Hello, everybody! Thank you so much. Thank you, everybody. Have a seat. Have a seat. Well, hello, London. It is good to be back in the UK. Thank you, Khadija, for that wonderful introduction. I was saying backstage I'd vote for her for something. 大家好！非常感谢。谢谢大家。请坐，请坐。你好，伦敦。很高兴再次来到英国。感谢哈迪贾的精彩介绍。我刚才在后台说，我愿意投票选她担任什么职务呢。
I want to thank our U.S. Ambassador, Matthew Barzun, for all the great work that he's doing. 我要感谢我们的美国大使马修·巴祖恩所做的一切出色工作。
And it is wonderful to see all of you. I guess you all know why I came this week. It's no secret. Nothing was going to stop me from wishing happy birthday to Her Majesty. And meeting George. Who was adorable. Michelle and I had the privilege to visit with Her Majesty and the Duke of Edinburgh yesterday. I can't tell you what we talked about. I can tell you that I hope I am such an engaging lunch partner when I am 90. And I'd like to thank Her Majesty for letting us use one of her Horticultural Halls for this town hall. 很高兴见到你们大家。我想你们都知道我这周为什么来。这不是什么秘密。没有什么能阻止我来为女王陛下祝生日快乐。还有见见乔治小王子。他太可爱了。我和米歇尔昨天有幸与女王陛下和爱丁堡公爵共进午餐。我不能告诉你们我们谈了什么。但我可以告诉你们，我希望自己90岁时也能成为这样一位富有魅力的午餐伙伴。我还要感谢女王陛下允许我们使用她的一个园艺大厅来举办这次市政厅会议。
I also just came from touring Shakespeare's Globe -- which is a good way to start your Saturday morning. Today is the 400th anniversary of Shakespeare's death. And as he once wrote, "brevity is the soul of wit," so I will try to be brief on the front end so we have time for a conversation. 我还刚刚参观了莎士比亚环球剧场——这是开启周六早晨的好方式。今天是莎士比亚逝世400周年。正如他曾经写过的，"简洁是智慧的灵魂"，所以我开场尽量简短，这样我们才有时间进行交流。
These are some of the favorite things that I do when I travel around the world, is just have a chance to meet with young people and hear from them directly. It's inspiring to me. It gives me new ideas and I think underscores the degree to which young people are rising up in every continent to seize the possibilities of tomorrow. 这是我在环球旅行时最喜欢做的事情之一，就是有机会与年轻人见面，直接听取他们的想法。这让我深受鼓舞。它给了我新的思路，我认为这也凸显了年轻人正在各大洲崛起，抓住明天的机遇。
Now, whenever I get together with leaders of the United States and UK, you hear a lot about the special relationship and the shared values and interests that bind us together, and the ways that our cooperation makes the world safer and more secure, and a more just and prosperous place. And all of that is true. We go back a pretty long way, the UK and the U.S. We've had our quarrels. There was that whole tea incident and -- and the British burned my house down. But we made up. 现在，每当我与美国和英国的领导人聚在一起时，你们会听到很多关于特殊关系以及将我们联系在一起的共同价值观和利益的讨论，还有我们的合作如何使世界变得更安全、更有保障、更公正、更繁荣。所有这些都是真实的。英美两国的友谊由来已久。我们也有过争执。比如倾茶事件，还有——还有英国人放火烧了我的房子。但我们和好了。
Ultimately, we made up and ended up spilling blood on the battlefield together, side-by-side, against fascism and against tyranny, for freedom and for democracy. And from the ashes of war, we led the charge to create the institutions and initiatives that sustain a prosperous peace -- NATO; Bretton Woods, the Marshall Plan, the EU. The joint efforts and sacrifices of previous generations of Americans and Brits are a big part of why we've known decades of relative peace and prosperity in Europe, and that, in turn, has helped to spread peace and prosperity around the world. 最终，我们和好了，并且在战场上并肩作战，共同对抗法西斯主义和暴政，为自由和民主而战。从战争的废墟中，我们带头创建了维持繁荣和平的机构和倡议——北约、布雷顿森林体系、马歇尔计划、欧盟。前几代美国人和英国人的共同努力和牺牲是我们在欧洲享有数十年相对和平与繁荣的重要原因，而这反过来又帮助在全世界传播了和平与繁荣。
And think about how extraordinary that is. For more than 1,000 years, this continent was darkened by war and violence. It was taken for granted. It was assumed that that was the fate of man. 想想这有多么不平凡。一千多年来，这片大陆一直被战争和暴力所笼罩。人们认为这是理所当然的。人们认为这就是人类的命运。
Now, that's not to say that your generation has had it easy. Both here and in the United States, your generation has grown up at a time of breathtaking change. You've come of age through 9/11 and 7/7. You've had friends go off to war. You've seen families endure recession. 但这并不是说你们这一代人过得轻松。无论是在英国还是在美国，你们这一代人都是在一个瞬息万变的时代长大的。你们经历了9·11和7·7恐怖袭击。你们有朋友奔赴战场。你们目睹了家庭经受经济衰退。
The challenges of our time -- economic inequality and climate change, terrorism and migration -- all these things are real. And in an age of instant information, where TV and Twitter can feed us a steady stream of bad news, I know that it can sometimes seem like the order that we've created is fragile, maybe even crumbling, maybe the center cannot hold. 我们时代的挑战——经济不平等、气候变化、恐怖主义和移民——所有这些都是真实存在的。在这个信息即时传递的时代，电视和推特可以源源不断地向我们输送坏消息，我知道有时候我们创造的秩序似乎很脆弱，甚至可能正在崩塌，也许中心已经无法维系。
And we see new calls for isolationism or xenophobia. We see those who would call for rolling back the rights of people; people hunkering down in their own point of view and unwilling to engage in a democratic debate. And those impulses I think we can understand. They are reactions to changing times and uncertainty. 我们看到了新的孤立主义或仇外心理的呼声。我们看到那些呼吁剥夺人民权利的人；人们固守自己的观点，不愿意参与民主辩论。我认为我们可以理解这些冲动。它们是对时代变化和不确定性的反应。
But when I speak to young people, I implore them and I implore you to reject those calls to pull back. I'm here to ask you to reject the notion that we're gripped by forces that we can't control. And I want you to take a longer and more optimistic view of history and the part that you can play in it. I ask you to embrace the view of one of my predecessors, President John F. Kennedy, who once said: "Our problems are man-made; therefore, they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as he wants." 但是，当我与年轻人交谈时，我恳请他们，也恳请你们拒绝那些退缩的呼声。我来这里是要请你们拒绝那种认为我们被无法控制的力量所束缚的观念。我希望你们对历史以及你们在其中可以发挥的作用有一个更长远、更乐观的看法。我请你们接受我的一位前任约翰·F·肯尼迪总统的观点，他曾经说过："我们的问题是人为造成的；因此，它们可以由人来解决。人可以变得像他想的那样伟大。"
That's how, since 1950, the global average life expectancy has grown by 25 years. Since 1990, we've cut extreme poverty around the world in half. That's how, over the past 100 years, we've come from a world where only a small fraction of women could vote to one where almost every woman can. That's how, since just the year 2000, we've come from a world without marriage equality to one where it's a reality in nearly two dozen countries, including here and in the United States. 正因如此，自1950年以来，全球平均预期寿命增长了25岁。自1990年以来，我们已将全球极端贫困减少了一半。正因如此，在过去100年里，我们从一个只有一小部分妇女能够投票的世界，发展到几乎每个妇女都能投票的世界。正因如此，从2000年到现在，我们从一个没有婚姻平等的世界，发展到婚姻平等在近二十多个国家成为现实，包括英国和美国。
Every few months, I speak with a new group of White House interns. They're roughly your age. They come in for six months; they are assigned to various aspects of the White House. And I often talk to them about the fact that if you could choose one moment in history in which to be born, and you didn't know ahead of time what you were to be -- you didn't know whether you were a man or a woman, what nationality, what ethnicity, what religion, who your parents were, what class status you might have -- 每隔几个月，我都会与一批新的白宫实习生交谈。他们和你们差不多大。他们来这里工作六个月；被分配到白宫的各个部门。我经常和他们谈论这样一个事实：如果你可以选择出生在历史上的某个时刻，而你事先不知道自己会是什么样的人——不知道你是男人还是女人，什么国籍，什么种族，什么宗教，你的父母是谁，你可能拥有什么社会阶层——
If you could choose one time in history where the chances that you led a fulfilling life were most promising, you'd choose right now, this moment. Because the world, for all of its travails, for all of its challenges, has never been healthier, better educated, wealthier, more tolerant, less violent, more attentive to the rights of all people than it is today. 如果你可以选择历史上最有可能过上充实生活的某个时刻，你会选择现在，这个时刻。因为尽管世界充满艰辛和挑战，但它从未像今天这样健康、教育程度更高、更富裕、更包容、更不暴力、更关注所有人的权利。
That doesn't mean we don't have big problems. That's not a cause for complacency, but it is a cause for optimism. You are standing in a moment where your capacity to shape this world is unmatched. What an incredible privilege that is. And you've never had better tools to make a difference -- to forge a better UK and a better Europe and a better world. 这并不意味着我们没有大问题。这不是自满的理由，但它是乐观的理由。你们正站在一个塑造世界的能力无与伦比的时刻。这是多么不可思议的特权啊。而且你们从未拥有过更好的工具来做出改变——打造一个更好的英国、一个更好的欧洲和一个更好的世界。
So my primary message today is going to be to reject pessimism and cynicism; know that progress is possible, that our problems can be solved. Progress requires the harder path of breaking down barriers, and building bridges, and standing up for the values of tolerance and diversity that our nations have worked and sacrificed to secure and defend. 所以我今天的主要信息是要拒绝悲观和犬儒主义；要知道进步是可能的，我们的问题是可以解决的。进步需要走更艰难的道路：打破障碍，搭建桥梁，捍卫我们两国为之奋斗和牺牲以确保和捍卫的宽容与多样性价值观。
