Thank you so much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm grateful for your hospitality and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, 非常感谢大家。下午好。我很荣幸能够来到永恒之城开罗，并受到两所杰出学府的接待。一千多年来，爱资哈尔大学一直是伊斯兰学术的灯塔；一个多世纪以来，开罗大学一直是埃及进步的源泉。你们共同代表着传统与进步的和谐。我感谢你们的热情款待，也感谢埃及人民的热情。我也很自豪地带着美国人民的善意，以及我国家穆斯林社区的和平问候：
and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: As-salāmu ʿalaykum [Peace be upon you]. As-salāmu ʿalaykum（愿和平降临于你们）。
We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world, tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, 我们相聚在美利坚合众国与全世界穆斯林之间关系紧张的时刻，这种紧张源于超越任何当前政策辩论的历史力量。伊斯兰世界与西方之间的关系既包括数百年的共存与合作，也包括冲突和宗教战争。最近，这种紧张关系源于剥夺许多穆斯林权利和机会的殖民主义，以及冷战期间穆斯占多数的国家往往被当作代理人，而忽视了它们自身的愿望。
the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam. 此外，现代化和全球化带来的巨大变革使许多穆斯林认为西方敌视伊斯兰传统。
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. All this has bred more fear and more mistrust. 暴力极端分子利用这些紧张关系，在穆斯林中占少数但具有强大影响力。"9·11"袭击以及这些极端分子持续对平民实施暴力的行为，导致我国一些人认为伊斯兰不仅不可避免地敌视美国和西方国家，而且敌视人权。这一切滋生了更多的恐惧和更多的不信任。
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end. 只要我们的关系由我们的分歧所定义，我们就会赋予那些播种仇恨而非和平的人、那些推动冲突而非合作的人力量，而合作可以帮助我们所有人民实现正义和繁荣。这种怀疑和不和谐的循环必须结束。
I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap and share common principles -- principles of justice and progress, tolerance and the dignity of all human beings. 我来到开罗，是为了寻求美利坚合众国与全世界穆斯林之间的一个新开端，一个基于共同利益和相互尊重的新开端，一个基于美国与伊斯兰并不相互排斥、不必相互竞争这一事实的新开端。相反，它们相互重叠，分享共同的原则——正义与进步、宽容与全人类尊严的原则。
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other, to learn from each other, to respect one another, 我这样做，认识到变革不可能一夜之间发生。我知道这次演讲引起了很多关注，但没有任何一次演讲能够消除多年的不信任，我也无法在今天下午有限的时间内回答所有将我们带到这一步的复杂问题。但我深信，为了向前迈进，我们必须彼此公开说出心中的想法，那些往往只在紧闭的门后说出的话。我们必须持续努力倾听彼此，向彼此学习，相互尊重，寻求共同点。
and to seek common ground. As the Holy Qur'an tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart. 正如《古兰经》告诉我们的："敬畏真主，始终讲真话。"这就是我今天要努力做到的——尽我所能讲出真相，对我们面前的任务心怀谦卑，并坚定地相信，我们作为人类共同分享的利益远比驱使我们分裂的力量强大得多。
Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith. 现在，这种信念部分源于我个人的经历。我是基督徒，但我的父亲来自一个包括几代穆斯林的肯尼亚家庭。小时候，我在印度尼西亚生活了几年，听到了黎明和黄昏时分的宣礼声。年轻时，我在芝加哥的社区工作，那里许多人在他们的穆斯林信仰中找到了尊严和和平。
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra, our magnetic compass and tools of navigation, our mastery of pens and printing, our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; 作为历史的学生，我也知道文明对伊斯兰的债务。正是伊斯兰——在爱资哈尔这样的地方——在那么多世纪里承载了学习的光芒，为欧洲的文艺复兴和启蒙运动铺平了道路。正是穆斯林社区的创新发展了代数学，发明了我们的磁罗盘和导航工具，我们对笔和印刷的掌握，我们对疾病传播和治愈方法的理解。伊斯兰文化给了我们雄伟的拱门和高耸的尖塔；
elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality. 永恒的诗歌和珍贵的音乐；优雅的书法和平静沉思的场所。在整个历史中，伊斯兰通过言语和行动证明了宗教宽容和种族平等的可能性。
