Mr. Chairman and Members of the Notification Committee: 主席先生，通知委员会的各位委员：
I shall, at an early day, and in a more formal manner, accept the nomination which you tender, and shall at that time discuss the various questions covered by the Democratic platform. It may not be out of place, however, to submit a few observations at this time upon the general character of the contest before us and upon the question which is declared to be of paramount importance in this campaign. 我将在适当的时候，以更正式的方式接受你们提出的提名，并届时讨论民主党纲领所涉及的各种问题。然而，在此时就我们面前这场斗争的总体性质，以及被宣布为本次竞选至关重要的问题，提出几点看法，或许并非不合时宜。
When I say that the contest of 1900 is a contest of 1900 is a contest between Democracy on the one hand and plutocracy on the other I do not mean to say that all our opponents have deliberately chosen to give to organized wealth a predominating influence in the affairs of the Government, 当我说1900年的这场斗争是民主与财阀政治之间的斗争时，我并不是说我们所有的对手都有意选择让有组织的财富在政府事务中占据主导地位，
but I do assert that on the important issues of the day the Republican party is dominated by those influences which constantly tend to substitute the worship of mammon for the protection of the rights of man. 但我确实断言，在当今的重要问题上，共和党正受制于那些倾向于以膜拜金钱来取代保护人权的势力。
In 1859 Lincoln said that the Republican Party believed in the man and the dollar, but that in case of conflict it believed in the man before the dollar. This is the proper relation which should exist between the two. Man, the handiwork of God, comes first; money, the handiwork of man, is of inferior importance. Man is the master, money the servant, but upon all important questions today Republican legislation tends to make money the master and man the servant. 1859年，林肯说共和党相信人和美元，但在两者发生冲突时，它信人而不信美元。这是两者之间应有的正确关系。人是上帝的造物，居于首位；金钱是人的造物，其重要性次之。人是主人，金钱是仆人，但在当今所有重要问题上，共和党的立法倾向于使金钱成为主人，使人成为仆人。
The maxim of Jefferson, "equal rights to all and special privileges to none," and the doctrine of Lincoln that this should be a government "of the people, by the people and for the people," are being disregarded and the instrumentalities of government are being used to advance the interests of those who are in a position to secure favors from the Government. 杰斐逊的格言"人人平等，无人享有特权"，以及林肯关于这应是一个"民有、民治、民享"政府的学说，正被忽视，而政府的工具正被用来促进那些能够从政府获得特殊利益的人的利益。
The Democratic party is not making war upon the honest acquisition of wealth; it has no desire to discourage industry, economy, and thrift. On the contrary, it gives to every citizen the greatest possible stimulus to honest toil when it promises him protection in the enjoyment of the proceeds of his labor. 民主党并非在对诚实致富发动战争；它无意打击工业、节俭和勤勉。相反，当它承诺保护每位公民享受其劳动成果时，它给予了诚实劳动最大可能的激励。
Property rights are most secure when human rights are most respected. Democracy strives for civilization in which every member of society will share according to his merits. 当人权最受尊重时，财产权最为安全。民主致力于建设一种文明，其中每个社会成员都将根据其功绩获得相应的份额。
No one has a right to expect from a society more than a fair compensation for the services No one has a right to expect from a society more than a fair compensation for the services which he renders to society. If he secures more it is at the expense of some one else. 没有人有权期望从社会获得超过他对社会所做贡献的公平补偿。如果他获得了更多，那就是以牺牲他人为代价的。
It is no injustice to him to prevent his doing injustice to another. To him who would, either through class legislation or in the absence of necessary legislation, trespass upon the rights of another the Democratic party says "Thou shalt not." 阻止他对他人不公正，并非对他的不公正。对于那些想通过阶级立法或在缺乏必要立法的情况下侵犯他人权利的人，民主党说"你不可这样做"。
Against us are arrayed a comparatively small but politically and financially powerful number who really profit by Republican policies; but with them are associated a large number who, because of their attachment to their party name, are giving their support to doctrines antagonistic to the former teachings of their own party. 与我们对立的是一小撮在政治和经济上有权有势的人，他们确实从共和党政策中获利；但与他们结盟的还有许多人，由于对自己政党名称的依恋，正在支持与他们政党以往教义相对立的学说。
Republicans who used to advocate bimetallism now try to convince themselves that the gold standard is good; Republicans who were formerly attached to the greenback are now seeking an excuse for giving national banks control of the nation's paper money; Republicans who used to boast that the Republican party was paying off the national debt are now looking for reasons to support a perpetual and increasing debt; 过去主张双金属本位制的共和党人现在试图说服自己金本位制是好的；从前依恋绿币的共和党人现在正寻找借口让国家银行控制国家纸币；过去自夸共和党正在偿还国家债务的共和党人现在正寻找理由支持永久且不断增长的债务；
Republicans who formerly abhorred a trust now beguile themselves with the delusion that there are good trusts, and bad trusts, while in their minds, the line between the two is becoming more and more obscure; Republicans who, in times past, congratulated the country upon the small expense of our standing army, are now making light of the objections which are urged against a large increase in the permanent military establishment; 从前憎恶托拉斯的共和党人现在用这样的错觉安慰自己：托拉斯有好有坏，而在他们心目中，两者之间的界限越来越模糊；过去曾为我国常备军开支甚少而向国家道贺的共和党人，现在却对大幅增加永久军事建制的反对意见不以为然；
Republicans who gloried in our independence when the nation was less powerful now look with favor upon a foreign alliance; Republicans who three years ago condemned "forcible annexation" as immoral and even criminal are now sure that it is both immoral and criminal to oppose forcible annexation. That partisanship has already blinded many to present dangers is certain; how large a portion of the Republican party can be drawn over to the new policies remains to be seen. 过去在国家还不那么强大时以我们的独立为荣的共和党人，现在却赞成与外国结盟；三年前谴责"强制吞并"为不道德甚至犯罪的共和党人，现在确信反对强制吞并才是不道德和犯罪的。党派性已使许多人对当前危险视而不见，这是肯定的；共和党中有多少人能被拉拢支持新政策，还有待观察。
For a time Republican leaders were inclined to deny to opponents the right to criticize the Philippine policy of the administration, but upon investigation they found that both Lincoln and Clay asserted and exercised the right to criticize a President during the progress of the Mexican war. 有一段时间，共和党倾向于否认反对派有权批评政府的菲律宾政策，但经过调查，他们发现林肯和克莱都在墨西哥战争期间主张并行使了批评总统的权利。
Instead of meeting the issue boldly and submitting a clear and positive plan for dealing with the Philippine question, the Republican convention adopted a platform the larger part of which was devoted to boasting and self-congratulation. 共和党大会没有勇敢地面对问题并提出明确积极的菲律宾问题解决方案，而是通过了一个纲领，其大部分内容都是自夸和自我颂扬。
In attempting to press economic questions upon the country to the exclusion of those which involve the very structure of our government, the Republican leaders give new evidence of their abandonment of the earlier ideals of their party and of their complete subservience to pecuniary considerations. 试图将经济问题强加给国家，而排除涉及我们政府结构本身的问题，共和党领导人为此提供了新的证据，表明他们已抛弃政党早期理想，完全屈服于金钱考量。
But they shall not be permitted to evade the stupendous and far-reaching issue which they have deliberately brought into the arena of politics. When the president, supported by a practically unanimous vote of the House and Senate, entered upon a war with Spain for the purpose of aiding the struggling patriots of Cuba, the country, without regard to party, applauded. 但他们不应被允许逃避他们有意带入政治舞台的这一重大而深远的问题。当总统在参众两院几乎一致的支持下，为援助古巴挣扎中的爱国者而对西班牙开战时，全国不分党派都为之喝彩。
Although the Democrats realized that the administration would necessarily gain a political advantage from the conduct of a war which in the very nature of the case must soon end in a complete victory, they vied with the Republicans in the support which they gave to the president. When the war was over and the Republican leaders began to suggest the propriety of a colonial policy opposition at once manifested itself. 尽管民主党人意识到，政府从一场就其性质而言必然很快以完全胜利告终的战争中将必然获得政治优势，但他们仍与共和党人争相支持总统。当战争结束，共和党领导人开始提出殖民政策的适当性时，反对声立刻显现。