Progress is not inevitable, and it requires struggle and perseverance and discipline and faith. But that's the story of how we won voting rights, and women's rights, and workers' rights, and civil rights, and immigration rights, and gay rights. Because those who came before us often risked their lives to give us the chance to know something better. 进步不是必然的，它需要斗争、毅力、纪律和信念。但这就是我们如何赢得投票权、妇女权利、工人权利、公民权利、移民权利和同性恋权利的故事。因为我们的先辈常常冒着生命危险，给我们机会去了解更美好的事物。
That's what gives me so much hope about your generation. So many of you are driven by that same impulse. You're a generation that has seen integration and globalization not as threats but as opportunities -- for education, and exploration, and employment, and exchange. You're a generation who sees differences of pluralism and diversity not as a curse, but as a great gift. 这就是我对你们这一代充满希望的原因。你们中的许多人都被同样的冲动所驱使。你们这一代人将融合和全球化视为机遇而非威胁——是教育、探索、就业和交流的机遇。你们这一代人将多元主义和多样性的差异视为一份伟大的礼物，而非诅咒。
That's one of the reasons why the United States has invested in young leader initiatives around the globe -- in Africa and Latin America, Southeast Asia, and right here in the UK. 这就是美国在全球投资青年领袖倡议的原因之一——在非洲、拉丁美洲、东南亚，以及就在这里的英国。
So last summer, we launched Young Leaders UK. And it's grown from four students in Plymouth to more than 1,000 nationwide -- a diverse group of Brits aged 18 to 30, from government and NGOs and the private sector, including many of you here today. 去年夏天，我们发起了"英国青年领袖"计划。它已经从普利茅斯的四名学生发展到全国超过一千名——这是一个由18至30岁的英国人组成的多元化群体，来自政府、非政府组织和私营部门，包括今天在座的许多人。
I know Ambassador Barzun has held town hall workshops at more than 100 high schools, with more than 14,000 "sixth formers." He's worked to create more of the U.S. Embassy exchange programs that have graduated alumni like Margaret Thatcher, and Gordon Brown, and Tony Blair. Because we want you to have the tools, connections, and resources that you need to make yourselves change agents, the change that you are looking for in the world. 我知道巴祖恩大使已经在一百多所高中举办了市政厅研讨会，与超过一万四千名"六年级学生"进行了交流。他致力于创建更多的美国大使馆交流项目，这些项目培养了玛格丽特·撒切尔、戈登·布朗和托尼·布莱尔等校友。因为我们希望你们拥有所需的工具、人脉和资源，让自己成为变革的推动者，推动你们在世界上寻求的变革。
So you're young leaders like Michael Sani, who's here today -- where is Michael? There he is. Michael was inspired by America's "Rock the Vote" voter registration initiative, so he started his own "Bite the Bullet" -- "Bite the Ballot" -- excuse me -- initiative here in the UK. He spent time in Greensboro, North Carolina, where he learned about our Civil Rights Movement. And he said: "I have a new understanding of the meaning of perseverance, resilience, and delayed gratification -- about fighting for change you may not live to see, but your children will live to see." 比如今天在座的青年领袖迈克尔·萨尼——迈克尔在哪里？他在那里。迈克尔受到美国"摇滚投票"选民登记倡议的启发，所以他在英国发起了自己的"咬子弹"——"咬选票"——对不起——倡议。他在北卡罗来纳州格林斯伯勒待了一段时间，在那里了解了我们的民权运动。他说："我对毅力、韧性和延迟满足的意义有了新的理解——为你可能活着看不到、但你的孩子会看到的变革而奋斗。"
Fighting for change that you may not live to see, but that your children will live to see. That's what this is all about. That's what we are all about. Whether in the Cold War or world war, movements for economic or social justice, efforts to combat climate change -- our best impulses has always been to leave a better world for the next generation. 为你可能活着看不到、但你的孩子会看到的变革而奋斗。这就是全部意义所在。这就是我们的全部意义。无论是在冷战还是世界大战中，无论是争取经济或社会正义的运动，还是应对气候变化的努力——我们最美好的冲动始终是为下一代留下一个更美好的世界。
Maryam Ahmed is here today. Where is Maryam? Where are you? Are you also behind me? There's Maryam up top. It's that impulse that compels a young leader like Maryam to say, I may have grown up one of eight in a small West London house, but I'm going to use the education I got at Oxford to help any child have the same opportunities that I had. 玛丽亚姆·艾哈迈德今天也在座。玛丽亚姆在哪里？你在哪里？你也在我身后吗？玛丽亚姆在上面。正是这种冲动驱使像玛丽亚姆这样的青年领袖说，我可能在伦敦西部的一个小房子里长大，是八个孩子中的一个，但我要用我在牛津大学接受的教育，帮助每个孩子都能获得与我相同的机会。
And Ali Hashem is here. Where is Ali? Right there. It's the same impulse that's led Ali to say, I may have fled Syria as a child, but now that I'm in elective office, I'm going to use my power to help other refugees like me. 阿里·哈希姆也在座。阿里在哪里？就在那里。同样的冲动驱使阿里说，我可能小时候逃离了叙利亚，但既然我现在担任民选职务，我就要用我的权力帮助其他像我一样的难民。
And Becca Bunce is here today. Where is Becca? There's Becca. It's that impulse that compels a young leader like Becca to say that, as a woman with a disability, I may have fallen down at times, but people who believed in me picked me up. And I'm going to pay it forward by fighting for people with disabilities and against violence against women, because I believe the world can be a better place. 贝卡·邦斯今天也在座。贝卡在哪里？贝卡在那里。正是这种冲动驱使像贝卡这样的青年领袖说，作为一名残疾女性，我有时可能会跌倒，但相信我的人会扶起我。我要通过为残疾人争取权益、反对暴力侵害妇女来传递这份善意，因为我相信世界可以变得更美好。
You can't help but be inspired by the stories of young people like these, both in the United States and the United Kingdom. And think of all the good that we can do together. Think of all the good that we have yet to accomplish. There is not a challenge on this planet that our two countries don't take on together. And as long as your generation nurtures that special relationship, and learns from one another, and stands together, I'm confident the future is brighter than the past, and that our best days are still ahead of us. 你不禁会被这些年轻人的故事所鼓舞，无论是在美国还是在英国。想想我们可以一起做多少好事。想想我们还有多少美好的事情尚未完成。在这个星球上，没有任何挑战是我们两国不共同面对的。只要你们这一代人培育这种特殊关系，相互学习，站在一起，我相信未来会比过去更光明，我们最美好的日子还在前方。
So, with that, let's have a conversation. All right -- you guys were ready. Here's what we're going to do. I am going to go boy, girl, boy, girl, to make sure that it's fair. I'll try to get in as many questions as I can. Introduce yourself. We have mics. Right there. And tell me who you are and where you're from, and then try to keep your question -- or comment relatively brief so I can get as many as possible. All right? 那么，就让我们开始对话吧。好的——你们都准备好了。我们要做的是这样的。我会按男、女、男、女的顺序来，确保公平。我会尽量回答尽可能多的问题。请介绍一下你自己。我们有麦克风。就在那里。告诉我你是谁，来自哪里，然后尽量让你的问题——或评论——简短一些，这样我就能回答尽可能多的人。好吗？
And we will start right here. 我们就从这里开始。
Question: Mr. President, my name is Keona McCarney [ph] from Belfast, Northern Ireland. And this special relationship is felt nowhere stronger than in Northern Ireland, where America has played a really important role in our peace process. How will your predecessor and those to come after you help to foster that? 问：总统先生，我叫基奥娜·麦卡尼[音]，来自北爱尔兰贝尔法斯特。这种特殊关系在北爱尔兰感受最为强烈，美国在我们的和平进程中发挥了非常重要的作用。您的前任以及未来的继任者将如何帮助促进这种关系？
President Obama: Well, Northern Ireland is a story of perseverance. And the fact that your generation -- how old are you now? 奥巴马总统：嗯，北爱尔兰是一个关于毅力的故事。而你们这一代人——你现在多大了？
Question: Twenty-one. 问：21岁。
President Obama: Twenty-one. Your experience has been entirely different than your parents. There are still huge problems there -- some of them political, some of them economic. But every year we have, on St. Patrick's Day, folks from Ireland come. And we had both your First Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister come. And folks are working these issue through. 奥巴马总统：21岁。你的经历和你父母的完全不同。那里仍然有很多问题——有些是政治问题，有些是经济问题。但每年圣帕特里克节，爱尔兰的朋友们都会来。我们邀请了你们的首席部长和副首席部长。人们正在努力解决这些问题。
And what's interesting is the degree to which the example of peacemaking in Northern Ireland is now inspiring others. So in Colombia, Latin America right now, they're trying to undergo a peace process. And they've actually brought people from Northern Ireland to come and describe how do you overcome years of enmity and hatred and intolerance, and try to shape a country that is unified. 有趣的是，北爱尔兰和平的榜样现在正在激励其他人。在哥伦比亚，就在拉丁美洲，他们正在努力推进和平进程。他们实际上已经从北爱尔兰请人来讲述如何克服多年的敌意、仇恨和不容忍，努力塑造一个统一的国家。
You know this better than I do, but one of the things that you see in Northern Ireland that's most important is the very simple act of recognizing the humanity of those on the other side of the argument, having empathy and a sense of connection to people who are not like you. That's taken time, but you're now seeing that. And I think among young people who are interacting more, you're seeing that. 你比我更清楚这一点，但在北爱尔兰你看到的最重要的事情之一，就是承认辩论另一方的人性、对与你不同的人抱有同理心和联系感这一非常简单的行为。这需要时间，但你们现在看到了。我认为在更多互动的年轻人中，你们看到了这一点。
It requires also forging a new identity that is about being from Northern Ireland as opposed to being Unionist or Sinn Fein or -- just deciding the country as a whole is more important than any particular faction or any particular flag. 这还需要塑造一种新的身份认同，即以身为北爱尔兰人为荣，而不是作为统一党人或新芬党人——只决定整个国家比任何特定派别或任何特定旗帜都更重要。