I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars; they have served in our government; they have stood for civil rights; they have started businesses; they have taught at our universities; 我也知道，伊斯兰一直是美国故事的一部分。第一个承认我国的国家是摩洛哥。1796年，我们的第二任总统约翰·亚当斯在签署《 Tripoli 条约》时写道："美国本身对穆斯林的法律、宗教或安宁没有任何敌意。"自建国以来，美国穆斯林丰富了美国。他们参加了我们的战争；他们在我们的政府中任职；他们为民权而奋斗；他们创办了企业；他们在我们的大学任教；
they've excelled in our sports arenas; they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Qur'an that one of our Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library. 他们在我们的体育场馆中表现出色；他们获得了诺贝尔奖，建造了我们最高的建筑，点燃了奥林匹克火炬。当第一位美国穆斯林最近当选国会议员时，他使用与我们开国元勋之一托马斯·杰斐逊保存在个人图书馆中的同一本《古兰经》，宣誓保卫我们的宪法。
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. 所以，在来到伊斯兰最初启示的地区之前，我已经在三大洲了解了伊斯兰。这段经历指引着我的信念：美国与伊斯兰之间的伙伴关系必须基于伊斯兰本身，而不是它不是什么。作为美利坚合众国总统，我认为打击任何地方出现的对伊斯兰的负面刻板印象是我责任的一部分。
But, that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal. And we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words -- within our borders and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, 但是，同样的原则也必须适用于穆斯林对美国的看法。正如穆斯林不符合粗略的刻板印象，美国也不是自私帝国的粗略刻板印象。美利坚合众国一直是世界所知的最伟大的进步源泉之一。我们诞生于反对帝国的革命。我们建立在人人平等的理想之上。我们流血牺牲，奋斗了几个世纪，为这些话语赋予意义——在我们边境之内和世界各地。我们由每种文化塑造，来自地球的每个角落，
drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum -- "Out of many, one." 致力于一个简单的概念：E pluribus unum——"合众为一"。
Now much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores -- and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average. 现在，一个名为巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马的非洲裔美国人能够当选总统，这引起了很多关注。但我的个人故事并非如此独特。所有人机会的梦想并未在美国每个人身上实现，但其承诺存在于所有来到我们海岸的人——这包括今天我国近700万美国穆斯林，顺便说一句，他们的收入和教育水平高于美国平均水平。
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1200 mosques within our borders. That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab -- and to punish those who would deny it. 此外，美国的自由与宗教信仰自由是不可分割的。这就是为什么我们联邦的每个州都有一座清真寺，我们的边境内有超过1200座清真寺。这就是为什么美国政府上法庭保护妇女和女孩戴头巾的权利——并惩罚那些试图剥夺这一权利的人。
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity. 所以不要怀疑：伊斯兰是美国的一部分。我相信美国心中蕴藏着这样一个真理：无论种族、宗教或社会地位如何，我们都有共同的愿望——生活在和平与安全中；接受教育并有尊严地工作；爱我们的家人、我们的社区和我们的上帝。这些是我们共同的东西。这是全人类的希望。
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead, and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared and our failure to meet them will hurt us all. 当然，认识到我们共同的人性只是我们任务的开始。仅靠言语无法满足我们人民的需求。只有当我们大胆行动并在未来几年前行，并理解我们面临的挑战是共同的，我们未能应对这些挑战将伤害我们所有人，这些需求才能得到满足。
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. 因为我们从最近的经历中学到，当一个国家的金融体系疲软时，各地的繁荣都会受损。当一种新流感感染一个人时，所有人都面临风险。当一个国家追求核武器时，所有国家的核攻击风险都会上升。当暴力极端分子在一个山脉地带活动时，大洋彼岸的人们也会受到威胁。当波斯尼亚和达尔富尔的无辜者被屠杀时，那是我们集体良心的污点。这就是21世纪分享这个世界的意义。