When the President finally laid before the Senate a treaty which recognized the independence of Cuba, but provided for the cession of the Philippine Islands to the United States, the menace of imperialism became so apparent that many preferred to reject the treaty and risk the ills that might follow rather than take the chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by the independent action of this country. 当总统最终向参议院提交一项承认古巴独立但规定将菲律宾群岛割让给美国的条约时，帝国主义的威胁变得如此明显，以至于许多人宁愿拒绝条约并冒可能随之而来的祸患，也不愿冒险通过本国的独立行动来纠正条约的错误。
I was among the number of those who believed it better to ratify the treaty and end the war, release the volunteers, remove the excuse for war expenditures and then give the Filipinos the independence which might be forced from Spain by a new treaty. 我是那些认为最好批准条约、结束战争、释放志愿兵、消除战争开支借口，然后通过新条约从西班牙手中争取菲律宾人独立的人之一。
In view of the criticism which my action aroused in some quarters, I take this occasion to restate the reasons given at that time. I thought it safer to trust the American people to give independence to the Filipinos than to trust the accomplishment of that purpose to diplomacy with an unfriendly nation. 鉴于我的行动在某些方面引起的批评，我借此机会重申当时给出的理由。我认为，相信美国人民会给予菲律宾人独立，比将这一目标的实现托付给与一个不友好国家的外交更为可靠。
Lincoln embodied an argument in the question when he asked, "Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws?" I believe that we are now in a better position to wage a successful contest against imperialism than we would have been had the treaty been rejected. 林肯在他的问题中包含了一个论点，他问道："外国人能比朋友更轻易地制定条约吗？"我相信，我们现在进行一场成功的反帝斗争的处境，比条约被拒绝后的处境要好。
With the treaty ratified a clean-cut issue is presented between a government by consent and a government by force, and imperialists must bear the responsibility for all that happens until the question is settled. 条约批准后，一个由同意的政府与由暴力的政府之间的明确问题被提出来，帝国主义者必须为问题解决前发生的一切承担责任。
If the treaty had been rejected the opponents of imperialism would have been held responsible for any international complications which might have arisen before the ratification of another treaty. But whatever difference of opinion may have existed as to the best method of opposing a colonial policy, there never was any difference as to the great importance of the question and there is no difference now as to the course to be pursued. 如果条约被拒绝，反帝主义者将对在另一条约批准前可能出现的任何国际复杂化承担责任。但无论在反对殖民政策的最佳方法上存在什么意见分歧，在问题的重大重要性上从未有过分歧，在现在应采取的方针上也没有分歧。
The title of Spain being extinguished we were at liberty to deal with the Filipinos according to American principles. The Bacon resolution, introduced a month before hostilities broke out at Manila, promised independence to the Filipinos on the same terms that it was promised to the Cubans. 西班牙的主权被消灭后，我们可以自由地按照美国原则与菲律宾人打交道。在马尼拉敌对行动爆发前一个月提出的培根决议，按照向古巴人承诺独立的同样条件向菲律宾人承诺独立。
I supported this resolution and believe that its adoption prior to the breaking out of hostilities would have prevented bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subsequent time would have ended hostilities. 我支持这项决议，并相信在敌对行动爆发前通过它本可以避免流血，在之后任何时候通过它也会结束敌对行动。
If the treaty had been rejected considerable time would have necessarily elapsed before a new treaty could have been agreed upon and ratified and during that time the question would have been agitating the public mind. 如果条约被拒绝，在新条约能够达成一致并获得批准之前，必然会经过相当长的时间，在此期间，这个问题将困扰公众的思想。
If the Bacon resolution had been adopted by the senate and carried out by the president, either at the time of the ratification of the treaty or at any time afterwards, it would have taken the question of imperialism out of politics and left the American people free to deal with their domestic problems. 如果培根决议在条约批准时或之后任何时候被参议院通过并由总统执行，它将使帝国主义问题脱离政治，使美国人民自由处理其国内问题。
But the resolution was defeated by the vote of the Republican Vice-President, and from that time to this a Republican congress has refused to take any action whatever in the matter. 但该决议被共和党副总统的投票否决了，从那时到现在，共和党控制的国会一直拒绝对此事采取任何行动。
When hostilities broke out at Manila, Republican speakers and Republican editors at once sought to lay the blame upon those who had delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, during the progress of the war, the same Republicans have accused the opponents of imperialism of giving encouragement to the Filipinos. This is a cowardly evasion of responsibility. 当马尼拉的敌对行动爆发时，共和党演说家和编辑立刻试图将责任推给那些推迟条约批准的人，在战争进行期间，这些共和党人又指责反帝主义者鼓励菲律宾人。这是对责任的怯懦逃避。
If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability. 如果美国永久持有菲律宾群岛并效仿欧洲帝国管理殖民地是正确的，那么共和党应当阐明其立场并为之辩护，但它必须预料到被统治种族会抗议这种政策，并在其能力范围内进行抵抗。
The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. 菲律宾人不需要来自现在在世的美国人的任何鼓励。我们的整个历史不仅对菲律宾人，而且对所有在自己政府中被剥夺发言权的人都是一种鼓励。
If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated to make the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, "Give me liberty or give me death," he expressed a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men. 如果共和党人准备谴责所有使用旨在让菲律宾人憎恨外国统治的语言的人，那么让他们谴责帕特里克·亨利的演讲吧。当他发出"不自由，毋宁死"的激情呼吁时，他表达了一种至今仍在人们心中回响的情感。
Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery. 让他们谴责杰斐逊吧；在历史上所有政治家中，没有人像他那样对那些想将同胞置于政治奴役中的人使用如此冒犯性的言辞。让他们谴责华盛顿吧，他宣布殖民者必须在自由与奴役之间做出选择。
Or, if the statute of limitations has run again the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are forgotten. 或者，如果对亨利、杰斐逊和华盛顿的罪行的追诉时效已过，那么让他们谴责林肯吧，当现在的武力与征服倡导者被遗忘时，他的葛底斯堡演讲将被引用来为人民政府辩护。
Some one has said that a truth once spoken, can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. 有人说，真理一旦说出，就永远无法收回。它不断传播，没有人能为其不断扩大的影响力设定界限。
But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master. 但即使有可能抹去为捍卫《独立宣言》所阐述原则而写下或说出的每一个字，征服战争仍将留下永久仇恨的遗产，因为正是上帝本人将对自由的热爱置于每个人心中。他从未创造过一个在文明或智力等级上如此低下的种族，以至于会欢迎外国主人。
Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here. 那些想让国家走上帝国道路的人，不仅必须考虑帝国主义对菲律宾人的影响，还必须计算其对我们自己国家的影响。我们不能在菲律宾否定自治原则而不削弱这里的这一原则。
Lincoln said that the safety of this Nation was not in its fleets, its armies, or its forts, but in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere, and he warned his countrymen that they could not destroy this spirit without planting the seeds of despotism at their own doors. 林肯说，这个国家的安全不在于其舰队、军队或要塞，而在于珍视自由为所有人在所有土地上的遗产的精神，他警告同胞们，他们不能在自己的门前种下专制主义的种子而摧毁这种精神。
Even now we are beginning to see the paralyzing influence if imperialism. Heretofore this Nation has been prompt to express its sympathy with those who were fighting for civil liberty. While our sphere of activity has been limited to the Western Hemisphere, our sympathies have not been bounded by the seas. 即使在现在，我们也开始看到帝国主义的瘫痪性影响。迄今为止，这个国家一直迅速向那些为公民自由而战的人表达同情。虽然我们的活动范围仅限于西半球，但我们的同情心并未被海洋所限。
We have felt it due to ourselves and to the world, as well as to those who were struggling for the right to govern themselves, to proclaim the interest which our people have, from the date of their own independence, felt in every contest between human rights and arbitrary power. 我们认为，为了我们自己、为了世界，以及为了那些为自治权而斗争的人，我们应当宣告，自我们人民独立之日起，他们对每一场人权与专横权力之间的斗争都怀有兴趣。
Three-quarters of a century ago, when our nation was small, the struggles of Greece aroused our people, and Webster and Clay gave eloquent expression to the universal desire for Grecian independence. 四分之三个世纪前，当我们的国家还很小的时候，希腊的斗争唤起了我们的人民，韦伯斯特和克莱雄辩地表达了对希腊独立的普遍渴望。
In 1896 all parties manifested a lively interest in the success of the Cubans, but now when a war is in progress in South Africa, which must result in the extension of the monarchical idea, or in the triumph of a republic, the advocates of imperialism in this country dare not say a word in behalf of the Boers. 1896年，所有政党都对古巴人的成功表现出浓厚兴趣，但现在当南非正在进行一场必将导致君主制观念扩展或共和国胜利的战争时，这个国家的帝国主义倡导者却不敢为布尔人说一句话。
Sympathy for the Boers does not arise from any unfriendliness towards England; the American people are not unfriendly toward the people of any nation. This sympathy is due to the fact that, as stated in our platform, we believe in the principles of self-government and reject, as did our forefathers, the claims of monarchy. 对布尔人的同情并非源于对英国的任何敌意；美国人民对任何国家的人民都无敌意。这种同情源于这样一个事实：正如我们的纲领所述，我们相信自治原则，并像我们的先辈一样拒绝君主制的主张。
