest between me and Putin. The question is, how can we stop the suffering, stabilize the region, stop this massive out-migration of refugees who are having such a terrible time, end the violence, stop the bombing of schools and hospitals and innocent civilians, stop creating a safe haven for ISIS. And there's nothing that's happened over the last several weeks that points to those issues being solved. And that is what I mean by a quagmire. 顺便说一句，我说这话并没有任何快感。这不是我和普京之间的竞赛。问题是，我们如何才能停止苦难，稳定该地区，阻止这场造成如此可怕遭遇的大规模难民外流，结束暴力，停止轰炸学校、医院和无辜平民，停止为ISIS创造避风港。过去几周发生的事情没有任何迹象表明这些问题得到了解决。这就是我所说的泥潭。
Now, Putin may think that he's prepared to invest in a permanent occupation of Syria with Russian military. That's going to be pretty costly. That's going to be a big piece of business. And if you look at the state of the Russian economy, that's probably not the best thing for Russia. 现在，普京可能认为他准备好让俄罗斯军队对叙利亚进行永久占领了。那将是相当昂贵的。那将是一件大事。如果你看看俄罗斯经济的状况，那可能对俄罗斯来说不是什么好事。
What would be smarter would be for Russia to work with the United States and other parties in the international community to try to broker some sort of political transition. Now, John Kerry, working with his Russian counterpart, has, on paper, said that there's going to be a cessation of hostilities in a few days. This will test whether or not that's possible. It's hard to do because there's been a lot of bloodshed. And if Russia continues indiscriminate bombing of the sort that we've been seeing, I think it's fair to say that you're not going to see any take-up by the opposition. 更明智的做法是，俄罗斯与美国和国际社会其他各方共同努力，尝试促成某种政治过渡。现在，约翰·克里与他的俄罗斯 counterpart 合作，已在纸面上表示几天后将停止敌对行动。这将检验这是否可能。很难做到，因为已经流了太多血。如果俄罗斯继续进行我们一直看到的那种不分青红皂白的轰炸，我认为可以公平地说，反对派不会买账。
And, yes, Russia has a major military. Obviously, a bunch of rebels are not going to be able to compete with the hardware of the second-most powerful military in the world. But that doesn't solve the problem of actually stabilizing Syria. And the only way to do that is to bring about some sort of political transition. 是的，俄罗斯拥有强大的军队。显然，一群叛乱分子无法与世界第二大军事强国的硬件相抗衡。但这并不能解决真正稳定叙利亚的问题。唯一的办法是实现某种政治过渡。
We will see what happens over the next several days. And we will continue to work with our partners who are focused on defeating ISIS to also see how we can work together to try to bring about a more lasting political solution than aerial bombardment of schools and hospitals are going to achieve. 我们将看看未来几天会发生什么。我们将继续与我们专注于击败ISIS的伙伴合作，研究如何共同努力，以实现比空袭学校和医院更持久的政治解决方案。
But it's hard. I'm under no illusions here that this is going to be easy. A country has been shattered because Assad was willing to shatter it, and has repeatedly missed opportunities to try to arrive at a political transition. And Russia has been party to that entire process. 但这很难。我对此不抱任何幻想，这不会容易。一个国家已经破碎，因为阿萨德愿意将它打碎，并且一再错过尝试达成政治过渡的机会。而俄罗斯一直是这整个过程的参与方。
And the real question we should be asking is what is it that Russia thinks it gains if it gets a country that's been completely destroyed as an ally that it now has to perpetually spend billions of dollars to prop up? That's not that great a prize. Unfortunately, the problem is, is that it has spillover effects that are impacting everybody, and that's what we have to focus on. 我们真正应该问的问题是，俄罗斯认为如果它得到一个被彻底摧毁的国家作为盟友，它能得到什么？现在它不得不永久性地花费数十亿美元去支撑这个国家。那可不是什么了不起的战利品。不幸的是，问题在于，这产生了溢出效应，影响到每一个人，这就是我们必须关注的。