That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings. 这就是我们作为人类彼此承担的责任。
And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions -- subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; our progress must be shared. Now, 这是一个艰难承担的责任。因为人类历史往往是国家和部落——是的，还有宗教——为了追求自身利益而征服彼此的记录。然而在这个新时代，这种态度是自毁的。鉴于我们的相互依存，任何将一个国家或一群人置于另一个之上的世界秩序都不可避免地会失败。所以无论我们对过去有什么看法，我们都不应成为过去的囚徒。我们的问题必须通过伙伴关系来解决；我们的进步必须是共享的。
that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together. 现在，这并不意味着我们应该忽视紧张关系。实际上，这恰恰相反：我们必须正视这些紧张关系。因此，本着这种精神，让我尽可能清晰明了地谈论一些具体问题，我相信我们必须最终共同面对这些问题。
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms. 我们必须面对的第一个问题是各种形式的暴力极端主义。
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security -- because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people. 在安卡拉，我明确表示，美国不是——也永远不会——与伊斯兰交战。然而，我们将无情地对抗那些对我们安全构成严重威胁的暴力极端分子——因为我们拒绝所有信仰的人都拒绝的东西：杀害无辜的男人、女人和儿童。作为总统，我的首要职责是保护美国人民。
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women, and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. 阿富汗局势展示了美国的目标以及我们需要共同努力的必要性。七年多前，美国在广泛的国际支持下追捕基地组织和塔利班。我们不是自愿去的；我们是因为需要而去的。我知道仍有一些人会质疑甚至为"9·11"事件辩解。但让我们明确一点：基地组织在那一天杀害了近3000人。受害者是来自美国和许多其他国家的无辜男人、女人和儿童，他们没有伤害任何人。
And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with. 然而基地组织选择无情地杀害这些人，声称对袭击负责，甚至现在还表示决心大规模杀戮。他们在许多国家有分支机构，并试图扩大他们的范围。这些不是可以辩论的观点；这些是必须处理的事实。
Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case. 现在，不要误解：我们不想在阿富汗保留我们的军队。我们在那里不寻求军事基地。失去年轻的男女对美国人来说是痛苦的。继续这场冲突既昂贵又在政治上困难。如果我们可以确信阿富汗和现在的巴基斯坦没有决心尽可能多地杀害美国人的暴力极端分子，我们很乐意让我们的每一支部队回家。但这还不是事实。
And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths. But more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Qur'an teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all mankind. 这就是为什么我们要与46个国家的联盟合作。尽管涉及成本，美国的承诺不会减弱。实际上，我们都不应该容忍这些极端分子。他们在许多国家杀人。他们杀害不同信仰的人。但更多的时候，他们杀害穆斯林。他们的行为与人类的权利、国家的进步以及伊斯兰不可调和。《古兰经》教导我们，杀害一个无辜者就像——就像他杀害了全人类。
And the Holy Qur'an also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism -- it is an important part of promoting peace. 神圣的《古兰经》也说，拯救一个人就像他拯救了全人类。超过十亿人的持久信仰远比少数人的狭隘仇恨伟大得多。伊斯兰不是应对暴力极端主义问题的一部分——它是促进和平的重要组成部分。
Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest 1.5 billion dollars each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced. That's why we are providing more than 2.8 billion dollars to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on. 现在，我们也知道，仅靠军事力量无法解决阿富汗和巴基斯坦的问题。这就是为什么我们计划在未来五年每年投资15亿美元，与巴基斯坦人合作建设学校和医院、道路和企业，并投入数亿美元帮助那些流离失所的人。这就是为什么我们提供超过28亿美元帮助阿富汗人发展经济并提供人们依赖的服务。