If this nation surrenders its belief in the universal application of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, it will lose the prestige and influence which it has enjoyed among the nations as an exponent of popular government. 如果这个国家放弃了对《独立宣言》所阐述原则普遍适用的信念，它将失去其作为人民政府代表在各国间享有的声望和影响力。
Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their cause, seek to confuse imperialism with expansion, and have even dared to claim Jefferson as a supporter of their policy. Jefferson spoke so freely and used language with such precision that no one can be ignorant of his views. 我们的对手意识到其事业的弱点，试图将帝国主义与扩张混为一谈，甚至胆敢声称杰斐逊是他们政策的支持者。杰斐逊言论自由，用词精准，没有人会不了解他的观点。
On one occasion he declared: "If there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other in the mind of every American, it is that we should have nothing to do with conquest." And again he said: "Conquest is not in our principles; it is inconsistent with our government." 有一次他宣称："如果有一个原则比其他任何原则都更深地扎根于每个美国人的心中，那就是我们不应与征服有任何关系。"他又说："征服不是我们的原则；它与我们的政府不相容。"
The forcible annexation of territory to be governed by arbitrary power differs as much from the acquisition of territory to be built up into States as a monarchy differs from a democracy. The Democratic party does not oppose expansion when expansion enlarges the area of the Republic and incorporates land which can be settled by American citizens, or adds to our population people who are willing to become citizens and are capable of discharging their duties as such. 通过专横权力统治的强制领土吞并，与将领土建设为州的获取，就像君主制与民主制的区别一样大。当扩大会增加共和国的面积、纳入可供美国公民定居的土地，或增加愿意成为公民并能履行公民职责的人口时，民主党不反对扩张。
The acquisition of the Louisiana territory, Florida, Texas and other tracts which have been secured from time to time enlarged the republic and the Constitution followed the flag into the new territory. It is now proposed to seize upon distant territory already more densely populated than our own country and to force upon the people a government for which there is no warrant in our Constitution or our laws. 路易斯安那领地、佛罗里达、德克萨斯和其他不时获得的地区扩大了共和国，宪法也跟随旗帜进入新领土。现在有人提议夺取人口已比我们本国更密集的遥远领土，并强迫那里的人民接受一个在我们宪法或法律中没有依据的政府。
Even the argument that this earth belongs to those who desire to cultivate it and who have the physical power to acquire it cannot be invoked to justify the appropriation of the Philippine Islands by the United States. 即使是"地球属于那些想要耕种它且有体力获得它的人"这一论点，也不能被用来为美国侵占菲律宾群岛辩护。
If the islands were uninhabited American citizens would not be willing to go there and till the soil. The white race will not live so near the equator. Other nations have tried to colonize in the same latitude. 如果这些岛屿无人居住，美国公民不会愿意去那里耕种土地。白人种族不会在如此靠近赤道的地方生活。其他国家曾尝试在同一纬度殖民。
The Netherlands have controlled Java for three hundred years and yet today there are less than sixty thousand people of European birth scattered among the twenty-five million natives. 荷兰控制爪哇已有三百年，但今天在两千五百万土著中散布的欧洲出生的人不到六万。
After a century and a half of English domination in India, less than one-twentieth of one per cent of the people of India are of English birth, and it requires an army of seventy thousand British soldiers to take care of the tax collectors. Spain had asserted title to the Philippine Islands for three centuries and yet when our fleet entered Manila bay there were less than ten thousand Spaniards residing in the Philippines. 英国在印度统治了一个半世纪后，印度人民中英国出生的不到百分之零点零五，而且需要一支七万人的英国军队来管理税务官。西班牙对菲律宾群岛主张主权已有三个世纪，但当我们的舰队进入马尼拉湾时，居住在菲律宾的西班牙人不到一万。
A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine Islands a few traders, a few taskmasters and a few office-holders and an army large enough to support the authority of a small fraction of the people while they rule the natives. 殖民政策意味着我们将向菲律宾群岛派遣一些商人、一些工头和一些官员，以及一支足以支持一小部分人统治土著的权威的军队。
If we have an imperial policy we must have a great standing army as its natural and necessary complement. The sprit which will justify the forcible annexation of the Philippine Islands will justify the seizure of other islands and the domination of other people, and with wars of conquest we can expect a certain, if not rapid, growth of our military establishment. 如果我们有帝国主义政策，我们就必须有一支庞大的常备军作为其自然和必要的补充。为强制吞并菲律宾群岛辩护的精神，也将为夺取其他岛屿和统治其他人民辩护，通过征服战争，我们可以预期我们的军事建制会有一定的增长，即使不是迅速的。
That a large permanent increase in our regular army is intended by Republican leaders is not a matter of conjecture, but a matter of fact. In his message of December 5,1898, the president asked for authority to increase the standing army to 100,000. 共和党领导人有意大幅永久增加我们的正规军，这不是猜测，而是事实。在1898年12月5日的咨文中，总统请求授权将常备军增加到10万人。
In 1896 the army contained about 25,000. Within two years the president asked for four times that many, and a Republican house of representatives complied with the request after the Spanish treaty had been signed, and when no country was at war with the United States. 1896年，军队约有2.5万人。两年内，总统要求增加到四倍，共和党控制的众议院在西班牙条约签署后、没有任何国家与美国交战时答应了这一请求。
If such an army is demanded when an imperial policy is contemplated, but not openly avowed, what may be expected if the people encourage the Republican party by indorsing its policy at the polls? 当帝国主义政策被考虑但未公开承认时就要求这样一支军队，那么如果人民在投票站支持共和党的政策，还能期待什么呢？
A large standing army is not only a pecuniary burden to the people and, if accompanied by compulsory service, a constant source of irritation, but it is ever a menace to a Republican form of government. 庞大的常备军不仅是人民的经济负担，而且如果伴随义务兵役，还是持续的激怒源泉，但它始终是对共和制政府的威胁。
The army is the personification of force, and militarism will inevitably change the ideals of the people and turn the thoughts of our young men from the arts of peace to the science of war. The Government which relies for its defense upon its citizens is more likely to be just than one which has at call a large body of professional soldiers. 军队是暴力的化身，军国主义将不可避免地改变人民的理想，将我们年轻人的思想从和平艺术转向战争科学。依靠其公民保卫的政府，比随时拥有大量职业军人的政府更可能是公正的。
A small standing army and a well-equipped and well-disciplined state militia are sufficient at ordinary times, and in an emergency the nation should in the future as in the past place its dependence upon the volunteers who come from all occupations at their country's call and return to productive labor when their services are no longer required -- men who fight when the country needs fighters and work when the country needs workers. 一支小型常备军和一支装备精良、训练有素的州民兵在平时就足够了，在紧急情况下，国家应像过去一样，将其依赖放在那些在祖国召唤时从各行各业赶来、在不再需要他们服务时返回生产劳动的志愿者身上——那些在国家需要战士时战斗、在国家需要工人时工作的人。
The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine Islands will be retained under American sovereignty, and we have a right to demand of the Republican leaders a discussion of the future status of the Filipino. 共和党纲领假定菲律宾群岛将保留在美国主权之下，我们有权要求共和党领导人讨论菲律宾人的未来地位。
Is he to be a citizen or a subject? Are we to bring into the body politic eight or ten million Asiatics so different from us in race and history that amalgamation is impossible? 他将成为公民还是臣民？我们是否要将八、一千万在种族和历史上与我们如此不同、以至于无法融合的亚洲人纳入政治体？
Are they to share with us in making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation? No Republican of prominence has been bold enough to advocate such a proposition. 他们是否要与我们一起制定法律、塑造这个国家的命运？没有任何知名的共和党人敢于倡导这样的主张。
The McEnery resolution, adopted by the senate immediately after the ratification of the treaty, expressly negatives this idea. The Democratic platform describes the situation when it says that the Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering our civilization. 条约批准后立即被参议院通过的麦克恩内里决议明确否定了这一想法。民主党纲领在描述局势时说，菲律宾人若成为公民将危及我们的文明。
Who will dispute it? And what is the alternative? If the Filipino is not to be a citizen, shall we make him a subject? On that question the Democratic platform speaks with equal emphasis. It declares that the Filipino cannot be a subject without endangering our form of government. 谁会对此提出异议？又有什么替代方案？如果菲律宾人不成为公民，我们要让他成为臣民吗？在那个问题上，民主党纲领同样强调地表示，它宣布菲律宾人若成为臣民将危及我们的政府形式。
A republic can have no subjects. A subject is possible only in a government resting upon force; he is unknown in a government derived without consent and taxation without representation. 共和国不能有臣民。臣民只可能存在于依靠暴力的政府中；在一个源自同意的政府和无代表权的税收中，臣民是不存在的。