One thing that I do want to add, though -- this has not distracted us from continuing to focus on ISIL. And we continue to press them hard both in Iraq and Syria. That will not stop. And if we can get a political transition in Syria, that allows us to coordinate more effectively with not just Russia, but other countries in the region to focus on the folks who pose the greatest direct threat to the United States. 不过，我想补充一点——这并没有分散我们继续关注ISIL的注意力。我们将继续在伊拉克和叙利亚对他们保持强大压力。这不会停止。如果我们能够在叙利亚实现政治过渡，这将使我们不仅能够与俄罗斯，还能与该地区其他国家更有效地协调，把重点放在对美国构成最直接威胁的那些人身上。
All right. Andrew Beatty. 好的。安德鲁·比蒂。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. I wanted to ask you, first of all, whether you think that military intervention will be necessary in Libya to dislodge the Islamic State from Sirte? And as an extension of that, do you think that by the end of your presidency the Islamic State will still have geographical strongholds throughout the Middle East? And, I'm sorry, I can't resist asking a third -- how was the stadium course? What did you shoot? 记者：谢谢您，总统先生。我想问您，首先，您认为是否有必要在利比亚进行军事干预，将伊斯兰国赶出苏尔特？再延伸一下，您认为在您总统任期结束时，伊斯兰国是否仍将在整个中东拥有地理据点？还有，对不起，我忍不住问第三个——高尔夫球场怎么样？您打了多少杆？
President Obama: The last, for non-golfers, is a reference to PGA West. Very nice course; very difficult. My score is classified. 奥巴马总统：最后那个问题，对不打高尔夫的人来说，是指PGA西球场。非常棒的球场；也非常难。我的杆数是机密。
With respect to Libya, I have been clear from the outset that we will go after ISIS wherever it appears, the same way that we went after al Qaeda wherever they appeared. And the testament to the fact that we are doing that already is that we took out ISIS -- one of ISIS's most prominent leaders in Libya. 关于利比亚，我从一开始就明确表示，我们将在任何出现ISIS的地方追击他们，就像我们过去在任何出现基地组织的地方追击他们一样。我们已经在这样做的证明是，我们消灭了ISIS——ISIS在利比亚最著名的领导人之一。
We will continue to take actions where we've got a clear operation and a clear target in mind. And we are working with our other coalition partners to make sure that as we see opportunities to prevent ISIS from digging in, in Libya, we take them. At the same time, we're working diligently with the United Nations to try to get a government in place in Libya. And that's been a problem. 我们将继续在有明确行动和明确目标的情况下采取行动。我们正在与其他联盟伙伴合作，确保只要看到防止ISIS在利比亚扎根的机会，我们就抓住它们。与此同时，我们正与联合国一道努力，争取在利比亚建立一个政府。而这一直是个难题。
The tragedy of Libya over the last several years is Libya has a relatively small population and a lot of oil wealth and could be really successful. They are divided by tribal lines and ethnic lines, power plays. There is now, I think, a recognition on the part of a broad middle among their political leadership that it makes sense to unify so that there is just some semblance of a state there, but extremes on either side are still making it difficult for that state to cohere. 过去几年利比亚的悲剧在于，利比亚人口相对较少，石油财富丰富，本可以非常成功。他们因部落界线、种族界线和权力斗争而分裂。我认为，现在他们广泛的中间派政治领导层已经认识到，统一是有意义的，这样至少能有一个像样的国家，但两边的极端分子仍在使这个国家难以凝聚。
If we can get that done, that will be enormously helpful, because our strong preference, as has always been the case, is to train Libyans to fight. And the good news in Libya is, is that they don't like outsiders coming in, telling them what to do. There's a whole bunch of constituencies who are hardened fighters and don't ascribe to ISIS or their perverted ideology. But they have to be organized and can't be fighting each other. And so that's probably as important as anything that we're going to be doing in Libya over the coming months. 如果我们能做到这一点，那将非常有帮助，因为与以往一样，我们的强烈偏好是训练利比亚人自己作战。利比亚的好消息是，他们不喜欢外人进来指手画脚。有一大批民众是久经沙场的战士，他们并不认同ISIS或其扭曲的意识形态。但他们必须组织起来，不能互相争斗。所以这可能和我们未来几个月在利比亚要做的任何事情一样重要。