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, 让我也谈谈伊拉克问题。与阿富汗不同，伊拉克是一场选择的战争，在我国和世界各地引发了强烈分歧。虽然我相信伊拉克人民最终在没有萨达姆·侯赛因暴政的情况下会更好，我也相信伊拉克的事件提醒美国在可能的情况下需要使用外交手段并建立国际共识来解决我们的问题。实际上，我们可以回忆托马斯·杰斐逊的话，他说："我希望我们的智慧随着我们的力量而增长，
and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be." 并教导我们，我们使用力量越少，力量就越伟大。"
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future; and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012. 今天，美国有双重责任：帮助伊拉克锻造更好的未来；将伊拉克留给伊拉克人。我已经向伊拉克人民明确表示，我们不追求基地，不对他们的领土或资源提出要求。伊拉克的主权是它自己的。这就是为什么我下令在明年八月前撤出我们的战斗旅。这就是为什么我们将履行与伊拉克民主选举政府的协议，在七月前从伊拉克城市撤出战斗部队，并在2012年前撤出我们所有的部队。
We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron. 我们将帮助伊拉克训练其安全部队并发展其经济。但我们将支持一个安全统一的伊拉克作为伙伴，而不是作为恩主。
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year. So America will defend itself, 最后，正如美国永远不能容忍极端分子的暴力，我们绝不能改变或忘记我们的原则。"9·11"对我们国家来说是一个巨大的创伤。它引发的恐惧和愤怒是可以理解的，但在某些情况下，它导致我们违背了我们的传统和理想。我们正在采取具体行动改变方向。我已经明确禁止美国使用酷刑，并已下令在明年年初前关闭关塔那摩监狱。因此，
respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer. 美国将捍卫自己，尊重国家主权和法治。我们将与同样受到威胁的穆斯林社区合作这样做。极端分子越早被孤立并在穆斯林社区不受欢迎，我们就越早都会更安全。
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians, and the Arab world. 我们需要讨论的第二个主要紧张来源是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之间的局势。
America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied. 美国与以色列的牢固纽带是众所周知的。这种纽带牢不可破。它基于文化和历史联系，以及对犹太人家园的渴望植根于无法否认的悲剧性历史的认识。
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot, and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless; it is ignorant; and it is hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction, or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews, 在世界各地，犹太人民遭受了数百年的迫害，欧洲的反犹太主义最终演变成前所未有的种族灭绝。明天，我将参观布痕瓦尔德，它是犹太人被第三帝国奴役、折磨、枪杀和毒气致死的营地网络的一部分。六百万犹太人被杀害——比今天以色列的全部犹太人口还多。否认这一事实是没有根据的；它是无知的；它是仇恨的。以毁灭威胁以色列，或重复关于犹太人的卑劣刻板印象，
is deeply wrong and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve. 是 deeply 错误的，只会唤起以色列人心中这段最痛苦的记忆，同时阻止该地区人民应得的和平。
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people -- Muslims and Christians -- has suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations -- large and small -- that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. 另一方面，同样不可否认的是，巴勒斯坦人民——穆斯林和基督徒——在追求家园的过程中遭受了痛苦。60多年来，他们忍受着流离失所的痛苦。许多人在约旦河西岸、加沙和邻近地区的难民营等待，期待着他们从未能够过上和平与安全的生活。他们忍受着占领带来的日常屈辱——无论大小。所以不要怀疑：巴勒斯坦人民的处境是无法容忍的。
And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own. 美国不会背弃巴勒斯坦人对尊严、机会和拥有自己国家的合法愿望。
For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers -- for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: 几十年来，一直存在僵局：两个拥有合法愿望的民族，每个都有痛苦的历史，使妥协难以实现。指责他人很容易——巴勒斯坦人指责以色列建国带来的流离失所，以色列人指责其历史中来自边境内外持续的敌意和攻击。但如果我们只从一方或另一方看待这场冲突，我们就会对真相视而不见：