The Republican platform says that "the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them (the Filipinos) by law." This is a strange doctrine for a government which owes its very existence to the men who offered their lives as a protest against government without consent and taxation without representation. 共和党纲领说，"与他们的福利和我们的义务相一致的最大程度的自治，应以法律形式保障给他们（菲律宾人）。"对于一个将其存在归功于那些以生命抗议无同意的政府和无代表权的税收的人来说，这是一种奇怪的学说。
In what respect does the position of the Republican party differ from the position taken by the English Government in 1776? Did not the English Government promise a good government to the colonists? What king ever promised a bad government to his people? Did not the English Government promise that the colonists should have the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and English duties? 共和党的立场在哪些方面与1776年英国政府采取的立场不同？英国政府不是向殖民者承诺了一个好政府吗？有哪个国王曾向他的人民承诺过一个坏政府？英国政府不是承诺过殖民者应享有与其福利和英国义务相一致的最大程度的自治吗？
Did not the Spanish Government promise to give to the Cubans the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and Spanish duties? 西班牙政府不是也承诺过给古巴人与其福利和西班牙义务相一致的最大程度的自治吗？
The whole difference between a monarchy and a republic may be summed up in one sentence. In a monarchy the king gives to the people what he believes to be a good government; in a republic the people secure for themselves what they believe to be a good government. 君主制与共和国之间的全部区别可以用一句话概括：在君主制中，国王给予人民他认为是好的政府；在共和国中，人民为自己争取他们认为是好的政府。
The Republican party has accepted the European idea and planted itself upon the ground taken by George III., and by every ruler who distrusts the capacity of the people for self-government or denies them a voice in their own affairs. 共和党已接受欧洲的思想，将自己置于乔治三世以及每一个不信任人民自治能力或否认人民在自己事务中有发言权的统治者所采取的立场上。
The Republican platform promises that some measure of self-government is to be given the Filipinos by law; but even this pledge is not fulfilled. 共和党纲领承诺将以法律形式给予菲律宾人某种程度的自治；但即使这一承诺也未被履行。
Nearly sixteen months elapsed after the ratification of the treaty before the adjournment of congress last June and yet no law was passed dealing with the Philippine situation. 条约批准后将近十六个月过去了，直到去年六月国会休会，仍然没有通过任何处理菲律宾局势的法律。
The will of the president has been the only law in the Philippine islands wherever the American authority extends. Why does the Republican party hesitate to legislate upon the Philippine question? 在菲律宾群岛美国权威所及之处，总统的意志一直是唯一的法律。共和党为何犹豫就菲律宾问题立法？
Because a law would disclose the radical departure from history and precedent contemplated by those who control the Republican party. The storm of protest which greeted the Puerto Rican bill was an indication of what may be expected when the American people are brought face to face with legislation upon this subject. 因为一部法律将揭示那些控制共和党的人所设想的与历史和先例的根本背离。迎接波多黎各法案的抗议风暴，预示着当美国人民直面关于这个问题的立法时可能发生的情况。
If the Puerto Ricans, who welcomed annexation, are to be denied the guarantees of our Constitution, what is to be the lot of the Filipinos, who resisted our authority? If secret influences could compel a disregard of our plain duty toward friendly people, living near our shores, 如果欢迎吞并的波多黎各人将被剥夺我们宪法的保障，那么抵抗我们权威的菲律宾人将会怎样？如果秘密势力能迫使我们无视对居住在我们海岸附近的友好人民的明确责任，
what treatment will those same influences provide for unfriendly people 7,000 miles away? If, in this country where the people have a right to vote, Republican leaders dare not take the side of the people against the great monopolies which have grown up within the last few years, how can they be trusted to protect the Filipinos from the corporations which are waiting to exploit the islands? 那么这些同样的势力将如何对待7000英里外的不友好人民？如果在这个人民有投票权的国家，共和党领导人不敢站在人民一边反对近年来崛起的大垄断企业，那么怎么能相信他们会保护菲律宾人免受等待开发这些岛屿的公司的侵害呢？
Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be enjoyed by the people of the United States, and the twilight of semi-citizenship endured by the people of Puerto Rico, while the thick darkness of perpetual vassalage covers the Philippines? The Puerto Rico tariff law asserts the doctrine that the operation of the constitution is confined to the forty-five states. 美国人民将享受完全公民权的阳光，波多黎各人民将忍受半公民权的暮光，而菲律宾则被永久臣属的浓浓黑暗所笼罩吗？波多黎各关税法断言宪法的适用范围仅限于四十五个州的学说。
The Democratic party disputes this doctrine and denounces it as repugnant to both the letter and spirit of our organic law. There is no place in our system of government for the deposit of arbitrary and irresponsible power. 民主党对这一学说提出异议，谴责它与我们组织法的文字和精神都格格不入。在我们的政府体制中，没有专横和不负责任的权力存在的余地。
That the leaders of a great party should claim for any president or congress the right to treat millions of people as mere "possessions" and deal with them unrestrained by the constitution or the bill of rights shows how far we have already departed from the ancient landmarks and indicates what may be expected if this nation deliberately enters upon a career of empire. 一个大党的领导人竟然声称任何总统或国会有权将数百万人仅仅视为"财产"，并在不受宪法或权利法案约束的情况下处理他们，这表明我们已经偏离了古老的里程碑有多远，并预示着如果这个国家有意走上帝国道路，可能会发生什么。
The territorial form of government is temporary and preparatory, and the chief security a citizen of a territory has is found in the fact that he enjoys the same constitutional guarantees and is subject to the same general laws as the citizen of a state. Take away this security and his rights will be violated and his interests sacrificed at the demand of those who have political influence. This is the evil of the colonial system, no matter by what nation it is applied. 领土政府形式是临时的和预备性的，领土公民所拥有的主要安全在于他享有与州公民相同的宪法保障，并受相同的一般法律约束。剥夺这一安全，他的权利将在那些拥有政治影响力的人的要求下被侵犯，他的利益将被牺牲。这就是殖民制度的弊端，无论由哪个国家实行。
What is our title to the Philippine Islands? Do we hold them by treaty or by conquest? Did we buy them or did we take them? Did we purchase the people? If not, how did we secure title to them? Were they thrown in with the land? 我们对菲律宾群岛的主权是什么？我们是通过条约还是通过征服持有它们？我们是购买了它们还是夺取了它们？我们购买了那里的人民吗？如果不是，我们是如何获得对他们的主权的？他们是附属于土地的吗？
Will the Republicans say that inanimate earth has value but that when that earth is molded by the divine hand and stamped with the likeness of the Creator it becomes a fixture and passes with the soil? If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, it is impossible to secure title to people, either by force or by purchase. 共和党人是否会说无生命的土地有价值，但当那块土地被神圣之手塑造并打上造物主的肖像时，它就成为附着物并随土地转移？如果政府从被统治者的同意中获得其正当权力，那么无论是通过暴力还是购买，都不可能获得对人民的主权。
We could extinguish Spain's title by treaty, but if we hold title we must hold it by some method consistent with our ideas of government. When we made allies of the Filipinos and armed them to fight against Spain, we disputed Spain's title. If we buy Spain's title we are not innocent purchasers. 我们可以通过条约消灭西班牙的主权，但如果我们持有主权，我们必须以符合我们政府理念的方式持有。当我们将菲律宾人变为盟友并武装他们对抗西班牙时，我们就对西班牙的主权提出了异议。如果我们购买西班牙的主权，我们就不是无辜的购买者。
There can be no doubt that we accepted and utilized the services of the Filipinos, and that when we did so we had full knowledge that they were fighting for their own independence, and I submit that history furnishes no example of turpitude baser than ours if we now substitute our yoke for the Spanish yoke. 毫无疑问，我们接受并利用了菲律宾人的服务，而且当我们这样做时，我们完全知道他们是在为自己的独立而战，我认为，如果我们现在用我们的枷锁替代西班牙的枷锁，历史将找不到比我们更卑劣的背信弃义的例子。
Let us consider briefly the reasons which have been given in support of an imperialistic policy. Some say that it is our duty to hold the Philippine Islands. But duty is not an argument; it is a conclusion. To ascertain what our duty is, in any emergency, we must apply well settled and generally accepted principles. 让我们简要考虑一下支持帝国主义政策的理由。有人说，持有菲律宾群岛是我们的责任。但责任不是论据；它是结论。要确定我们在任何紧急情况下的责任是什么，我们必须运用既定且被普遍接受的原则。
It is our duty to avoid stealing, no matter whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little value. It is our duty to avoid killing a human being, no matter where the human being lives or to what race or class he belongs. 避免偷窃是我们的责任，无论要偷的东西价值大小。避免杀害一个人是我们的责任，无论那个人住在哪里或属于哪个种族或阶级。