But this is a challenging time to do that. Because there is so much uncertainty in the world right now, because things are changing so fast, there is a temptation to forge identities, tribal identities that give you a sense of certainty, a buffer against change. And that's something that our young people -- we have to fight against. 但现在这样做是一个充满挑战的时期。因为当今世界有太多的不确定性，因为变化太快，人们很容易形成身份认同，部落身份认同，给你一种确定感，一个抵御变化的缓冲。这是我们年轻人必须抵制的东西。
Whether you're talking about Africa, or the Middle East, or Northern Ireland, or Burma, the forces that lead to the most violence and the most injustice typically spring out of people saying, I want to feel important by dividing the world into "us" and "them." And "them" threatens me, and so I've got to make sure that my tribe strikes out first. 无论你谈论的是非洲、中东、北爱尔兰还是缅甸，导致最多暴力和最不公正的力量通常都源于人们说，我想通过把世界分成"我们"和"他们"来让自己感到重要。"他们"威胁我，所以我必须确保我的部落先出手。
And fighting that mentality and that impulse requires us to begin very young, with our kids. One of the most encouraging things I've seen in Northern Ireland is children starting to go to school together and having a sense that we're all in this together, as opposed to it's "us" against "them." 而抵制这种心态和冲动需要我们从孩子很小的时候就开始。我在北爱尔兰看到的最令人鼓舞的事情之一，就是孩子们开始一起上学，并有了一种我们同舟共济的感觉，而不是"我们"对抗"他们"。
But it's going to take some time. It will depend on leaders like you to make it happen, all right? No pressure. You're going to be fine. You're going to do it. All right, good question. 但这需要一些时间。这将取决于像你这样的领导人来实现，好吗？没有压力。你会做得很好的。你会做到的。好的，好问题。
All right, so it's a gentleman's turn. That gentleman right there. Yes, you. There's nobody behind you, right there. No, no, no. You. Hold on a second. I was pointing down here, but go ahead, and I'll call on him next. Go ahead. 好的，现在轮到一位先生了。那边那位先生。是的，就是你。你后面没人，就是你。不，不，不。是你。等一下。我本来指着下面的，但你先说吧，我下一个叫他。请说。
Question: Hi, I'm Peter from London. 问：嗨，我是来自伦敦的彼得。
President Obama: Hi, Peter. 奥巴马总统：嗨，彼得。
Question: I always imagine in the future, so if your successor comes to you and she says -- I suppose it could be Bernie. And she says, oh, he's prioritized education, health care, and defense. These are three issues we've got, we've got in the budget. And what's your priority and how do you think about ranking those? And what do you think -- what would you like to see as your core priorities there? 问：我总是畅想未来，如果你的继任者来找你，她说——我想可能是伯尼。她说，哦，他把教育、医疗和国防列为优先事项。这是我们面临的三个问题，我们预算里有。你的优先事项是什么？你如何考虑对它们进行排序？你认为——你希望看到自己的核心优先事项是什么？
President Obama: For the next President? 奥巴马总统：为下一任总统？
Question: And for yourself, as well. But, yes. 问：也包括你自己的。不过，是的。
President Obama: Well, one of the things that I've learned as President is I don't always have the luxury of just choosing one or two things. Turns out that how well we do in the United States and how well the globe does depends on a lot of things. 奥巴马总统：嗯，我作为总统学到的一件事是，我并不总是有只选择一两件事的奢侈。事实证明，美国的发展和全球的发展取决于很多因素。
My first priority is to keep the American people safe. Just like I'm sure Prime Minister Cameron, if you asked him, what is your first priority, it's keeping the United Kingdom safe. So security is always going to be a top-of-the-list item. 我的首要任务是保护美国人民的安全。就像我相信卡梅伦首相一样，如果你问他，你的首要任务是什么，他会说是保护英国的安全。所以安全永远是头等大事。
And the threats from ISIL and transnational terrorism are absolutely critical to address. But how we address them is important. And recognizing that security is not just a matter of military actions, but is a matter of the messages we send and the institutions that we build, and the diplomacy that we engage in, and the opportunities that we present to people. That is going to be important for the next President of the United States and any global leader to recognize. 来自伊斯兰国的威胁和跨国恐怖主义是绝对需要应对的。但我们如何应对它们也很重要。要认识到安全不仅仅是军事行动的问题，还关乎我们传递的信息、我们建立的机构、我们开展的外交，以及我们为人们提供的机会。下一任美国总统和任何全球领导人都需要认识到这一点。
I am in awe of our respective militaries, the men and women in uniform who serve their country and make such extraordinary sacrifices. But we do them a disservice if we think that the entire burden of keeping the world safe is just placed on those who are in uniform. That's where diplomacy comes in. 我对我们各自的军队、那些身着军装为国家服务并做出非凡牺牲的男女士兵充满敬意。但如果我们认为维护世界安全的全部重担只落在那些穿军装的人身上，那我们就是在亏待他们。这就是外交的用武之地。
You look at something like Iran where obviously the United States and Iran has had a terrible relationship since 1979; the theocracy there has engaged in all kinds of very dangerous and provocative behaviors, and they were on the path to obtain a nuclear weapon. The hard, diplomatic work that we did, along with the UK and the EU and members of the Security Council, to forge an agreement where they are no longer on the path to get a nuclear weapon -- we never engaged in a military strike to do it, but it resulted in a much safer world. 看看伊朗的情况，显然美国和伊朗自1979年以来关系一直很糟糕；那里的神权政权从事了各种非常危险和挑衅性行为，而且他们正走在获得核武器的道路上。我们与英国、欧盟以及安理会成员一起所做的艰苦外交工作，达成了一项协议，使他们不再走在获得核武器的道路上——我们从未进行过军事打击，但这让世界变得更加安全。
And the same is true when you think about development in sub-Saharan Africa. An organization like Boko Haram is ideologically driven and we have to help countries like Nigeria fight against the brutality and the rape and the pillage that they engage in. But if there are communities where children can't read or feed themselves, they are much more vulnerable to fostering these kind of demented ideologies. 当你想到撒哈拉以南非洲的发展时，情况也是如此。像博科圣地这样的组织是受意识形态驱动的，我们必须帮助尼日利亚等国打击他们所从事的残暴、强奸和掠夺行为。但如果有些社区的孩子不会读书或无法养活自己，他们就更容易滋生这种疯狂的意识形态。
So I think it's not an either-or question, and it's important for young people who -- very many thoughtful young people I think instinctually are suspicious of military action because too often it's been used as a knee-jerk response to problems as opposed to part of a broader set of solutions. But we have to do both, and we can do both. 所以我认为这不是一个非此即彼的问题，对于年轻人来说——我认为许多有思想的年轻人本能地怀疑军事行动，因为它太经常被用作对问题的下意识反应，而不是更广泛解决方案的一部分。但我们必须两者兼顾，我们也能够两者兼顾。
In terms of the United States right now, I would love to see a focus on early childhood education as the next step in filling out our social safety net. We don't yet have institutions that are fully adapted to the fact that, guess what, women work and support families, and they need things like paid family leave and high-quality child care. 就目前的美国而言，我希望看到对幼儿教育的关注，将其作为完善我们社会保障体系的下一步。我们还没有完全适应这样一个事实：你猜怎么着，妇女要工作并养家糊口，她们需要带薪育儿假和高质量儿童保育之类的东西。
And we know that when we invest in children between the ages of zero and three that the outcomes in terms of them getting effective educations and having thriving lives are enormous. We end up saving huge amounts of money from reduced crime and poverty if we just make that early investment. That's something that some countries do better than others, and we can learn from other countries along those lines. 而且我们知道，当我们投资于零到三岁的儿童时，他们在获得有效教育和过上幸福生活方面的成果是巨大的。如果我们只是进行早期投资，我们最终会从减少犯罪和贫困中节省大量资金。这方面有些国家做得比其他国家好，我们可以在这些方面向其他国家学习。
Across the board, across the developing world right now, I think we have to attend to issues of inequality. And one of the places to start addressing these issues of inequality is making sure that every child is getting a decent education. And a lot of our countries are not doing as well as they should on that front. 总的来说，在当今发展中国家，我认为我们必须关注不平等问题。而解决这些不平等问题的起点之一，就是确保每个孩子都能接受良好的教育。我们很多国家在这方面做得还不够好。
All right, who is next? The young lady right there. You, yes, you. 好的，下一位是谁？那边那位年轻女士。你，对，就是你。
Question: Hi, my name is Fatima, and my question is, do you think signing the T-TIP agreement will have a negative impact on the EU, due to the standards of regulation enforced? 问：嗨，我叫法蒂玛，我的问题是，你认为签署T-TIP协定会由于监管标准的问题对欧盟产生负面影响吗？
President Obama: For those of you who are not aware, T-TIP, as we call it, is the trade deal that is being negotiated between the United States and the European Union. We haven't gotten it done yet. 奥巴马总统：对于那些不了解的人来说，T-TIP，我们这么叫它，是美国和欧盟之间正在谈判的贸易协定。我们还没有完成谈判。
The truth is, is that the United States and Europe already have enormous amounts of trade, but there are still barriers that exist that prevent businesses and individuals that are providing services to each other to be able to do so seamlessly. And if we are able to get this deal done, it's estimated that it will create millions of jobs and billions of dollars of benefits on both sides of the Atlantic. 事实是，美国和欧洲之间已经有大量的贸易，但仍然存在一些壁垒，阻碍企业和个人相互提供服务时实现无缝对接。如果我们能够达成这项协议，据估计它将在大西洋两岸创造数百万个就业机会和数十亿美元的收益。