Carol Lee. 卡罗尔·李。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. The Democratic race to replace you has gotten pretty heated lately, and you have Hillary Clinton saying that -- or at least casting herself as the rightful heir to your legacy and the one, the candidate who will be the keeper of your legacy, while also saying the Bernie Sanders has been disloyal to you. Is she right? 记者：谢谢您，总统先生。接替您的民主党初选最近变得相当激烈，希拉里·克林顿说——或者至少把自己塑造成您遗产的合法继承人，是守护您遗产的候选人，同时也说伯尼·桑德斯对您不忠。她说得对吗？
President Obama: Well, that's the great thing about primaries, is everybody is trying to differentiate themselves, when, in fact, Bernie and Hillary agree on a lot of stuff and disagree pretty much across the board with everything the Republicans stand for. So my hope is, is that we can let the primary voters and caucus-goers have their say for a while, and let's see how this thing plays itself out. 奥巴马总统：嗯，初选的妙处就在于，每个人都在努力凸显自己的不同，而实际上，伯尼和希拉里在很多事情上意见一致，并且在几乎所有问题上都与共和党人的立场截然不同。所以我的希望是，我们可以让初选选民和党团会议参与者先表达他们的意见，然后看看事情如何发展。
I know Hillary better than I know Bernie because she served in my administration and she was an outstanding Secretary of State. And I suspect that on certain issues she agrees with me more than Bernie does. On the other hand, there may be a couple issues where Bernie agrees with me more. I don't know. I haven't studied their positions that closely. 我更了解希拉里，因为她在我的政府中任职，她是一位出色的国务卿。我猜想在某些问题上她比伯尼更认同我。另一方面，可能有几个问题伯尼更认同我。我不知道。我还没有仔细研究过他们的立场。
Here's what I have confidence in -- that Democratic voters believe in certain principles. They believe in equal opportunity. They believe in making sure that every kid in this country gets a fair shot. They believe in making sure that economic growth is broad-based and everybody benefits from it, and if you work hard you're not in poverty. They believe in preserving a strong safety net through programs like Social Security and Medicare. 我有信心的是——民主党选民信奉某些原则。他们相信机会均等。他们相信确保这个国家的每个孩子都有公平的机会。他们相信经济增长应该是基础广泛的，每个人都能从中受益，如果你努力工作就不会陷入贫困。他们相信通过社会保障和医疗保险等项目维持强大的安全网。
They believe in a foreign policy that is not reckless, that is tough and protects the American people but doesn't shoot before it aims. They believe in climate change. They think science matters. They think that it's important for us to have some basic regulations to keep our air clean and our water clean, and to make sure that banks aren't engaging in excesses that can result in the kind of thing that we saw in 2007 and 2008. So there's a broad convergence of interests around those issues. 他们相信一种不鲁莽的外交政策，一种强硬的、保护美国人民但不鲁莽行事的外交政策。他们相信气候变化。他们认为科学很重要。他们认为我们需要一些基本的法规来保持空气和水的清洁，确保银行不会从事过度行为，导致像2007年和2008年我们看到的那种情况。所以在这些问题上存在广泛的利益共识。
I think what you're seeing among Democrats right now is a difference in tactics, trying to figure out how do you actually get things done; how do you actually operate in a political environment that's become so polarized; how do you deal with the power of special interests, and frankly, how do you deal with a Republican Party right now that has moved so far to the right that it's often hard to find common ground. 我认为你们现在在民主党人中间看到的是策略上的分歧，他们在试图弄清楚如何才能真正做成事情；如何在一个变得如此两极分化的政治环境中运作；如何应对特殊利益集团的力量，以及坦率地说，如何应对一个已经如此右倾、常常难以找到共同点的共和党。