The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security. 唯一的解决方案是通过两个国家满足双方的愿望，以色列人和巴勒斯坦人各自生活在和平与安全中。
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them -- and all of us -- to live up to our responsibilities. 这符合以色列、巴勒斯坦、美国和世界的利益。这就是为什么我打算以任务所需的全部耐心和奉献精神亲自追求这一结果。各方根据路线图同意的义务是明确的。为了实现和平，是时候让他们——以及我们所有人——履行我们的责任了。
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: Violence is a dead end. 巴勒斯坦人必须放弃暴力。通过暴力和杀戮的抵抗是错误的，它不会成功。几个世纪以来，美国的黑人作为奴隶遭受鞭打和种族隔离的屈辱。但赢得充分和平等权利的不是暴力。而是对美国建国核心理想的和平而坚定的坚持。同样的故事可以由南非到南亚的人讲述；从东欧到印度尼西亚。这是一个简单真理的故事：暴力是一条死路。向睡觉的孩子发射火箭，
It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is claimed; that's how it is surrendered. 或在公共汽车上炸死老妇人，既不是勇气也不是力量的标志。那不是道德权威如何被主张的方式；那是道德权威如何被放弃的方式。
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its peoples. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist. 现在是巴勒斯坦人专注于他们可以建设什么的时候了。巴勒斯坦权力机构必须发展其治理能力，建立服务于其人民需求的机构。哈马斯确实在一些巴勒斯坦人中获得支持，但他们也必须认识到他们有责任。为了在实现巴勒斯坦愿望中发挥作用，为了团结巴勒斯坦人民，哈马斯必须结束暴力，承认过去的协议，承认以色列的生存权。
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop. 同时，以色列人必须承认，正如以色列的生存权不能被否认，巴勒斯坦的也不能被否认。美国不接受以色列持续定居点的合法性。这种建设违反了之前的协议并破坏了实现和平的努力。这些定居点必须停止。
And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress. 以色列还必须履行其义务，确保巴勒斯坦人能够生活、工作和开发他们的社会。正如它摧毁巴勒斯坦家庭一样，加沙持续的人道主义危机不符合以色列的安全；约旦河西岸持续缺乏机会也是如此。巴勒斯坦人民日常生活的进步必须是通往和平道路的关键部分，以色列必须采取具体步骤来实现这种进步。
And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past. 最后，阿拉伯国家必须认识到，《阿拉伯和平倡议》是一个重要的开始，但不是他们责任的终结。阿以冲突不应再被用来转移阿拉伯国家人民对其他问题的注意力。相反，它必须成为帮助巴勒斯坦人民发展维持其国家所需的机构、承认以色列合法性以及选择进步而非对过去自我挫败的关注的事业。
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true. 美国将与追求和平的人一起调整我们的政策，我们将在公开场合说出我们私下对以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯人所说的话。我们不能强加和平。但私下里，许多穆斯林认识到以色列不会消失。同样，许多以色列人认识到需要一个巴勒斯坦国。是我们根据每个人都知道的真相采取行动的时候了。
Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer. 太多的眼泪已经流下。太多的鲜血已经流下。我们所有人都有责任为那一天而努力，当那一天到来时，以色列和巴勒斯坦的母亲可以看到他们的孩子在没有恐惧的情况下成长；当三大信仰的圣地是上帝意图的和平之地时；当耶路撒冷是犹太人、基督徒和穆斯林的安全而持久的家园，是亚伯拉罕的所有孩子和平共处的地方，就像在 Isra 的故事中，当摩西、耶稣和穆罕默德（愿他们平安）一起祈祷时一样。
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons. 第三个紧张来源是我们在核武器方面的共同利益和国家的权利与责任。
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, 这个问题一直是美利坚合众国与伊朗伊斯兰共和国之间的紧张来源。多年来，伊朗部分地通过对我国的反对来定义自己，我们之间实际上有一段动荡的历史。在冷战中期，美国在推翻民主选举的伊朗政府中发挥了作用。自伊斯兰革命以来，伊朗在劫持人质和对美国军队及平民的暴力行为中发挥了作用。这段历史是众所周知的。我不愿继续被困在过去，
I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build. 我已经向伊朗领导人和人民明确表示，我的国家准备向前迈进。现在的问题不是伊朗反对什么，而是它想建设什么样的未来。