But getting trade deals done is tough, because each country has its own parochial interests and factions. And in order to get a trade deal done, each country has to give something up. So it's a time-consuming process. And people, right now, are especially suspicious of trade deals because trade deals feel as if they are accelerating some of these globalizing trends that have weakened labor unions and allow for jobs to be shipped to low-wage countries. 但达成贸易协定很困难，因为每个国家都有自己的狭隘利益和派系。为了达成贸易协定，每个国家都必须做出一些让步。所以这是一个耗时的过程。
And some of the criticism in the past of trade deals are legitimate. Sometimes they have served the interests of large corporations and not necessarily of workers in the countries that participate in them. 现在人们对贸易协定特别怀疑，因为贸易协定似乎正在加速其中一些削弱工会、允许工作岗位被转移到低工资国家的全球化趋势。过去对贸易协定的一些批评是合理的。有时它们服务于大公司的利益，而不一定是参与国工人的利益。
But we've just gone through this exercise between the United States and Asia, where we organized a large regional trade deal with 11 countries, and part of the argument that I'm making in the United States is that the answer to globalization and income inequality and lack of wage growth is not to try to pull up the drawbridge and shut off trade. 但我们刚刚在美国和亚洲之间进行了这样的尝试，我们与11个国家组织了一项大型区域贸易协定，我在美国提出的部分论点是，应对全球化、收入不平等和工资增长停滞的答案不是试图拉起吊桥、切断贸易。
The idea is to make sure that in these trade deals we are embedding standards and values that help lift workers' rights and help lift environmental standards and help fight against things like human trafficking and child labor. And our values should be embedded in how countries trade with each other. 而是要确保在这些贸易协定中，我们嵌入有助于提高工人权利、有助于提高环境标准、有助于打击人口贩运和童工等问题的标准和价值观。我们的价值观应该嵌入国家间的贸易方式中。
So, for example, Vietnam was one of the countries that is part of this Trans-Pacific Partnership, and we said to Vietnam, if you want access to our markets, we understand you have a different political system than us, but if workers have no rights and there's no possibility of organizing labor unions, we're not going to let you sell a bunch of sneakers and t-shirts into our country because by definition you're going to be undercutting the standards of living of folks in our country. 例如，越南是跨太平洋伙伴关系协定的参与国之一，我们对越南说，如果你想进入我们的市场，我们理解你们的政治制度与我们不同，但如果工人没有权利，没有组织工会的可能性，我们就不会让你们向我们国家出售大量运动鞋和T恤，因为那样你们必然会削弱我们国家人民的生活水平。
And so for the first time, the government of Vietnam has started to change its laws to recognize labor unions. Now, they're still suppressed. Those standards are not where they are in the United States or the UK. But it gives us a lever by which to begin to raise standards all around the world. 因此，越南政府首次开始修改法律，承认工会。现在，工会仍然受到压制。那些标准还没有达到美国或英国的水平。但它给了我们一个杠杆，开始在全世界提高标准。
Now, that's less of an issue between the United States and Europe. The main thing between the United States and Europe is trying to just break down some of the regulatory differences that make it difficult to do business back and forth. Plus, making sure those light sockets are all matched up. I mean, those light sockets are really irritating. 现在，这在美国和欧洲之间不是什么大问题。美欧之间的主要问题是努力打破一些监管差异，这些差异使得来回开展业务变得困难。另外，还要确保那些插座都能匹配。我的意思是，那些插座真的很烦。
Let's see. I promised I was going to call on this gentleman back here. Yes, sir. No, no, right here. You keep passing by this poor guy. 让我看看。我答应过要叫后面这位先生的。是的，先生。不，不，就是这里。你一直忽略这个可怜的家伙。
Question: My name is Elijah, I'm from London. After eight years, what would you say you want your legacy to be? 问：我叫伊莱贾，来自伦敦。八年之后，你希望自己留下的政治遗产是什么？
President Obama: Well, I mean, I still have a few more months. Actually, eight months and 52 days -- not that I'm counting. I just made that up, I actually don't know. It's roughly something like that. 奥巴马总统：嗯，我的意思是，我还有几个月的时间。实际上，还有八个月零五十二天——我可不是在数日子。我只是随口一说，其实我也不知道。大概就是这样吧。
It's interesting, when you're in the job, you're not thinking on a day-to-day basis about your legacy -- you're thinking about how do I get done what I'm trying to get done right now. And I don't think that I'll have a good sense of my legacy until 10 years from now, and I can look back with some perspective and get a sense of what worked and what didn't. 有趣的是，当你在这个职位上时，你不会每天都想着你的遗产——你想的是如何完成我现在想完成的事情。我认为要等到十年后，我才能对自己的遗产有一个清晰的认识，那时我可以回顾过去，从一定的角度来看待哪些奏效了，哪些没有。
There are things I'm proud of. The basic principle that in a country as wealthy as the United States, every person should have access to high-quality health care that they can afford -- that's something I'm proud of, I believe in. Saving the world economy from a Great Depression -- that was pretty good. 有一些事情我感到自豪。在一个像美国这样富裕的国家，每个人都应该能够获得负担得起的高质量医疗保健——这一基本原则是我感到自豪的，我坚信这一点。拯救世界经济免于大萧条——那也相当不错。
The first time I came to London was April of 2009, and the world economy was in a free fall, in part because of the reckless behavior of folks on Wall Street, but in part because of reckless behavior of a lot of financial institutions around the globe. For us to be able to mobilize the world community to take rapid action to stabilize the financial markets, and then in the United States to pass Wall Street reforms that make it much less likely that a crisis like that can happen again, I'm proud of that. 我第一次来伦敦是2009年4月，当时世界经济正在自由落体，部分原因是华尔街人士的鲁莽行为，但也因为全球许多金融机构的鲁莽行为。我们能够动员国际社会迅速采取行动稳定金融市场，然后在美国通过华尔街改革，使类似危机再次发生的可能性大大降低，我为此感到自豪。
I think on the international stage, the work that we did to get the possible nuclear weapons that Iran was developing out of Iran, and doing so without going to war is something I'm very proud of. 我认为在国际舞台上，我们所做的阻止伊朗发展核武器的工作，而且是在不诉诸战争的情况下做到的，这是我非常自豪的事情。
There are things that people don't pay a lot of attention to now, but the response to the Ebola crisis -- for about three weeks, everybody was sure that everybody was going to die -- we're all going to get Ebola, we're all going to die. And there was sort of hysteria about it. And then everybody forgot about it. And the reason everybody forgot about it was because we mounted what was probably one of the most effective, if not the most effective, international public health responses in the history of the world, and saved hundreds of thousands of lives. 有些事情现在人们不太关注，但应对埃博拉危机——大约有三周时间，每个人都确信所有人都会死——我们都会感染埃博拉，我们都会死。当时有一种歇斯底里的情绪。然后大家都忘了这件事。而大家之所以都忘了，是因为我们发起了可能是世界历史上最有效的国际公共卫生应对行动之一，拯救了数十万人的生命。
So, I'll look at a scorecard at the end. And I'm proud about the fact that I think that I have been true to myself during this process. I don't -- sometimes I look back at what I said when I was running for office and what I'm saying today, and they match up. So there's, I think, a certain core integrity to what I've been trying to do. 所以，最后我会看看成绩单。我感到自豪的是，在这个过程中我一直忠于自己。我不——有时我回顾我竞选时说的话和我今天说的话，它们是一致的。所以我认为我一直在努力做的事情有一定的核心诚信。
We've had failures, and occasionally we've been blocked, but this goes back to one of the themes of my opening statement, and it's important for all the young people here to remember. Change takes time. And oftentimes, what you start has to then be picked up by your successors or the next generation. 我们有过失败，偶尔也会受阻，但这又回到了我开场发言的主题之一，对这里所有的年轻人来说记住这一点很重要。改变需要时间。而且通常情况下，你开创的事业必须由你的继任者或下一代人来接手。
If you think about the gap between -- well, something I'm most familiar with -- the American Civil Rights Movement. You had abolitionists in the 1700s who were fighting against slavery, and for a hundred years built a movement that eventually led to a civil war, and the amendments to our Constitution that ended slavery and called for equal protection under the law. 如果你想想其中的差距——嗯，是我最熟悉的事情——美国民权运动。18世纪就有废奴主义者在反对奴隶制，经过一百年的运动建设，最终导致了一场内战，以及我们宪法的修正案，结束了奴隶制并要求法律平等保护。
It then took another hundred years for those rights that had been enshrined in the Constitution to actually be affirmed through the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. And then it's taken another 50 years to try to make sure that those rights are realized. And they're still not fully realized. There's still discrimination in aspects of American life, even with a black President. 又过了一百年，那些载入宪法的权利才通过1964年民权法案和1965年投票权法案真正得到确认。然后又花了五十年时间努力确保这些权利得到实现。而且它们还没有完全实现。美国生活的方方面面仍然存在歧视，即使有一位黑人总统。
And, in fact, one of the dangers has been that by electing a black President, people have then said, well, there must be no problems at all. And obviously you see Ferguson and some of the issues that we've seen in the criminal justice system indicating the degree to which that was always false. 事实上，其中一个危险是，选出了一位黑人总统后，人们就会说，嗯，那肯定没有任何问题了。显然你看到了弗格森事件以及我们在刑事司法系统中看到的一些问题，表明这种想法一直都是错误的。