And so that's, I think, the debate that's taking place right now. It's a healthy debate. Ultimately, I will probably have an opinion on it, based on both being a candidate of hope and change and a President who's got some nicks and cuts and bruises from getting stuff done over the last seven years. But for now, I think it's important for Democratic voters to express themselves and for the candidates to be run through the paces. 所以我认为这就是目前正在进行的辩论。这是一场健康的辩论。最终，我可能会对此有自己的看法，既是作为一个希望与变革的候选人，也是作为一个在过去七年里为做成事情而磕磕绊绊、伤痕累累的总统。但就目前而言，我认为重要的是让民主党选民表达他们的意见，让候选人经受考验。
The thing I can say unequivocally, Carol is I'm not unhappy that I am not on the ballot. 我可以毫不含糊地说的是，卡罗尔，我很高兴我不在选票上。
Ron Allen, NBC. 罗恩·艾伦，全国广播公司。
Question: Let me continue the 2016 questions. On the Republican side -- and a lot of your guests were probably very intrigued by the fact that there's a candidate who's still winning who's called for a ban on Muslims, and significant segments of the population in America agree -- 记者：让我继续问2016年的问题。在共和党方面——您的很多客人可能都很感兴趣，有一位候选人仍然在胜选，他呼吁禁止穆斯林入境，而美国有相当一部分民众表示赞同——
President Obama: "Intrigued" is an interesting way of putting it. 奥巴马总统："感兴趣"这个说法很有意思。
Question: Struck -- well, what was their reaction? That's one of my five questions. But the point is -- 记者：是震惊——嗯，他们的反应是什么？这是我五个问题中的一个。但关键是——
President Obama: Ron, let's stick to two. 奥巴马总统：罗恩，我们就问两个吧。
Question: The point is, in the past you've explained that as anger, resentment, insecurity -- economic insecurity. The question is how much responsibility do you accept for that reservoir of feeling in the country that's propelling that sort of candidate? And a couple weeks ago, you told Matt Lauer that Donald Trump would not win the presidency. Do you now think that he will not win the nomination, as well? And what about Rubio, and what about Cruz? 记者：关键是，过去您曾将其解释为愤怒、怨恨、不安全感——经济上的不安全感。问题是，对于推动这类候选人崛起的国民情绪，您认为自己有多大责任？几周前，您告诉马特·劳尔唐纳德·特朗普不会赢得总统大选。您现在认为他也不会赢得提名吗？卢比奥呢，克鲁兹呢？
President Obama: I think foreign observers are troubled by some of the rhetoric that's been taking place in these Republican primaries and Republican debates. I don't think it's restricted, by the way, to Mr. Trump. I find it interesting that everybody is focused on Trump, primarily just because he says in more interesting ways what the other candidates are saying, as well. 奥巴马总统：我认为外国观察人士对这些共和党初选和辩论中出现的一些言论感到不安。顺便说一句，我不认为这仅限于特朗普先生。我觉得很有意思的是，所有人都关注特朗普，主要只是因为他以更引人注目的方式说出了其他候选人也在说的话。
So he may up the ante in anti-Muslim sentiment, but if you look at what the other Republican candidates have said, that's pretty troubling, too. He may express strong, anti-immigration sentiment, but you've heard that from the other candidates, as well. You've got a candidate who sponsored a bill -- that I supported -- to finally solve the immigration problem, and he's running away from it as fast as he can. 所以他可能在反穆斯林情绪上加码，但如果你看看其他共和党候选人说过的话，那也相当令人不安。他可能表达了强烈的反移民情绪，但你也从其他候选人那里听到过同样的话。有一位候选人曾发起了一项法案——我也支持的法案——来最终解决移民问题，而他现在正以最快的速度逃离它。