I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path. 我认识到克服数十年的不信任将很困难，但我们将以勇气、正直和决心继续前进。我们两国之间将有许多问题需要讨论，我们愿意在相互尊重的基础上无条件地向前推进。但所有相关方都清楚，当涉及核武器时，我们已经达到了一个关键点。这不仅仅是关于美国的利益。这是关于防止中东核军备竞赛，这可能将该地区和世界引向一条极其危险的道路。
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. 我理解那些抗议某些国家拥有其他国家没有的武器的人。任何单一国家都不应该挑选和选择哪个国家拥有核武器。这就是为什么我强烈重申美国寻求一个没有任何国家拥有核武器的世界的承诺。任何国家——包括伊朗——如果遵守《不扩散核武器条约》规定的责任，都应该有权获得和平核能。这一承诺是该条约的核心，必须对所有完全遵守它的国家保持。
And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal. 我希望该地区所有国家都能分享这一目标。
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. 我要谈的第四个问题是民主。
I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other. 我知道近年来关于推动民主存在争议，这种争议很大程度上与伊拉克战争有关。所以让我明确表示：任何政府制度都不能也不应该由一个国家强加给另一个国家。
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; 然而，这不会减少我对反映人民意愿的政府的承诺。每个国家以自己的方式赋予这一原则生命，立足于本国人民的传统。美国不假定知道什么对每个人都最好，就像我们不会假定选择和平选举的结果一样。但我确实有一个坚定的信念，即所有人都渴望某些东西：表达自己意见并对如何被治理有发言权的能力；对法治和正义平等执行的信心；
government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere. 透明且不偷人民东西的政府；自由选择生活方式的自由。这些不仅仅是美国的想法；它们是人权。这就是为什么我们要在各地支持它们。
Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful, and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments -- provided they govern with respect for all their people. 现在，没有直线来实现这一承诺。但有一点很清楚：保护这些权利的政府最终会更稳定、更成功、更安全。压制思想永远不会成功地使它们消失。美国尊重所有和平与守法的声音在世界各地被听到，即使我们不同意他们的观点。我们将欢迎所有当选的、和平的政府——只要他们尊重所有人民治理。
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power. Once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; 最后一点很重要，因为有些人只在掌权之外时才提倡民主。一旦掌权，他们就无情地压制他人的权利。所以无论在哪里扎根，民有和民治的政府为所有想掌权的人设定了一个单一标准：你必须通过同意而非强制来维持你的权力；你必须尊重少数群体的权利，并以宽容和妥协的精神参与；
you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy. 你必须将人民的利益和政治进程的合法运作置于党派之上。没有这些要素，仅靠选举不能构成真正的民主。
Thank you. The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom. 谢谢。我们要共同解决的第五个问题是宗教自由。
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways. 伊斯兰拥有值得骄傲的宽容传统。我们在安达卢西亚和科尔多瓦的历史中看到了这一点，在宗教裁判所期间。我小时候在印度尼西亚亲眼看到了这一点，在那里，虔诚的基督徒在一个穆斯林占多数的国家自由地崇拜。那就是我们今天需要的精神。每个国家的人都应该能够根据思想、心灵和灵魂的说服自由选择和实践他们的信仰。这种宽容对于宗教的繁荣至关重要，但它正以许多不同的方式受到挑战。
Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld -- whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq. 在一些穆斯林中，有一种令人不安的倾向，即通过拒绝他人的信仰来衡量自己的信仰。宗教多样性的丰富性必须得到维护——无论是黎巴嫩的马龙派教徒还是埃及的科普特人。如果我们诚实的话，穆斯林之间的分歧也必须弥合，逊尼派和什叶派之间的分歧导致了悲惨的暴力，特别是在伊拉克。
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat. Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. 宗教自由是人民共同生活的核心能力。我们必须始终审视我们保护它的方式。例如，在美国，关于慈善捐赠的规定使穆斯林更难履行他们的宗教义务。这就是为什么我致力于与美国穆斯林合作，确保他们能够履行天课。同样，西方国家避免阻碍穆斯林公民按照他们认为合适的方式实践宗教也很重要——例如，通过规定穆斯林妇女应该穿什么衣服。