So, does that mean all the work that was done along the way was worthless? No, of course not. But it does mean that if any of you begin to work on an issue that you care deeply about, don't be disappointed if a year out, things haven't been completely solved. Don't give up and succumb to cynicism if, after five years, poverty has not been eradicated, and prejudice is still out there somewhere, and we haven't resolved all of the steps we need to take to reverse climate change. It's okay. 那么，这是否意味着一路走来所做的所有工作都是毫无价值的？不，当然不是。但这确实意味着，如果你们中的任何人开始致力于一个你深深关心的问题，如果一年后事情还没有完全解决，不要失望。如果五年后贫困还没有被根除，偏见还在某处存在，我们还没有解决扭转气候变化所需的所有步骤，不要放弃并屈服于犬儒主义。没关系。
Dr. King said, "The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice." And it doesn't bend on its own. It bends because we pull it in that direction. But it requires a series of generations working and building off of what the previous one has done. 金博士说过："道德宇宙的弧线很长，但它向着正义弯曲。"而且它不会自己弯曲。它弯曲是因为我们把它拉向那个方向。但这需要一代又一代人的努力，在前人的基础上建设。
And so, as President, I think about it in those ways. I consider myself a runner, and I run my leg of the race. But then I've got a baton and I'm passing it on to the next person. And hopefully they're running in the right direction, as opposed to the wrong direction. And hopefully they don't drop the baton. And then they go and then they pass it on to somebody else. And that's how I think you've got to think about change, generally. 因此，作为总统，我是这样看待的。我认为自己是一名赛跑运动员，我跑我自己的那一程。但然后我手里有接力棒，我要把它传给下一个人。希望他们朝着正确的方向跑，而不是错误的方向。希望他们不要掉棒。然后他们继续跑，再传给别人。我认为这就是你思考变革的方式，总的来说。
All right. It is a young woman's turn. Yes, right here, in the red. Yes, you. No, no, that's you. You're wearing red. Yes. 好的。现在轮到一位年轻女士了。对，就是这里，穿红衣服的那位。是的，你。不，不，就是你。你穿着红色衣服。是的。
Question: Hi, I'm Louisa. I'm a climate change campaigner, and I want to thank you for your smart and creative way to try and sort of get a grip on the problem. 问：嗨，我是路易莎。我是一名气候变化活动家，我想感谢你以明智和创新的方式来努力解决这个问题。
President Obama: Yes. 奥巴马总统：嗯。
Question: And given you've been talking about the value of social movements, I was wondering which campaigns have made you change your mind while you've been in office and inspired you to do things, and where you think we need more external pressure from campaigns to create meaningful change. 问：既然你一直在谈论社会运动的价值，我想知道在你任职期间，哪些运动改变了你的想法，激励了你去做事情，以及你认为我们在哪些方面需要更多来自运动的外部压力来创造有意义的变革。
President Obama: Well, that's an interesting question. And are you talking about climate change, in particular? Or are you talking about just generally, on a whole spectrum of issues? That's interesting. It's interesting because I started as a community organizer trying to pressure politicians into getting things done. And then -- now I'm on the other side, and so what has worked and what hasn't. 奥巴马总统：嗯，这是个有趣的问题。你是特指气候变化吗？还是说一般来说，在一系列问题上？这很有趣。有意思是因为我最初是一名社区组织者，试图向政治家施压让他们做事。然后——现在我在另一边，所以我知道什么有效，什么无效。
Well, in the United States what's been remarkable is the rapidity with which the marriage equality movement changed the political landscape and hearts and minds, and resulted in actual changes in law. It's probably been the fastest set of changes in terms of a social movement that I've seen. 在美国，令人瞩目的是婚姻平等运动改变政治格局和人们思想观念的速度之快，并带来了实际的法律变化。这可能是我所见过的社会运动中变化最快的一次。
On issues of LGBT rights generally, I didn't need a lot of pressure. I came in working on ending a policy called "Don't ask, Don't tell," that was preventing LGBT citizens from serving in our military openly. We did that very systematically. Policies in terms of those who had HIV-AIDS being able to emigrate to our country, hospital visitations -- there were a whole host of things that we were already doing. 一般来说，在LGBT权利问题上，我不需要太多压力。我上任时就致力于结束一项名为"不要问，不要说"的政策，该政策阻止LGBT公民公开在军队服役。我们非常系统地做到了这一点。关于艾滋病毒/艾滋病患者能够移民到我们国家、医院探视权等政策——我们已经在做很多事情了。
But on marriage equality, I was in favor of what's called civil unions. My notion was initially that labeling those partnerships as marriage wasn't necessary as long as people were getting the same rights, and it would disentangle them from some of the religious connotations that marriage had in the minds of a lot of Americans. 但在婚姻平等问题上，我最初支持所谓的民事结合。我的想法是，只要人们获得相同的权利，就没有必要将这些伴侣关系贴上婚姻的标签，这样可以摆脱婚姻在许多美国人心目中的一些宗教内涵。
And that's where I think -- I have to confess my children generally had an impact on me. People I loved who were in monogamous same-sex relationships explained to me what I should have understood earlier, which is it was not simply about legal rights but about a sense of stigma, that if you're calling it something different it means that somehow it means less in the eyes of society. 我必须承认，在这一点上，我的孩子们通常对我有影响。我所爱的那些处于一夫一妻制同性关系中的人向我解释了我本应该更早理解的道理，那就是这不仅仅是法律权利的问题，而是一种耻辱感的问题——如果你给它起一个不同的名字，那就意味着在社会眼中它 somehow 不那么重要。
I believe that the manner in which the LGBT community described marriage equality as not some radical thing, but actually reached out to people who said they care about family values, and said, if you care about everything that families provide -- stability and commitment and partnership -- then this is actually a pretty conservative position to take, that you should be in favor of it. I thought there was a lot of smarts in reaching out and building and framing the issue in a way that could bring in people who initially didn't agree with them. 我相信，LGBT群体将婚姻平等描述为不是什么激进的事情，而是主动向那些自称关心家庭价值观的人伸出手，说，如果你关心家庭提供的一切——稳定、承诺和伴侣关系——那么支持婚姻平等实际上是一个相当保守的立场。我认为，这种主动接触、构建和以能够争取最初不同意他们的人的方式来框定问题，非常聪明。
As a general rule, I think that what, for example, Black Lives Matter is doing now to bring attention to the problem of a criminal justice system that sometimes is not treating people fairly based on race, or reacting to shootings of individuals by police officers, has been really effective in bringing attention to problems. 一般来说，我认为，例如"黑人的命也是命"运动现在正在做的事情，提请人们关注刑事司法系统有时基于种族不公平对待人民、或对警察枪击个人事件做出反应的问题，在引起人们对问题的关注方面非常有效。
One of the things I caution young people about, though, that I don't think is effective is once you've highlighted an issue and brought it to people's attention and shined a spotlight, and elected officials or people who are in a position to start bringing about change are ready to sit down with you, then you can't just keep on yelling at them. And you can't refuse to meet because that might compromise the purity of your position. 不过，我要告诫年轻人的一件事是，我认为一旦你突出了一个问题，引起了人们的注意，照亮了 spotlight，而民选官员或有能力开始推动变革的人准备好与你坐下来谈谈时，你不能只是一直对他们大喊大叫。你不能拒绝会面，因为那可能会损害你立场的纯洁性。
The value of social movements and activism is to get you at the table, get you in the room, and then to start trying to figure out how is this problem going to be solved. You, then, have a responsibility to prepare an agenda that is achievable, that can institutionalize the changes you seek, and to engage the other side, and occasionally to take half a loaf that will advance the gains that you seek, understanding that there's going to be more work to do, but this is what is achievable at this moment. 社会运动和行动主义的价值在于让你坐到谈判桌前，让你进入房间，然后开始想办法解决这个问题。然后，你有责任制定一个可实现的议程，可以将你寻求的变革制度化，并与对方接触，偶尔接受半块面包来推进你寻求的成果，同时明白还有更多的工作要做，但这是目前可以实现的。
And too often what I see is wonderful activism that highlights a problem, but then people feel so passionately and are so invested in the purity of their position that they never take that next step and say, okay, well, now I got to sit down and try to actually get something done. 而且我经常看到的是，精彩的行动主义突出了问题，但随后人们充满激情，过于执着于自己立场的纯洁性，以至于他们从未迈出下一步，说，好吧，现在我得坐下来，努力真正做成一些事情。
So the Paris agreement that we just negotiated and that a number of countries just signed yesterday on Earth Day -- the agreement we shaped is not going to, by itself, solve climate change. The science argues that the world is going to need to do a lot more in order for us to prevent catastrophic climate change. 我们刚刚谈判达成的巴黎协定，许多国家昨天在地球日签署了——我们制定的协定本身并不能解决气候变化问题。科学表明，世界需要做更多的工作，才能防止灾难性的气候变化。
But my strategy from the start has been, all right, if I can get the Chinese to agree with us, as the two largest emitters, that we have to do something, and lock in China with us for the first time to take some serious steps around reducing carbon emissions, and if by getting the two largest emitters I can now leverage all the other smaller countries to also put in their own targets for emissions, 但我从一开始的策略就是，好吧，如果我能让中国作为两个最大排放国之一与我们达成一致，即我们必须有所作为，并首次让中国与我们一道承诺采取一些严肃的步骤来减少碳排放，如果通过让两个最大排放国参与，我现在可以利用所有其他较小的国家也设定自己的排放目标，