Every one recognizes the obligation imposed upon individuals to observe both the human and the moral law, but as some deny the application of those laws to nations, it may not be out of place to quote the opinions of others. Jefferson, than whom there is no higher political authority, said: "I know of but one code of morality for men, whether acting singly or collectively." 每个人都承认个人遵守人道法和道德法的义务，但由于有些人否认这些法律适用于国家，因此引用他人的观点可能并非不合时宜。杰斐逊——没有比他更高的政治权威——说："我知道人类只有一种道德准则，无论是单独行动还是集体行动。"
Franklin, whose learning, wisdom and virtue are a part of the priceless legacy bequeathed to use from the revolutionary days, expressed the same idea in even stronger language when he said: 富兰克林的学识、智慧和美德是革命时代留给我们的无价遗产的一部分，他用更强烈的语言表达了同样的思想：
Justice is strictly due between neighbor nations as between neighbor citizens. A highwayman is as much a robber when he plunders in a gang as when single; and the nation that makes an unjust war is only a great gang. 正义在邻国之间正如在邻舍公民之间一样严格应得。劫匪在团伙中抢劫与单独抢劫一样都是强盗；而进行非正义战争的国家只不过是一个大团伙。
Many may dare to do in crowds what they would not dare to do as individuals, but the moral character of an act is not determined by the number of those who join it. Force can defend a right, but force has never yet created a right. 许多人在群体中可能敢做他们作为个人不敢做的事，但一个行为的道德性质不是由参与人数决定的。暴力可以捍卫权利，但暴力从未创造过权利。
If it was true, as declared in the resolutions of intervention, that the Cubans "are and of right ought to be free and independent" (language taken from the Declaration of Independence), it is equally true that the Filipinos "are and of right ought to be free and independent." 如果像干预决议中宣布的那样，古巴人"现在是、而且理应是自由和独立的"（取自《独立宣言》的语言）是真实的，那么菲律宾人"现在是、而且理应是自由和独立的"也同样真实。
The right of the Cubans to freedom was not based upon their proximity to the United States, nor upon the language which they spoke, nor yet upon the race or races to which they belonged. Congress by a practically unanimous vote declared that the principles enunciated at Philadelphia in 1776 were still alive and applicable to the Cubans. 古巴人的自由权不是基于他们与美国的接近，也不是基于他们所说的语言，也不是基于他们所属的种族。国会以几乎一致的投票宣布，1776年在费城宣布的原则仍然有效，适用于古巴人。
Who will draw a line between the natural rights of the Cubans and the Filipinos? Who will say that the former has a right to liberty and that the latter has no rights which we are bound to respect? And, if the Filipinos "are and of right ought to be free and independent," what right have we to force our government upon them without their consent? Before our duty can be ascertained their rights must be determined, 谁会在古巴人和菲律宾人的自然权利之间划一条界线？谁会说前者有自由权而后者没有我们必须尊重的权利？而且，如果菲律宾人"现在是、而且理应是自由和独立的"，我们有什么权利在他们不同意的情况下将我们的政府强加给他们？在确定我们的责任之前，他们的权利必须先被确定，
and when their rights are once determined it is as much our duty to respect those rights as it was the duty of Spain to respect the rights of the people of Cuba or the duty of England to respect the rights of the American colonists. Rights never conflict; duties never clash. Can it be our duty to usurp political rights which belong to others? Can it be our duty to kill those who, following the example of our forefathers, love liberty well enough to fight for it? 一旦他们的权利被确定，尊重这些权利就是我们的责任，正如西班牙有责任尊重古巴人民的权利，英国有责任尊重美国殖民者的权利一样。权利从不冲突；责任从不冲突。难道篡夺属于他人的政治权利能是我们的责任吗？难道杀害那些追随我们先辈的榜样、热爱自由并为之战斗的人能是我们的责任吗？
A poet has described the terror which overcame a soldier who in the midst of the battle discovered that he had slain his brother. It is written "All ye are brethren." Let us hope for the coming day when human life -- which when once destroyed cannot be restored -- will be so sacred that it will never be taken except when necessary to punish a crime already committed, or to prevent a crime about to be committed. 一位诗人描述了一个士兵在战斗中发现自己杀死了兄弟时所感受到的恐怖。经上记着"你们都是弟兄"。让我们期待那一天的到来，当人类生命——一旦被摧毁就无法恢复——将变得如此神圣，以至于除了惩罚已犯下的罪行或防止即将犯下的罪行所必需的之外，永远不会被剥夺。
It is said that we have assumed before the world obligations which make it necessary for us to permanently maintain a government in the Philippine Islands. I reply first, that the highest obligation of this nation is to be true to itself. 据说我们已在世界面前承担了使我们必须在菲律宾群岛永久维持一个政府的义务。我首先回答，这个国家的最高义务是忠于自己。
No obligation to any particular nations, or to all the nations combined, can require the abandonment of our theory of government, and the substitution of doctrines against which our whole national life has been a protest. And, second, that our obligation to the Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, is greater than any obligation which we can owe to foreigners who have a temporary residence in the Philippines or desire to trade there. 对任何特定国家或所有国家的义务，都不能要求我们放弃我们的政府理论，代之以我们整个国家生活一直反对的学说。其次，我们对居住在这些岛屿上的菲律宾人的义务，大于我们对在菲律宾有临时居住或希望在那里贸易的外国人的任何义务。
It is argued by some that the Filipinos are incapable of self-government and that, therefore, we owe it to the world to take control of them. Admiral Dewey, in an official report to the Navy Department, declared the Filipinos more capable of self-government than the Cubans and said that he based his opinion upon a knowledge of both races. But I will not rest the case upon the relative advancement of the Filipinos. 有些人认为菲律宾人无法自治，因此我们有责任为世界控制他们。杜威海军上将在向海军部提交的一份官方报告中宣布，菲律宾人比古巴人更有自治能力，并说他的观点基于对两个种族的了解。但我不会将此案例建立在菲律宾人的相对进步上。
Henry Clay, in defending the right of the people of South America to self-government said: 亨利·克莱在捍卫南美人民的自治权时说：
It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorant to govern himself. Their partisans assert his incapacity in reference to all nations; if they cannot command universal assent to the proposition, it is then demanded to particular nations; 王权的教义认为，人类太无知而不能治理自己。他们的支持者断言他在所有国家中的无能；如果他们不能获得对这一主张的普遍同意，那么就针对特定国家；
and our pride and our presumption too often make converts of us. I contend that it is to arraign the disposition of Providence himself to suppose that he has created beings incapable of governing themselves, and to be trampled on by kings. Self-government is the natural government of man. 而我们的骄傲和自以为是常常使我们成为其信徒。我认为，假设上帝创造了不能治理自己的生灵并被国王践踏，就是在指控上帝的旨意。自治是人类的自然政府。
Clay was right. There are degrees of proficiency in the art of self-government, but it is a reflection upon the Creator to say that he denied to any people the capacity for self-government. 克莱是对的。自治艺术有程度上的熟练，但说造物主否认任何人民有自治能力，是对造物主的不敬。
Once admit that some people are capable of self-government and that others are not and that the capable people have a right to seize upon and govern the incapable, and you make force -- brute force -- the only foundation of government and invite the reign of a despot. I am not willing to believe that an all-wise and an all-loving God created the Filipinos and then left them thousands of years helpless until the islands attracted the attention of European nations. 一旦承认有些人民能够自治而有些不能，并且能够自治的人民有权夺取并治理不能自治的人民，你就使暴力——纯粹的暴力——成为政府的唯一基础，并邀请专制君主的统治。我不愿意相信，全智全爱的上帝创造了菲律宾人，然后让他们无助地度过数千年，直到这些岛屿引起欧洲国家的注意。
Republicans ask, "Shall we haul down the flag that floats over our dead in the Philippines?" The same question might have been asked, when the American flag floated over Chapultepec and waved over the dead who fell there; but the tourist who visits the City of Mexico finds there a national cemetery owned by the United States and cared for by an American citizen. 共和党人问："我们要不要降下在菲律宾阵亡将士头顶飘扬的国旗？"当美国国旗在查普尔特佩克上空飘扬、在那里阵亡将士头顶飘扬时，同样的问题可能也曾被问过；但访问墨西哥城的游客会在那里发现一个由美国拥有、由美国公民照料的国家公墓。
Our flag still floats over our dead, but when the treaty with Mexico was signed American authority withdrew to the Rio Grande, and I venture the opinion that during the last fifty years the people of Mexico have made more progress under the stimulus of independence and self-government than they would have made under a carpet-bag government held in place by bayonets. 我们的国旗仍在阵亡将士头顶飘扬，但当与墨西哥的条约签署后，美国权威撤至格兰德河，我敢说，在过去五十年中，墨西哥人民在独立和自治的激励下取得的进步，比他们在刺刀维持的外来政府统治下取得的进步更大。