We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism. In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in Africa, 我们不能在自由主义的伪装下掩饰对任何宗教的敌意。实际上，信仰应该使我们团结。这就是为什么我们在美国建立服务项目，将基督徒、穆斯林和犹太人聚集在一起。这就是为什么我们欢迎像沙特阿拉伯国王阿卜杜拉的跨信仰对话和土耳其在文明联盟中的领导地位这样的努力。在世界各地，我们可以将对话转化为跨信仰服务，使人民之间的桥梁导致行动——无论是在非洲抗击疟疾，
or providing relief after a natural disaster. 还是在自然灾害后提供救济。
The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. 我想谈的第六个问题是妇女权利。
I know -- and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous. Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, 我知道——你们可以从这个听众中看出——关于这个问题存在健康的辩论。我拒绝一些西方人的观点，即选择遮盖头发的妇女在某方面不那么平等，但我确实相信被拒绝接受教育的妇女就是被拒绝平等。妇女受教育程度较高的国家更可能繁荣绝非巧合。现在，让我明确表示：妇女平等问题绝不仅仅是伊斯兰的问题。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国、印度尼西亚，
we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world. 我们看到穆斯林占多数的国家选出了一位女性领导人。与此同时，妇女平等的斗争在美国生活的许多方面和世界各地仍在继续。
I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons. Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity -- men and women -- to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, 我相信我们的女儿可以为社会做出与我们的儿子同样多的贡献。通过允许所有人类——男人和女人——发挥他们的全部潜力，我们的共同繁荣将得到推进。我不相信妇女必须做出与男人相同的选择才能平等，我尊重那些选择以传统角色生活的妇女。但这应该是她们的选择。这就是为什么美国将与任何穆斯林占多数的国家合作，支持扩大女孩的识字率，
and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams. 并通过小额融资帮助年轻妇女追求就业，帮助人们实现他们的梦想。
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity. 最后，我想谈谈经济发展和机会。
I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and change in communities. In all nations -- including America -- this change can bring fear; fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities -- those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, 我知道对许多人来说，全球化的面孔是矛盾的。互联网和电视可以带来知识和信息，但也可以将冒犯的性内容和无意识的暴力带入家庭。贸易可以带来新的财富和机会，但也可以带来巨大的破坏和社区变化。在所有国家——包括美国——这种变化可以带来恐惧；害怕因为现代化，我们失去了对经济选择、政治的控制，
our traditions, and our faith. 最重要的是失去了我们的身份认同——那些我们最珍视的关于社区、家庭、传统和信仰的东西。
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education. 但我也知道，人类的进步不能被否认。发展和传统之间不必存在矛盾。像日本和韩国这样的国家在保持独特文化的同时极大地发展了经济。从吉隆坡到迪拜，穆斯林占多数国家的惊人进步也是如此。在古代和我们的时代，穆斯林社区一直处于创新和教育的前沿。
And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I'm emphasizing such investment within my own country. 这很重要，因为没有任何发展战略只能基于从地下出来的东西，也不能在年轻人失业的情况下维持下去。许多海湾国家作为石油的后果享有巨大的财富，一些国家开始将其用于更广泛的发展。但我们所有人都必须认识到，教育和创新将成为21世纪的货币——而在太多穆斯林社区，这些领域的投资仍然不足。我在自己的国家强调这种投资。
And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement. 虽然美国过去在涉及这一地区时专注于石油和天然气，但我们现在寻求更广泛的接触。
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America. At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America, invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world, and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo. 在教育方面，我们将扩大交流项目，增加奖学金，就像带我父亲来美国的那一个。同时，我们将鼓励更多的美国人在穆斯林社区学习。我们将为有前途的穆斯林学生匹配在美国的实习机会，投资于全世界教师和儿童的在线学习，并创建一个新的在线网络，使堪萨斯的年轻人可以立即与开罗的年轻人交流。