And if we can set up an architecture that recognizes the need for carbon reduction and can allow countries to hold each other accountable, then that's a start. And we can now start turning up the dial as our science and our understanding improves, and as technology improves, so that poor countries don't feel that they have to choose between development and carbon reductions. And there are all kinds of compromises in that. But it's a start. 如果我们能够建立一个框架，认识到减碳的必要性，并允许各国相互问责，那么这就是一个开始。然后，随着我们的科学和理解的提高，随着技术的进步，我们可以逐步加大力度，这样贫穷国家就不会觉得他们必须在发展和减碳之间做出选择。其中有各种各样的妥协。但这是一个开始。
Now, there are some climate activists who, after the Paris agreement was signed, said, ah, this is not enough! But they're not in a conversation, apparently, with Prime Minister Modi of India, for example, who's thinking, I've still got several hundred million people without electricity, and I have some obligation to try to relieve them of their poverty and suffering, so I've got to balance those equities against the imperatives of the planet as a whole. 现在，有一些气候活动家在巴黎协定签署后说，啊，这还不够！但他们显然没有与印度总理莫迪对话，比如，他在想，我还有几亿人没有电，我有责任努力缓解他们的贫困和苦难，所以我必须在这些公平问题与地球整体的迫切需要之间取得平衡。
Now, the good news is, is that most of the groups that have been involved in this process have been pretty sophisticated. But that's a general principle that I think all of you should consider. Make noise and occasionally you can act a little crazy to get attention, to shine a spotlight on the issue, to highlight it. 好消息是，参与这一进程的大多数团体都相当成熟。但这是我认为你们所有人都应该考虑的一个普遍原则。制造噪音，偶尔你可以表现得有点疯狂来吸引注意力，把聚光灯照在问题上，突出它。
But once people who are in power and in a position to actually do something about it are prepared to meet and listen with you, do your homework; be prepared; present a plausible set of actions; and negotiate and be prepared to move the ball down the field even if it doesn't get all the way there. All right? 但是，一旦当权者和有能力实际做些事情的人准备好与你会面和倾听，你就要做好功课；做好准备；提出一套合理可行的行动方案；进行谈判，并准备好将球向前推进，即使它没有完全到达终点。好吗？
Question: Do I have permission to act a little bit crazy? -- 问：我可以表现得有点疯狂吗？——
President Obama: No. You do, but it wouldn't be fair if you just start yelling out a question and...because it's a guy's turn also. 奥巴马总统：不行。你可以，但如果你只是喊出一个问题那就不公平了……因为也该轮到一位男士了。
All right, go ahead. 好的，你说吧。
Question: Thank you, President, firstly, for all you did for the world and for mankind. I think you made a great contribution and you inspire a lot of young people across the world. But my question is slightly -- on East Africa -- since you said you can see an equation. Just last week, 400 young boys died in the Mediterranean Sea in trying to seek a better life. Most left in Somalia. 问：总统，首先感谢您为世界和人类所做的一切。我认为您做出了巨大贡献，您激励了全世界很多年轻人。但我的问题稍微有点——关于东非——既然您说您可以看到一个等式。就在上周，400名年轻男孩在地中海试图寻求更好的生活时死亡。大多数来自索马里。
And those young boys have lost their livelihoods. Since, there is international ships coming to the Somali territorial water, and those ships have been trying to protect the international ships from the piracy. But at the same time they have been doing it, there has been a lot of proven cases that they have been dumped as waste in the Somali Sea. 这些年轻男孩失去了生计。因为有国际船只进入索马里领海，这些船只一直在努力保护国际船只免受海盗侵害。但与此同时，在他们这样做的过程中，有很多已证实的案例表明他们在索马里海域倾倒废物。
And also there is proven cases within the coast cities that children are dying with very strange diseases that they've never seen, that these things are coming to the coast came out from the sea. 而且在沿海城市也有已证实的案例，孩子们死于他们从未见过的非常奇怪的疾病，这些东西都是从海里来到海岸的。
So today I have the opportunity to ask you, while you're here for the next eight or nine months that you have, can you kindly use your leverage within the international arena to galvanize the international community to look at this issue? And can you share some practical steps that you can take to ensure -- 所以今天我有机会问您，在您剩下的八九个月任期内，您能否利用您在国际舞台上的影响力，动员国际社会来关注这个问题？您能否分享一些您可以采取的实际步骤来确保——
President Obama: Well, I'll be honest with you. I'm not fully familiar with some of the issues you referred to. I'm certainly familiar with the challenges that Somalia has been going through. And we've been working aggressively to try to help Mogadishu develop a functioning state that can protect its people and that can get an economy moving that gives young people opportunity. 奥巴马总统：嗯，老实跟你说。我对你提到的一些问题并不完全熟悉。我当然了解索马里一直面临的挑战。我们一直在积极努力帮助摩加迪沙建立一个正常运作的国家，保护其人民，并推动经济发展，为年轻人提供机会。
I'm certainly familiar with the issues of piracy and the international concerns that led to many of these ships patrolling these areas. I'm less familiar with some of the issues that you discussed. So what I'll do is, after this meeting, as we're shaking hands, I'll try to get some additional information from you. 我当然了解海盗问题以及导致许多船只在这些地区巡逻的国际关切。我对你讨论的一些问题不太熟悉。所以我要做的是，会议结束后，在我们握手时，我会尽力从你那里获得更多信息。
One of the things I've learned as President is, although you can always fake your way through an answer, sometimes it's really good just to say, you know what, I don't know all the answers on this one. So I'll find out more about the specifics that you're talking about. 我作为总统学到的一件事是，虽然你总是可以假装知道答案，但有时候说一句"你知道吗，这个问题我不是所有答案都知道"真的很好。所以我会了解更多你所说的具体情况。
All right. See, now since you've raised your hand and you didn't continue to act crazy, I'm going to go ahead and call on you. Go ahead. 好的。你看，既然你举了手，而且没有继续表现得疯狂，我就叫你了。请说。
Question: First of all, sincerest apologies. I guess -- 问：首先，非常抱歉。我想——
President Obama: That's okay -- 奥巴马总统：没关系——
Question: -- I got overwhelmed. 问：——我太激动了。
President Obama: You got -- You got excited. 奥巴马总统：你——你太激动了。
Question: My name is Maria Munir. And you've been speaking a lot about how we have to become the change that we want to see. And you've spoken about progress, about human rights, and about how we in the United States and the UK need to lead in terms of civil rights movements and LGBTQ issues. Now I'm about to do something terrifying, which is I'm coming out to you as a non-binary person, which means that I don't fit within -- I'm getting emotional, I'm so sorry. 问：我叫玛丽亚·穆尼尔。您一直在谈论我们如何成为我们希望看到的改变。您谈到了进步，谈到了人权，谈到了我们美国和英国如何需要在民权运动和LGBTQ问题上发挥领导作用。现在我要做一件可怕的事情，那就是我要向您出柜，我是一个非二元性别者，这意味着我不属于——我有点情绪化了，非常抱歉。
President Obama: That's okay. 奥巴马总统：没关系。
Question: I come from a -- I'm from Pakistani-Muslim background, which inevitably has cultural implications. And I know that in North Carolina, recently, with the bathroom bill, and people are being forced obviously to produce birth certificates to prove their gender in order to go to a toilet. In UK, we don't recognize non-binary people under the Equality Act, so we literally have no rights. So if there was any discrimination, there's nothing we can do. 问：我来自——我来自巴基斯坦穆斯林背景，这不可避免地有文化含义。我知道最近在北卡罗来纳州，有厕所法案，人们显然被迫出示出生证明来证明自己的性别才能上厕所。在英国，我们的《平等法案》不承认非二元性别者，所以我们 literally 没有任何权利。所以如果有任何歧视，我们什么也做不了。
I've been working for the last nine months with the UK Civil Service Fast Stream with Julianne Smith in order to do what I can, even though I'm still at university and running for local election at the same time. I managed to get them to respect pronouns. I've managed to get them to commit to gender-neutral toilets. 在过去的九个月里，我一直在与英国公务员快速通道计划的朱莉安娜·史密斯合作，尽我所能，尽管我还在上大学，同时还在参加地方选举。我设法让他们尊重人称代词。我设法让他们承诺设立性别中立厕所。
And these are thing I've done as a student. And I really, really wish that yourself and David Cameron would take us seriously as transgender people. And perhaps you could elucidate as to what you can do to go beyond what has been accepted as the LGBTQ rights movement, in including people who fit outside the social norms. 这些都是我作为学生所做的事情。我真的、真的希望您和戴维·卡梅伦能认真对待我们跨性别者的问题。也许您可以说明一下，您能做些什么来超越已被接受的LGBTQ权利运动，将那些不符合社会规范的人包括进来。
President Obama: First of all, that wasn't that crazy. I thought you were going to ask to come up here and dance with me or something. But, look, I'm incredibly proud of the steps it sounds like you've already taken to speak out about your own experience and then to try to create a social movement and change laws. It sounds to me like you're on the right track. 奥巴马总统：首先，那还不算太疯狂。我以为你会要求上来和我跳舞什么的。但是，听着，我为你已经采取的步骤感到无比自豪，你敢于说出自己的经历，然后试图发起社会运动和改变法律。在我看来，你走在正确的轨道上。