The United States and Mexico, friendly republics, are each stronger and happier than they would have been had the former been cursed and the latter crushed by an imperialistic policy disguised as "benevolent assimilation." 美国和墨西哥这两个友好共和国，比如果前者被伪装成"仁慈同化"的帝国主义政策所诅咒、后者被其压迫的情况要更强大、更幸福。
"Can we not govern colonies?" we are asked. The question is not what we can do, but what we ought to do. This nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it must accept responsibility for what it does. If the Constitution stands in the way, the people can amend the Constitution. I repeat, the nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it cannot avoid the natural and legitimate results of its own conduct. 有人问我们："我们不能治理殖民地吗？"问题不是我们能做什么，而是我们应该做什么。这个国家可以做它想做的任何事，但它必须对其所做的事承担责任。如果宪法阻碍了道路，人民可以修改宪法。我重申，国家可以做它想做的任何事，但它不能逃避其自身行为的自然和合法的后果。
The young man upon reaching his majority can do what he pleases. He can disregard the teachings of his parents; he can trample upon all that he has been taught to consider sacred; he can disobey the laws of the State, the laws of society and the laws of God. He can stamp failure upon his life and make his very existence a curse to his fellow men, and he can bring his father and mother in sorrow to the grave; but he cannot annul the sentence, "The wages of sin is death." 年轻人到达成年后可以做他喜欢的事。他可以无视父母的教导；他可以践踏所有他被教导认为神圣的东西；他可以违抗国家法律、社会法律和上帝的法律。他可以在自己的生活上打上失败的印记，使他的存在成为同胞的诅咒，他可以将父母带入悲伤的坟墓；但他不能撤销"罪的工价乃是死"这一判决。
And so with the nation. It is of age and it can do what it pleases; it can spurn the traditions of the past; it can repudiate the principles upon which the nation rests; it can employ force instead of reason; it can substitute might for right; it can conquer weaker people; it can exploit their lands, appropriate their property and kill their people; but it cannot repeal the moral law or escape the punishment decreed for the violation of human rights. 国家也是如此。它已成年，可以做它喜欢的事；它可以唾弃过去的传统；它可以否认国家赖以存在的原则；它可以使用暴力而非理性；它可以以强权代替正义；它可以征服较弱小的人民；它可以开发他们的土地，占有他们的财产，杀害他们的人民；但它不能废除道德法，也不能逃避为侵犯人权而规定的惩罚。
Would we tread in the paths of tyranny, 我们是否要踏上暴政之路，
Nor reckon the tyrant's cost? 而不计算暴君的代价？
Who taketh another's liberty 谁夺取了他人的自由
His freedom is also lost. 他的自由也随之丧失。
Would we win as the strong have ever won, 我们是否要像强者历来那样取胜，
Make ready to pay the debt, 准备好偿还债务，
For the God who reigned over Babylon 因为统治巴比伦的上帝
Is the God who is reigning yet. 仍是那仍在统治的上帝。
Some argue that American rule in the Philippine Islands will result in the better education of the Filipinos. Be not deceived. If we expect to maintain a colonial policy, we shall not find it to our advantage to educate the people. 有些人认为，美国在菲律宾群岛的统治将使菲律宾人获得更好的教育。不要被欺骗。如果我们期望维持殖民政策，我们不会发现教育人民对我们有利。
The educated Filipinos are now in revolt against us, and the most ignorant ones have made the least resistance to our domination. If we are to govern them without their consent and give them no voice in determining the taxes which they must pay, we dare not educate them, lest they learn to read the Declaration of Independence and Constitution of the United States and mock us for our inconsistency. 受过教育的菲律宾人现在正在反抗我们，而最无知的人对我们的统治抵抗最小。如果我们要在他们不同意的情况下统治他们，不给他们在决定必须缴纳的税收方面的发言权，我们就不敢教育他们，以免他们学会阅读《独立宣言》和美国宪法，并嘲笑我们的前后不一。
The principal arguments, however, advanced by those who enter upon a defense of imperialism are: 然而，那些为帝国主义辩护的人提出的主要论点是：
First -- That we must improve the present opportunity to become a world power and enter into international politics. 第一——我们必须把握当前机会成为世界强国并进入国际政治。
Second -- That our commercial interests in the Philippine Islands and in the Orient make it necessary for us to hold the islands permanently. 第二——我们在菲律宾群岛和东方的商业利益使我们必须永久持有这些岛屿。
Third -- That the spread of the Christian religion will be facilitated by a colonial policy. 第三——殖民政策将促进基督教的传播。
Fourth -- That there is no honorable retreat from the position which the nation has taken. 第四——从国家已采取的立场上没有体面的退路。
The first argument is addressed to the nation's pride and the second to the nation's pocket-book. The third is intended for the church member and the fourth for the partisan. 第一个论点诉诸国家的自豪，第二个诉诸国家的钱包。第三个是给教会成员的，第四个是给党派人士的。
It is sufficient answer to the first argument to say that for more than a century this nation has been a world power. For ten decades it has been the most potent influence in the world. Not only has it been a world power, but it has done more to shape the politics of the human race than all the other nations of the world combined. 对第一个论点的充分回答是，这个国家作为世界强国已超过一个世纪。十个十年来，它一直是世界上最有力的影响。它不仅是一个世界强国，而且对塑造人类政治所做的贡献比世界上所有其他国家加起来还要多。
Because our Declaration of Independence was promulgated, others have been promulgated. Because the patriots of 1776 fought for liberty, others have fought for it. Because our Constitution was adopted, other constitutions have been adopted. 因为我们的《独立宣言》被颁布了，其他的宣言也被颁布了。因为1776年的爱国者为自由而战，其他人也为自由而战。因为我们的宪法被通过了，其他宪法也被通过了。
The growth of the principle of self-government, planted on American soil, has been the overshadowing political fact of the nineteenth century. It has made this nation conspicuous among the nations and given it a place in history such as no other nation has ever enjoyed. 自治原则在美国土地上的成长，是19世纪压倒性的政治事实。它使这个国家在各国中引人注目，并赋予它一个其他国家从未享受过的历史地位。
Nothing has been able to check the onward march of this idea. I am not willing that this nation shall cast aside the omnipotent weapon of truth to seize again the weapons of physical warfare. I would not exchange the glory of this Republic for the glory of all empires that have risen and fallen since time began. 没有什么能阻止这一思想的前进。我不愿意让这个国家抛弃真理这一全能的武器，而重新拿起物理战争的武器。我不会用这个共和国的荣耀来交换自古以来所有兴衰帝国的荣耀。
The permanent chairman of the last Republican Nation Convention presented the pecuniary argument in all its baldness when he said: 上一次共和党全国代表大会的常任主席在讲话时毫不掩饰地提出了金钱论点：
We make no hypocritical pretense of being interested in the Philippines solely on account of others. While we regard the welfare of those people as a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of American people first. We see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We believe in trade expansion. By every legitimate means within the province of government and constitution we mean to stimulate the expansion of our trade and open new markets. 我们不虚伪地假装对菲律宾的兴趣仅仅是为了他人。虽然我们将那些人的福利视为神圣的信任，但我们首先考虑美国人民的福利。我们看到了对自己和对他人的责任。我们相信贸易扩张。我们打算在政府和宪法的范围内采取一切合法手段来刺激我们的贸易扩张并开辟新市场。
This is the commercial argument. It is based upon the theory that war can be rightly waged for pecuniary advantage, and that it is profitable to purchase trade by force and violence. 这就是商业论点。它基于这样一个理论：战争可以为了金钱利益而正当地进行，通过暴力和武力购买贸易是有利可图的。
Franklin denied both of these propositions. When Lord Howe asserted that the acts of Parliament which brought on the Revolution were necessary to prevent American trade from passing into foreign channels, Franklin replied: 富兰克林否认了这两个主张。当豪勋爵断言引发革命的议会法案是防止美国贸易流入外国渠道所必需的时，富兰克林回答说：
To me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining of any trade, howsoever valuable, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities, and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and holding it by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and unwise. 在我看来，无论是获得还是保有任何贸易，无论多么有价值，都不是人们可以正当地为其流血的对象；扩展和确保商业的真正可靠手段是商品的优良和廉价，任何贸易的利润都永远不可能等于通过舰队和军队强制保有它的费用。因此，我认为这场针对我们的战争既不公正，也不明智。
I place the philosophy of Franklin against the sordid doctrine of those who would put a price upon the head of an American soldier and justify a war of conquest upon the ground that it will pay. The democratic party is in favor of the expansion of trade. It would extend our trade by every legitimate and peaceful means; but it is not willing to make merchandise of human blood. 我将富兰克林的哲学与那些想为美国士兵的性命标上价格、以"有利可图"为由为征服战争辩护的人的卑鄙教义相对立。民主党赞成贸易扩张。它会通过一切合法和平的手段扩展我们的贸易；但它不愿意将人肉当作商品。