They're all denying climate change. I think that's troubling to the international community, since the science is unequivocal. And the other countries around the world, they kind of count on the United States being on the side of science and reason and common sense, because they know that if the United States does not act on big problems in smart ways, nobody will. 他们都在否认气候变化。我认为这令国际社会感到不安，因为科学是毋庸置疑的。世界上其他国家，它们指望着美国站在科学、理性和常识一边，因为它们知道，如果美国不以明智的方式应对重大问题，就没有人会。
But this is not just Mr. Trump. Look at the statements that are being made by the other candidates. There is not a single candidate in the Republican primary that thinks we should do anything about climate change; that thinks it's serious. Well, that's a problem. The rest of the world looks at that and says, how can that be? 但这不只是特朗普先生的问题。看看其他候选人发表的声明吧。共和党初选中没有一位候选人认为我们应该对气候变化采取任何行动；认为这是严重的问题。嗯，这是个问题。世界其他国家看着这一切说，怎么会这样？
I'll leave it to you to speculate on how this whole race is going to go. I continue to believe Mr. Trump will not be President. And the reason is because I have a lot of faith in the American people, and I think they recognize that being President is a serious job. It's not hosting a talk show or a reality show. It's not promotion. It's not marketing. 我把整个竞选走势的猜测留给你们。我仍然相信特朗普先生不会成为总统。原因是我对美国人民有很大的信心，我认为他们认识到当总统是一项严肃的工作。不是主持脱口秀或真人秀。不是宣传推广。不是营销。
It's hard. And a lot of people count on us getting it right. And it's not a matter of pandering and doing whatever will get you in the news on a given day. And sometimes it requires you making hard decisions even when people don't like it, and doing things that are unpopular, and standing up for people who are vulnerable but don't have some powerful political constituency. 这很难。很多人指望我们做对。这不是迎合讨好、做任何能让你上新闻的事情那么简单。有时候需要你做出艰难的决定，即使人们不喜欢，做不受欢迎的事情，为那些弱势的、没有强大政治选民基础的人挺身而出。
And it requires being able to work with leaders around the world in a way that reflects the importance of the office; and gives people confidence that you know the facts, and you know their names, and you know where they are on a map, and you know something about their history. And you're not just going to play to the crowd back home -- because they have their own crowds back home -- and you're trying to solve problems. 这需要能够与世界各地的领导人合作，以体现这一职位重要性的方式；让人们有信心你了解事实，知道他们的名字，知道他们在地图上的位置，了解他们的历史。而不是只想着讨好国内的民众——因为他们各自国内也有民众要讨好——你是在努力解决问题。
And so, yes, during primaries, people vent and they express themselves. And it seems like entertainment, and oftentimes it's reported just like entertainment. But as you get closer, reality has a way of intruding. 所以，是的，在初选期间，人们发泄情绪，表达自我。这看起来像娱乐，而且常常被当作娱乐来报道。但随着选举临近，现实总会介入。
And these are the folks who I have faith in, because they ultimately are going to say whoever is standing where I'm standing right now has the nuclear codes with them, and can order 21-year-olds into a firefight, and have to make sure that the banking system doesn't collapse, and is often responsible for not just the United States of America but 20 other countries that are having big problems or falling apart and are going to be looking for us to do something. And the American people are pretty sensible and I think they'll make a sensible choice in the end. 这就是我所信任的人民，因为他们最终会说，无论谁站在我现在站的这个位置，都掌握着核密码，都能下令让二十一岁的年轻人投入战斗，都必须确保银行体系不会崩溃，而且常常不仅要对美利坚合众国负责，还要对其他二十个正面临大问题或濒临崩溃、等着我们出手相助的国家负责。美国人民是相当理智的，我认为他们最终会做出明智的选择。
All right? Thanks, everybody. Thank you. 好吗？谢谢大家。谢谢。