I can't speak for David Cameron, although I will say that on LGBT issues, I think David has been ahead of the curve relative to a lot of other leaders around the world and even here in the UK. I can say from my perspective that we're taking a lot of serious steps to address these issues within the federal government. 我不能代表戴维·卡梅伦说话，但我想说，在LGBT问题上，我认为戴维相对于世界上很多其他领导人，甚至相对于英国国内的很多人，都是走在前列的。我可以从我的角度说，我们正在联邦政府内部采取许多严肃的步骤来解决这些问题。
The challenge we've had is North Carolina, the law that comes up, for example, that's a state law. And because of our system of government, I can't overturn on my own state laws unless a federal law is passed that prohibits states from doing these things. And with the Congress I currently have, that's not likely to happen. 我们面临的挑战是北卡罗来纳州的法律，比如说，那是州法律。由于我们的政府体制，我不能自己推翻州法律，除非通过一项联邦法律禁止各州做这些事情。而以目前的国会情况来看，这不太可能发生。
But we're doing a lot of work administratively. And as I said, you should feel encouraged just by virtue of the fact that I think social attitudes on this issue have changed faster than I've seen on any other issue. It doesn't feel fast enough for you or for those who are impacted. And that's good -- you shouldn't feel satisfied. You should keep pushing. But I think the trend lines are good on this. We're moving in the right direction -- and in part, because of a courageous act of young people like yourself. So stick with it. 但我们在行政方面做了很多工作。正如我所说，你应该感到鼓舞，因为我认为这个问题上的社会态度变化速度比我见过的任何其他问题都快。对你或那些受影响的人来说，这可能还不够快。这很好——你不应该感到满足。你应该继续推动。但我认为趋势线是好的。我们正在朝着正确的方向前进——部分原因是像你这样的年轻人的勇敢行为。所以坚持下去。
All right. Let's see. Gentleman in the green here. 好的。让我看看。穿绿衣服的那位先生。
Question: Thank you much. I agree with everything you said so far about compromise. But in an age of polarized politics, how do you inspire people to commit to compromise and fighting for the middle ground? 问：非常感谢。我同意你到目前为止所说的关于妥协的一切。但在政治极化的时代，你如何激励人们致力于妥协，为中间立场而战？
President Obama: I think it's a great question. It's something that I wrestle with. I would distinguish between compromising on principles and compromising in getting things done in the here and now. And what I mean by that is I am uncompromising on the notion that every person, regardless of race, religion, sexual orientation, ethnicity, has a dignity and worth and have to be treated equally. So I'm uncompromising in that basic principle. 奥巴马总统：我认为这是个很好的问题。这是我一直在思考的问题。我会区分原则上的妥协和在当下做事中的妥协。我的意思是，在每个人——无论种族、宗教、性取向、族裔——都有尊严和价值，都必须受到平等对待这一观念上，我是绝不妥协的。所以在这个基本原则上我是绝不妥协的。
And I'm also of the belief that in order to realize the principle, every child has to have true opportunity; that every child is deserving of a decent education, and decent health care, and the ability to go to college so that they can make of themselves what they will. So that's a powerful principle in me. That drives my politics. 我还相信，为了实现这一原则，每个孩子都必须有真正的机会；每个孩子都应该得到良好的教育、良好的医疗保健，以及上大学的能力，这样他们才能成就自己。这是我心中一个强大的原则。它驱动着我的政治理念。
But if I'm sitting with Congress, and I have the opportunity to get half a million more kids into an early childhood education program, even though I know that that will 2 million who need it out of the program, but the alternative is none, I'll take half a million, right? And I can look at myself in the mirror and feel good about the 500,000 that I'm helping, knowing that the next round of budget negotiations that we have, I'm going to go for another half a million, and I'm going to go for another half a million after that. 但如果我与国会坐在一起，我有机会让50万更多的孩子加入幼儿教育计划，尽管我知道这会让200万有需要的孩子被排除在外，但如果选择是一个都没有，我会选择50万，对吗？我可以看着镜子里的自己，为我帮助的50万人感到高兴，因为我知道下一轮预算谈判中，我会再争取50万，再下一轮我还会再争取50万。
So I think it's important for everyone to understand that you'd have to be principled, you have to have a North Star, a moral compass. There should be a reason for you getting involved in social issues other than vanity, or just trying to mix and mingle and meet cute people that you're interested in -- although that's not a bad reason. 所以我认为对每个人来说，重要的是要明白你必须有原则，你必须有一颗北极星，一个道德指南针。你参与社会问题应该有一个理由，而不仅仅是虚荣，或者只是为了社交和认识你感兴趣的可爱的人——虽然这也不是一个坏理由。
But you have to recognize that, particularly in pluralistic societies and democratic governments like we have in the United States and the UK, there are people who disagree with us. They have different perspectives. They come from different points of view. And they're not bad people just because they disagree with us. They may, in fact, assert that they've got similar principles to ours, but they just disagree with us on the means to vindicate those principles. 但你必须认识到，特别是在像美国和英国这样的多元社会和民主政府中，有不同意我们的人。他们有不同的观点。他们来自不同的角度。他们不会因为不同意我们就成了坏人。事实上，他们可能会声称他们有着与我们相似的原则，只是在实现这些原则的手段上与我们有分歧。
And you are absolutely right that we are in this age now -- partly because of what's happened with our media, in which people from different political parties, different political orientations can spend the bulk of their day only talking to, and listening to, and hearing the perspectives of people who already agree with them. 你说得完全正确，我们现在正处于这样一个时代——部分原因是我们的媒体发生了什么，来自不同政党、不同政治倾向的人们可以把一天中的大部分时间只花在与已经同意他们的人交谈、倾听和了解观点上。
I know less about the UK media, but in the United States, it used to be we had three television stations. And people might complain about the dominance of these three television stations, but there was one virtue to them, which was everybody was kind of watching the same thing and had the same understanding of what the facts were on any given issue. 我对英国媒体了解较少，但在美国，过去我们只有三家电视台。人们可能会抱怨这三家电视台的主导地位，但它们有一个优点，那就是每个人都在看同样的东西，对任何给定问题的事实都有同样的理解。
And today, you have 500 television stations, and the Internet will give you a thousand different sources of information. And so what's increasingly happening in the United States is, is that if you're a conservative, then you're watching Fox News or you're reading a conservative blogpost. If you're a liberal, then you're reading the Huffington Post or reading The New York Times. 而今天，你有500个电视台，互联网会给你上千种不同的信息来源。所以在美国越来越发生的是，如果你是保守派，你就看福克斯新闻或读保守派博客。如果你是自由派，你就读《赫芬顿邮报》或《纽约时报》。
And there's this massive divergence that's taking place in terms of just what the agreed-upon facts and assumptions are that we're talking about. And that does make it harder to compromise. 在我们所谈论的公认事实和假设方面，正在发生巨大的分歧。这确实让妥协变得更加困难。
And there have been some interesting studies that have been done showing that if you spend time with people who just agree with you on any particular issue, that you become even more extreme in your convictions because you're never contradicted and everybody just mutually reinforces their perspective. 有一些有趣的研究表明，如果你花时间和那些在任何特定问题上都只同意你的人在一起，你会变得更加极端，因为你永远不会受到反驳，每个人都只是相互加强彼此的观点。
That's why I think it is so important for all the young people here to seek out people who don't agree with you. That will teach you to compromise. It will also help you, by the way, if you decide to get married. 这就是为什么我认为对这里所有的年轻人来说，寻找那些不同意你的人是如此重要。那会教会你妥协。顺便说一句，如果你决定结婚的话，这也会有帮助。
But the most important thing is understanding that compromise does not mean surrendering what you believe, it just means that you are recognizing the truth, the fact that these other people who disagree with you or this other political party, or this other nation -- that they have dignity too, that they have worth as well, and you have to hear them and see them. And sometimes we don't. 但最重要的是要明白，妥协并不意味着放弃你的信仰，它只是意味着你承认真相，承认那些不同意你的人或那个其他政党，或者那个其他国家——他们也有尊严，他们也有价值，你必须倾听他们，看到他们。有时候我们没有做到。
All right, how much time do I have, by the way, people? One more question? I'll make it two. I'll make it two. Let's see. The young lady right there. Go ahead. 好的，对了，我还有多少时间，各位？再问一个问题？我答应两个。我答应两个。让我看看。那边那位年轻女士。请说。
Question: Good morning, Mr. President. 问：早上好，总统先生。
President Obama: Good morning. 奥巴马总统：早上好。
Question: I'm losing my voice, so I apologize. 问：我嗓子哑了，所以我道歉。
President Obama: That's okay. 奥巴马总统：没关系。
Question: My name is [inaudible at: 62:33], and my question for you is, what leadership skills have you found yourself relying on most during your time in office, and why? 问：我叫[62分33秒处听不清]，我的问题是，在您任职期间，您发现自己最依赖哪些领导技能，为什么？
President Obama: A thick skin -- is very helpful. I was just talking about this, actually, with the Ambassador last night. Where is Matthew? I think I was just talking about this. Yes, I think we were just talking about this. 奥巴马总统：厚脸皮——非常有用。其实我昨晚还和大使谈论这个问题。马修在哪里？我想我刚才在说这个。是的，我想我们刚才在谈论这个。
Two things I'm pretty good at -- well, let me say this. One of the things that happens as you get older is you are, hopefully, more aware of and honest with yourself about what your strengths are and what your weaknesses are. I could list my weaknesses, but you asked me about the things I've found useful, so I'll skip over that. 我相当擅长的两件事——嗯，让我这样说吧。随着年龄增长，你会发生的一件事是，希望你能更清楚、更诚实地认识到自己的长处和短处。我可以列出我的短处，但你问的是我觉得有用的东西，所以我就跳过那个。