But a war of conquest is as unwise as it is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling station in the Philippines would answer every trade and military necessity and such a concession could have been secured at any time without difficulty. 但征服战争既不明智，也不正义。在菲律宾的一个港口和加煤站就能满足一切贸易和军事需要，这样的让步本可以随时毫无困难地获得。
It is not necessary to own people in order to trade with them. We carry on trade today with every part of the world, and our commerce has expanded more rapidly than the commerce of any European empire. We do not own Japan or China, but we trade with their people. 为了与人民贸易，不必拥有他们。我们今天与世界每个地区进行贸易，我们的商业扩展速度比任何欧洲帝国都快。我们不拥有日本或中国，但我们与他们的人民进行贸易。
We have not absorbed the republics of Central and South America, but we trade with them. It has not been necessary to have any political connection with Canada or the nations of Europe in order to trade with them. Trade cannot be permanently profitable unless it is voluntary. 我们没有吸收中美洲和南美洲的共和国，但我们与他们进行贸易。为了与加拿大或欧洲国家贸易，不必与它们有任何政治联系。贸易除非是自愿的，否则不可能永久有利可图。
When trade is secured by force, the cost of securing it and retaining it must be taken out of the profits and the profits are never large enough to cover the expense. Such a system would never be defended but for the fact that the expense is borne by all the people, while the profits are enjoyed by a few. 当贸易通过武力获得时，获得和维持它的成本必须从利润中扣除，而利润永远不足以覆盖费用。这样的制度永远不会被辩护，除了费用由全体人民承担、利润由少数人享受这一事实。
Imperialism would be profitable to the army contractors; it would be profitable to the ship owners, who would carry live soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead soldiers back; it would be profitable to those who would seize upon the franchises, and it would be profitable to the officials whose salaries would be fixed here and paid over there; 帝国主义对军队承包商有利可图；对将活着的士兵运到菲律宾、将阵亡士兵运回的船东有利可图；对那些夺取特许经营权的人有利可图；对工资在这里确定、在那里支付的官员有利可图；
but to the farmer, to the laboring man and to the vast majority of those engaged in other occupations it would bring expenditure without return and risk without reward. 但对农民、工人和绝大多数从事其他职业的人来说，它将带来无回报的支出和无奖赏的风险。
Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule, small incomes and under systems which place the tax upon consumption pay much more than their fair share of the expenses of government. Thus the very people who receive least benefit from imperialism will be injured most by the military burdens which accompany it. 农民和工人通常收入微薄，在将税收置于消费之上的制度下，他们缴纳的政府开支远远超过他们的公平份额。因此，从帝国主义中获益最少的人，将受到随之而来的军事负担的最大伤害。
In addition to the evils which he and the farmer share in common, the laboring man will be the first to suffer if oriental subjects seek work in the United States; the first to suffer if American capital leaves our shores to employ oriental labor in the Philippines to supply the trade of China and Japan; the first to suffer from the violence which the military spirit arouses and the first to suffer when the methods of imperialism are applied to our own government. 除了他与农民共同分担的弊端之外，如果东方臣民在美国找工作，工人将首当其冲受到伤害；如果美国资本离开我们的海岸在菲律宾雇用东方劳动力来供应中国和日本的贸易，他将首当其冲受到伤害；他将首当其冲受到军事精神激起的暴力的伤害，当帝国主义的方法被应用于我们自己的政府时，他也将首当其冲受到伤害。
It is not strange, therefore, that the labor organizations have been quick to note the approach of these dangers and prompt to protest against both militarism and imperialism. 因此，工会组织迅速注意到这些危险的逼近，并及时抗议军国主义和帝国主义，这并不奇怪。
The pecuniary argument, the more effective with certain classes, is not likely to be used so often or presented with so much enthusiasm as the religious argument. If what has been termed the "gunpowder gospel" were urged against the Filipinos only it would be a sufficient answer to say that a majority of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the Christian church; 金钱论点在某些阶层中更为有效，但不太可能像宗教论点那样被频繁使用或如此热情地提出。如果所谓的"火药福音"只针对菲律宾人，那么说大多数菲律宾人现在是基督教某一分支的成员就是充分的回答；
but the principle involved is one of much wider application and challenges serious consideration. 但所涉及的原则具有更广泛的适用性，需要认真考虑。
The religious argument varies in positiveness from a passive belief that Providence delivered the Filipinos into our hands, for their good and our glory, to the exultation of the minister who said that we ought to "thrash the natives (Filipinos) until they understand who we are," and that "every bullet sent, every cannon shot, and every flag waved means righteousness." 宗教论点的积极性各不相同，从被动地相信上帝为了菲律宾人的好和我们的荣耀将他们交到我们手中，到那位牧师的狂喜言论——他说我们应该"鞭打土著（菲律宾人）直到他们明白我们是谁"，以及"每一颗射出的子弹、每一声炮响、每一面飘扬的旗帜都意味着正义"。
We cannot approve of this doctrine in one place unless we are willing to apply it everywhere. If there is poison in the blood of the hand it will ultimately reach the heart. It is equally true that forcible Christianity, if planted under the American flag in the far-away Orient, will sooner or later be transplanted upon American soil. 除非我们愿意在所有地方都应用这一教义，否则我们不能在一个地方赞成它。如果手中的血液有毒，它最终会到达心脏。同样真实的是，强制基督教如果在美国国旗下种植在遥远的东方，迟早会被移植到美国的土地上。
If true Christianity consists in carrying out in our daily lives the teachings of Christ, who will say that we are commanded to civilize with dynamite and proselyte with the sword? He who would declare the divine will must prove his authority either by Holy Writ or by evidence of a special dispensation. 如果真正的基督教在于在我们的日常生活中践行基督的教导，那么谁会说我们被命令用炸药来文明化、用剑来传教呢？想要宣布神圣意志的人必须通过圣经或特殊使命的证据来证明他的权威。
Imperialism finds no warrant in the Bible. The command, "Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature," has no Gatling gun attachment. 帝国主义在圣经中找不到依据。"你们要去使万民作门徒"的命令，没有加特林机枪的附件。
When Jesus visited a village of Samaria and the people refused to receive him, some of the disciples suggested that fire should be called down from Heaven to avenge the insult; but the Master rebuked them and said: "Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of; for the Son of Man is not come to destroy men's lives, but to save them." Suppose he had said: "We will thrash them until they understand who we are," how different would have been the history of Christianity! 当耶稣访问撒玛利亚的一个村庄，人们拒绝接待他时，一些门徒建议从天上降火来报复侮辱；但主责备他们说："你们不知道你们是怎样的人；因为人子来不是要毁灭人的生命，而是要拯救他们。"假设他说过"我们要鞭打他们直到他们明白我们是谁"，基督教的历史将会多么不同！
Compare, if you will, the swaggering, bullying, brutal doctrine of imperialism with the golden rule and the commandment, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." 如果你们愿意，将帝国主义那虚张声势、欺凌弱小、残忍的教义与黄金法则和"你要爱人如己"的诫命作比较。
Love not force, was the weapon of the Nazarene; sacrifice for others, not the exploitation of them, was His method of reaching the human heart. A missionary recently told me that the Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his assailant recognized our flag as a flag that had no blood upon it. 爱而非暴力，是拿撒勒人的武器；为他人牺牲，而非剥削他们，是他到达人心的方法。一位传教士最近告诉我，星条旗曾经救了他的命，因为他的袭击者认出我们的旗帜是一面没有血迹的旗帜。
Let it be known that our missionaries are seeking souls instead of sovereignty; 让人们知道，我们的传教士寻求的是灵魂而非主权；
let be it known that instead of being the advance guard of conquering armies, they are going forth to help and uplift, having their loins girt about with the truth and their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, wearing the breastplate of righteousness and carrying the sword of the spirit; 让人们知道，他们不是征服军队的先遣队，而是出去帮助和提升他人，以真理束腰，以和平福音的预备为鞋，穿戴公义的护心镜，携带圣灵的剑；
let it be known that they are citizens of a nation which respects the rights of the citizens of other nations as carefully as it protects the rights of its own citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries will be more cordial than the welcome extended to the missionaries of any other nation. 让人们知道，他们是一个像保护自己公民权利一样尊重其他国家公民权利的国家的公民，我们的传教士将得到的欢迎将比任何其他国家的传教士得到的欢迎更热情。
The argument made by some that it was unfortunate for the nation that it had anything to do with the Philippine Islands, but that the naval victory at Manila made the permanent acquisition of those islands necessary, is also unsound. We won a naval victory at Santiago, but that did not compel us to hold Cuba. 有些人认为，国家与菲律宾群岛有任何关系是不幸的，但马尼拉的海军胜利使永久获取这些岛屿成为必要，这一论点也是站不住脚的。我们在圣地亚哥赢得了海军胜利，但那并未迫使我们持有古巴。