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a summit on entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations, and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world. 在经济发展方面，我们将创建一个新的商业志愿者团队，与穆斯林占多数国家的同行合作。我今年将举办一次企业家峰会，以确定我们如何加深美国商界领袖、基金会和社会企业家与世界各地穆斯林社区之间的联系。
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. 在科学和技术方面，我们将启动一个新的基金，支持穆斯林占多数国家的技术发展，并帮助将想法转化为市场，以便它们可以创造更多就业机会。我们将在非洲、中东和东南亚开设科学卓越中心，并任命新的科学特使，合作开展开发新能源、创造绿色就业机会、数字化记录、清洁水、种植新作物的项目。今天我宣布与伊斯兰会议组织开展一项新的全球努力，以根除脊髓灰质炎。
And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health. 我们还将扩大与穆斯林社区的合作，促进儿童和孕产妇健康。
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life. 所有这些事情必须通过合作来完成。美国人准备与公民和政府合作；与穆斯林世界各地的社区组织、宗教领袖和企业合作，帮助我们的人民追求更好的生活。
Now the issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. 我描述的这些问题不容易解决。但我们有责任为我们寻求的世界团结起来——一个极端分子不再威胁我们的人民、美国军队已经回家的世界；一个以色列人和巴勒斯坦人各自在安全的国家、核能用于和平目的的世界；一个政府为其公民服务、所有上帝孩子的权利都得到尊重的世界。这些是共同的利益。这就是我们寻求的世界。
But we can only achieve it together. 但我们要共同实现它。
I know there are many, Muslim and non-Muslim, who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. 我知道有许多人，穆斯林和非穆斯林，质疑我们能否开创这一新开端。一些人渴望点燃分裂的火焰，阻碍进步。一些人认为这不值得努力——我们注定要分歧，文明注定要冲突。更多的人只是怀疑真正的改变能否发生。多年来积累了如此多的恐惧和如此多的不信任。但如果我们选择被过去束缚，我们将永远无法向前迈进。
And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country: You, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world. All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings. 我想特别对每种信仰、每个国家的年轻人说：你们比任何人都更有能力重新想象世界，重塑这个世界。我们都只在短暂的时刻分享这个世界。问题是我们是专注于推动我们分开的东西，还是致力于努力——持续的努力——寻找共同点，专注于我们为孩子寻求的未来，并尊重所有人类的尊严。
It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, 发动战争比结束战争更容易。指责他人比审视自己更容易。看到某人的不同比找到我们分享的东西更容易。但我们应该选择正确的道路，而不是容易的道路。有一条规则位于每种宗教的核心——我们要像别人对待我们那样对待别人。这个真理超越了国家和人民——一种并非新的信仰；不是黑人或白人或棕色人种；不是基督徒或穆斯林或犹太人。这是一种在文明摇篮中搏动的信仰，
and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today. 仍然在世界数十亿人的心中跳动。这是一种对他人的信仰，它把我带到了今天这里。
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written. 我们有能力创造我们寻求的世界，但只有当我们有勇气开创新开端时，记住已经写下的东西。
The Holy Qur'an tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another." 神圣的《古兰经》告诉我们："众人啊！我确已从一男一女创造你们，我使你们成为许多民族和宗族，以便你们互相认识。"
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace." 《塔木德》告诉我们："整个《托拉》的目的是促进和平。"
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." 神圣的《圣经》告诉我们："使人和睦的人有福了，因为他们必称为神的儿子。"
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth. 世界人民可以和平共处。我们知道这是上帝的愿景。现在这必须是我们在地球上的工作。
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you. 谢谢。愿上帝的和平降临于你们。非常感谢。谢谢。