Two things I'm pretty good at -- one is attracting talent. And anybody who wants to be a leader, I would advise you to spend a lot of time thinking about how am I helping other people do great things. Because, as President of the United States, I am dealing with so many issues and I can't be expert on everything, and I can't be everywhere. 我相当擅长的两件事——一是吸引人才。任何想成为领导者的人，我都建议你花很多时间思考我如何帮助其他人成就伟大的事业。因为，作为美国总统，我要处理如此多的问题，我不可能什么都懂，也不可能无处不在。
And the one thing I can do is assemble a team of people who are really good and really smart and really committed, and care about their mission, and have integrity, and then give them the tools, or get rid of the barriers, or help coach them so that they can do a great job. 我能做的一件事就是组建一支真正优秀、真正聪明、真正有奉献精神、关心使命、有诚信的团队，然后给他们工具，或消除障碍，或帮助指导他们，让他们能够出色地完成工作。
And I think leaders who think that their primary job is to make everybody do exactly what they want, as opposed to helping to organize really talented people to collectively go to where we need to go typically stumble. You should be predisposed to other people's power -- how can I make the people around me do great things. If they do, then, by definition, I'll succeed, because that's my job, is to get this team moving in the right direction. 我认为那些认为自己的主要工作是让每个人都完全按照自己的意愿行事，而不是帮助组织真正有才华的人共同前往我们需要去的地方的领导者，通常都会遇到挫折。你应该倾向于激发他人的力量——我如何让周围的人成就伟大的事业。如果他们做到了，那么根据定义，我就会成功，因为我的工作就是让这个团队朝着正确的方向前进。
So that's one. The second thing, I'm pretty good at setting a course, a general direction, and being able to hopefully unify that team around that general direction. Oftentimes I have to rely on other people to implement and execute to get there, but setting a direction requires also listening to what is it that's important to people. 这是一点。第二点，我相当擅长设定方向，一个总体方向，并能够希望将团队团结在这个总体方向周围。很多时候我必须依靠其他人来实施和执行以达到目标，但设定方向也需要倾听对人们来说什么是重要的。
And the third thing is synthesizing -- I think it's very useful as a leader to be able to -- particularly on complex issues -- to sit around a table and hear a lot of different points of view, and be able to get to what's the nub of the issue, what's the heart of the problem, what's the essential conflict that we're trying to resolve, and get everybody to see the problem the same -- see what the problem is. 第三点是综合能力——我认为作为领导者，能够——特别是在复杂问题上——围坐在桌子旁听很多不同的观点，然后能够抓住问题的核心，问题的本质是什么，我们试图解决的根本冲突是什么，并让每个人都以同样的方式看待问题——看清问题是什么。
Because I see a lot of organizations, they spend a lot of time doing a lot of work, but they're working on the wrong thing or they're distracted from the essential issue. Somebody once said, it's more important to do the right thing than to do things right. And what they meant was you can hack away and build this amazing path through the jungle, but if you're headed in the wrong direction then it's a waste of time. So you've got to make sure that people understand what it is that we're trying to solve. 因为我看到很多组织，他们花很多时间做很多工作，但他们在做错误的事情，或者他们从根本问题上分心了。有人曾经说过，做正确的事比把事情做对更重要。他们的意思是，你可以披荆斩棘在丛林中开辟一条惊人的道路，但如果你走错了方向，那就是浪费时间。所以你必须确保人们理解我们要解决的是什么。
Yeah, that's enough. 是的，够了。
I've got time for one more. All right. The Sikh gentleman. Yes. 我还有时间再回答一个问题。好的。那位锡克教先生。是的。
Question: Hello. So my issue -- my question is related to an issue which minorities face in the USA. We see many times Sikhs being discriminated against, as Muslims, and even if we were Muslims, that still doesn't give the right for anyone to be Islamophobic to us. So my question is, why isn't a firm stand being taken on issues such as ample security, where there's a lot of issues with TSA? 问：您好。我的问题——我的问题与美国少数族裔面临的一个问题有关。我们经常看到锡克教徒受到歧视，被当作穆斯林，即使我们是穆斯林，也不意味着任何人有权对我们有伊斯兰恐惧症。所以我的问题是，为什么在安检等问题上没有采取坚定立场，TSA有很多问题？
Since your neighbors in Canada -- Justin Trudeau, he recently said that he's going to apologize for an issue which happened 102 years ago, and he has recently become Prime Minister, so why is it that he is taking a firm stand on an issue which happened so long ago, whereas countries such as the USA aren't taking a stand against discrimination when it is 2016? 既然你们的邻居加拿大——贾斯廷·特鲁多，他最近说他要为102年前发生的一件事道歉，而且他最近才成为总理，那么为什么他能对发生在这么久以前的事情采取坚定立场，而像美国这样的国家在2016年却不站出来反对歧视呢？
President Obama: Hold on. Before everybody starts applauding that question -- let's make sure that we're on the same wavelength in terms of facts. I have taken an adamant stand against making sure that we're not racially profiling in airports. And it is explicit TSA policy not to racially profile. 奥巴马总统：等一下。在大家都为这个问题鼓掌之前——让我们确保我们在事实层面上是一致的。我已经坚定地站出来反对在机场进行种族定性。TSA明确的政策就是不进行种族定性。
Now, does that mean that out of the hundreds of airports and thousands of TSA officials that there has not been times where a Sikh is going through the airport and somebody targets them for a secondary screening because of what they look like? Of course that's happened. But that's not my administration's policy. And I'm happy to provide you with chapter and verse as to why we have taken an explicit stand against this. 那么，这是否意味着在数百个机场和数千名TSA官员中，从来没有出现过锡克教徒因为他们的长相而被选中进行二次安检的情况？当然发生过。但这不是我政府的政策。我很乐意向你详细说明我们为什么明确反对这种做法。
It does raise a broader issue that you're mentioning, which is that in pluralistic societies like the United States, like the UK, in diverse societies, one of our biggest challenges is going to be how do we approach keeping people safe and preventing terrorist acts. 这确实提出了你提到的一个更广泛的问题，那就是在像美国、英国这样的多元社会中，在多样化的社会中，我们最大的挑战之一将是如何在保障人民安全和防止恐怖行为之间取得平衡。
There was a time when terrorism here in the UK was largely emanating from the IRA. So this is not a uniquely Muslim problem. What is also true is, today there are a tiny subset of groups that have perverted Islam in justifying killing innocent people. And how we do that in a way that is consistent with our values and consistent with pluralism and respect for religion is vitally important. 曾经有一段时间，英国的恐怖主义主要来自爱尔兰共和军。所以这不是一个独属于穆斯林的问题。同样真实的是，今天有一小撮团体歪曲伊斯兰教，为杀害无辜人民辩护。我们如何以符合我们价值观、符合多元主义和尊重宗教的方式来做到这一点，是至关重要的。
And I, about four months ago, visited a mosque in the United States precisely to send a message that our greatest allies in this process are the incredible Muslim Americans who are, historically, fully integrated into our society, that economically, are actually doing better than the average American in many measures, that are fighting in armed forces, that are defending our people in all sorts of ways, and that if we engage in Islamophobia, we are not only betraying what is essential to us, but just as a practical matter, engaging in self-defeating behavior if we're serious about terrorism. 大约四个月前，我访问了美国的一座清真寺，正是为了传达一个信息：在这个过程中，我们最伟大的盟友是了不起的美国穆斯林，他们历史上完全融入了我们的社会，在经济上，在许多方面实际上比普通美国人做得更好，他们在军队中服役，以各种方式保卫我们的人民，如果我们参与伊斯兰恐惧症，我们不仅背叛了我们的本质，而且就实际而言，如果我们认真对待恐怖主义，这是一种弄巧成拙的行为。
And so the language that we use, the tactics and approaches that we take, the respect that we show all people -- those are security matters. It's not just feel-good, liberal political correctness. It's a matter of what is it that we're fighting for, and how are we going to win this fight against people who are so blocked off from the reality of others who they don't agree with that they'd be willing to blow themselves up and kill hundreds of people. 所以我们使用的语言，我们采取的策略和方法，我们对所有人表现出的尊重——这些都是安全问题。这不只是感觉良好的、自由派的政治正确。这关乎我们在为什么而战，以及我们将如何赢得这场斗争，对抗那些与他人现实隔绝、不认同他人就愿意引爆炸弹杀死数百人的人。
It's the extreme of what I was just talking to this gentleman about, about the inability to compromise and recognize difference, and feel comfortable with that. 这是我刚才和这位先生谈到的极端情况，关于无法妥协和承认差异，并对此感到自在。
So, look, this is going to be a challenging issue for some time to come. But I'm confident that it is an issue that we can succeed at, as long as young people like you are committed to not just believing the right thing and feeling the right ways, but fighting for it; and so long as you're engaged and active, and speaking out, and listening. And if you do that, I feel pretty good about our futures. I feel good about our chances. 所以，听着，这在未来一段时间内仍将是一个具有挑战性的问题。但我有信心，这是一个我们可以成功解决的问题，只要像你这样的年轻人不仅致力于相信正确的事情和有正确的感受，还要为之奋斗；只要你参与和积极行动，大声说出来，并且倾听。如果你这样做，我对我们的未来感觉很好。我对我们的机会感觉很好。
You guys inspire me. Thank you very much. Appreciate it. 你们激励了我。非常感谢。谢谢大家。