The shedding of American blood in the Philippine Islands does not make it imperative that we should retain possession forever; American blood was shed at San Juan and El Caney, and yet the President has promised the Cubans independence. 美国人民在菲律宾群岛流血并不意味着我们必须永远保留对那里的占领；美国人民在圣胡安和埃尔卡尼也流了血，但总统已向古巴人承诺独立。
The fact that the American flag floats over Manila does not compel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty over the islands; the American flag floats over Havana to-day, but the President has promised to haul it down when the flag of the Cuban Republic is ready to rise in its place. Better a thousand times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag representing the idea of self-government than that the flag of this Republic should become the flag of an empire. 美国国旗在马尼拉上空飘扬这一事实，并不迫使我们对这些岛屿行使永久主权；美国国旗今天在哈瓦那上空飘扬，但总统已承诺当古巴共和国的国旗准备好升起时将其降下。我们在东方的国旗让位于代表自治思想的旗帜，比这个共和国的国旗成为帝国的旗帜要好一千倍。
There is an easy, honest, honorable solution of the Philippine question. It is set forth in the Democratic platform and it is submitted with confidence to the American people. This plan I unreservedly indorse. 菲律宾问题有一个简单、诚实、体面的解决方案。它在民主党纲领中被阐述，并被自信地提交给美国人民。我毫无保留地赞同这一计划。
If elected, I will convene Congress in extraordinary session as soon as inaugurated and recommend an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose, first, to establish a stable form of government in the Philippine Islands, just as we are now establishing a stable form of government in Cuba; 如果当选，我将在就职后立即召开国会特别会议，建议立即宣布国家的目的：第一，在菲律宾群岛建立稳定的政府形式，正如我们现在在古巴建立稳定的政府形式一样；
second, to give independence to the Filipinos as we have promised to give independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the Filipinos from outside interference while they work out their destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central and South America, and are, by the Monroe doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba. 第二，向菲律宾人给予独立，正如我们向古巴人承诺给予独立一样；第三，在菲律宾人实现其命运时保护他们不受外部干涉，正如我们保护中美洲和南美洲的共和国，并通过门罗主义承诺保护古巴一样。
A European protectorate often results in the plundering of the ward by the guardian. An American protectorate gives to the nation protected the advantage of our strength, without making it the victim of our greed. 欧洲的保护国常常导致监护人对被监护人的掠夺。美国的保护国给予被保护国我们实力的优势，而不使其成为我们贪婪的受害者。
For three-quarters of a century the Monroe doctrine has been a shield to neighboring republics and yet it has imposed no pecuniary burden upon us. 四分之三个世纪以来，门罗主义一直是邻国共和国的盾牌，但它并未给我们带来任何经济负担。
After the Filipinos had aided us in the war against Spain, we could not leave them to be the victims of the ambitious designs of European nations, and since we do not desire to make them a part of us or to hold them as subjects, we propose the only alternative, namely, to give them independence and guard them against molestation from without. 在菲律宾人在对西班牙的战争中援助我们之后，我们不能让他们成为欧洲国家野心设计的受害者，既然我们不想让他们成为我们的一部分或作为臣民持有他们，我们提出了唯一的替代方案，即给予他们独立并保护他们不受外部骚扰。
When our opponents are unable to defend their position by argument they fall back upon the assertion that is destiny, and insist that we must submit to it, no matter how much it violates our moral percepts and our principles of government. This is a complacent philosophy. It obliterates the distinction between right and wrong and makes individuals and nations the helpless victims of circumstance. 当我们的对手无法通过论据捍卫其立场时，他们就退回到"这是命运"的断言上，并坚持我们必须服从它，无论它多么违反我们的道德观念和政府原则。这是一种自满的哲学。它抹杀了是非之间的区别，使个人和国家成为环境的无助受害者。
Destiny is the subterfuge of the invertebrate, who, lacking the courage to oppose error, seeks some plausible excuse for supporting it. Washington said that the destiny of the Republican form of government was deeply, if not finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the American people. How different Washington's definition of destiny from the Republican definition! 命运是无脊椎动物的借口，它缺乏反对错误的勇气，却为支持错误寻找某种似是而非的借口。华盛顿说，共和制政府的命运深深地——如果不是最终地——押在委托给美国人民的实验上。华盛顿对命运的定义与共和党人的定义是多么不同！
The Republicans say that this nation is in the hands of destiny; Washington believed that not only the destiny of our own nation but the destiny of the Republican form of government throughout the world was entrusted to American hands. 共和党人说，这个国家掌握在命运手中；华盛顿相信，不仅我们自己国家的命运，而且全世界共和制政府的命运都被托付给了美国人的手中。
Immeasurable responsibility! The destiny of this Republic is in the hands of its own people, and upon the success of the experiment here rests the hope of humanity. No exterior force can disturb this Republic, and no foreign influence should be permitted to change its course. 不可估量的责任！这个共和国的命运掌握在其自己的人民手中，人类的希望寄托在这里实验的成功上。任何外部力量都不能干扰这个共和国，也不应该允许任何外国影响力改变它的进程。
What the future has in store for this nation no one has authority to declare, but each individual has his own idea of the nation's mission, and he owes it to his country as well as to himself to contribute as best he may to the fulfillment of that mission. 没有人有权宣布这个国家的未来会是什么，但每个人对国家的使命都有自己的想法，他对国家和自己都有义务，尽最大努力为实现这一使命做出贡献。
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: I can never fully discharge the debt of gratitude which I owe to my countrymen for the honors which they have so generously bestowed upon me; 主席先生及委员会的各位先生：我永远无法完全偿还我对同胞们的感激之情，感谢他们如此慷慨地给予我的荣誉；
but, sirs, whether it be my lot to occupy the high office for which the convention has named me, or to spend the remainder of my days in private life, it shall be my constant ambition and my controlling purpose to aid in realizing the high ideals of those whose wisdom and courage and sacrifices brought the Republic into existence. 但是，先生们，无论我是否有幸担任大会提名的这一高级职务，还是在私人生活中度过余生，帮助实现那些以其智慧、勇气和牺牲缔造了共和国的人们的崇高理想，都将是我永恒的抱负和坚定的目标。
I can conceive of a national destiny surpassing the glories of the present and the past -- a destiny which meets the responsibility of today and measures up to the possibilities of the future. 我能想象一个超越当前和过去荣耀的国家命运——一个肩负今天的责任、配得上未来可能性的命运。
Behold a republic, resting securely upon the foundation stones quarried by revolutionary patriots from the mountain of eternal truth -- a republic applying in practice and proclaiming to the world the self-evident propositions that all men are created equal; that they are endowed with inalienable rights; 看哪，一个共和国，稳稳地安放在革命志士从永恒真理之山开采的基石之上——一个在实践中运用并向世界宣告不言自明的命题的共和国：人人生而平等；他们被赋予了不可剥夺的权利；
that governments are instituted among men to secure these rights, and that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. 政府是为了保障这些权利而在人民中建立的，政府的正当权力来自被统治者的同意。
Behold a republic in which civil and religion liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor and in which the law restrains every hand uplifted for a neighbor's injury -- a republic in which every citizen is a sovereign, but in which no one cares to wear a crown. 看哪，一个共和国，在其中公民和宗教自由激励所有人认真努力，法律约束着每一只伸向伤害邻居之手的行为——一个每个公民都是主权者、但没有人愿意戴上王冠的共和国。
Behold a republic standing erect while empires all around are bowed beneath the weight of their own armaments -- a republic whose flag is loved while other flags are only feared. 看哪，一个共和国，当周围的帝国都在其自身军备的重量下鞠躬时，它却挺立着——一个其国旗被爱戴而其他国旗只被畏惧的共和国。
Behold a republic increasing in population, in wealth, in strength and in influence, solving the problems of civilization and hastening the coming of an universal brotherhood -- a republic which shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies by its silent example and gives light and inspiration to those who sit in darkness. 看哪，一个共和国，在人口、财富、力量和影响力上不断增长，解决文明问题并加速普遍兄弟情谊的到来——一个通过其无声的榜样动摇王座、瓦解贵族制，向坐在黑暗中的人赐予光明和灵感的共和国。
Behold a republic gradually but surely becoming the supreme moral factor in the world's progress and the accepted arbiter of the world's disputes -- a republic whose history, like the path of the just, "is as the shining light that shineth more and more unto the perfect day." 看哪，一个共和国，逐渐但确定地成为世界进步中至高无上的道德因素和世界争端的公认仲裁者——一个其历史如同义人的道路，"如同晨光越来越亮，直到完美的白昼"。