Thank you very much, everybody, and I very much appreciate your patience. I want to, first of all, thank Ambassador Gildenhorn for the outstanding work he does as board chairman here at the Woodrow Wilson Center, and to my great friend Lee Hamilton, who is, I think, an example of what's best in American public service, and has done so much to not only promote American interests all across the globe but also to educate the American people on our foreign policy. So, thank you very much. 非常感谢大家，我非常感谢大家的耐心。首先，我要感谢吉尔登霍恩大使在伍德罗·威尔逊中心担任董事会主席期间所做的杰出工作，也要感谢我的好朋友李·汉密尔顿，我认为他是美国公共服务中最优秀的典范，不仅在全球范围内促进了美国的利益，还教育了美国人民了解我们的外交政策。所以，非常感谢大家。
Sixty-one years ago, George Marshal announced the plan that would come to bear his name. Much of Europe lay in ruins. The United States faced a powerful and ideological enemy intent on world domination. This menace was magnified by the recently discovered capability to destroy life on an unimaginable scale. The Soviet Union didn't yet have an atomic bomb, but before long it would. 六十一年前，乔治·马歇尔宣布了后来以他的名字命名的计划。当时欧洲大部分地区已成废墟。美国面临着一个强大的、意识形态性的敌人，企图统治世界。这种威胁因最近发现的能够以难以想象的规模摧毁生命的能力而加剧。苏联还没有原子弹，但不久之后就会拥有。
The challenge facing the greatest generation of Americans -- the generation that had vanquished fascism on the battlefield -- was how to contain this threat while extending freedom's frontiers. Leaders like Truman and Acheson, Kennan and Marshall, knew that there was no single decisive blow that could be struck for freedom. We needed a new overarching strategy to meet the challenges of a new and dangerous world. 最伟大的一代美国人——那些在战场上战胜了法西斯主义的人——面临的挑战是如何在遏制这一威胁的同时扩展自由的疆界。杜鲁门、艾奇逊、凯南和马歇尔等领导人知道，无法为自由打出任何单一的决定性一击。我们需要一个新的总体战略来应对一个新的危险世界的挑战。
Such a strategy would join overwhelming military strength with sound judgment. It would shape events not just through military force, but through the force of our ideas; through economic power, intelligence and diplomacy. It would support strong allies that freely shared our ideals of liberty and democracy; open markets and the rule of law. It would foster new international institutions like the United Nations, NATO, and the World Bank, and focus on every corner of the globe. It was a strategy that saw clearly the world's dangers, while seizing its promise. 这样的战略将压倒性的军事力量与良好的判断力相结合。它不仅通过军事力量塑造事件，还通过我们思想的力量；通过经济实力、情报和外交。它支持那些自由分享我们自由与民主理想的强大盟友；开放市场和法治。它将促进建立联合国、北约和世界银行等新的国际机构，并关注全球的每一个角落。这是一个清楚地看到世界危险，同时抓住其希望的战略。
As a general, Marshall had spent years helping FDR wage war. But the Marshall Plan -- which was just one part of this strategy -- helped rebuild not just allies, but also the nation that Marshall had plotted to defeat. In the speech announcing his plan, he concluded not with tough talk or definitive declarations -- but rather with questions and a call for perspective. The whole world of the future, Marshall said, hangs on a proper judgment. To make that judgment, he asked the American people to examine distant events that directly affected their security and prosperity. 作为将军，马歇尔曾帮助罗斯福总统作战多年。但马歇尔计划——这只是这一战略的一部分——不仅重建了盟友，也重建了马歇尔曾计划击败的国家。在宣布他的计划的演讲中，他没有用强硬的谈话或明确的宣言来结束——而是用问题和对视角的呼吁。"整个未来的世界，"马歇尔说，"取决于正确的判断。"为了做出那一判断，他要求美国人民审视直接影响他们安全与繁荣的遥远事件。
He closed by asking: What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? 他最后问道："需要什么？最好能做什么？必须做什么？"
What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? 需要什么？最好能做什么？必须做什么？
Today's dangers are different, though no less grave. The power to destroy life on a catastrophic scale now risks falling into the hands of terrorists. The future of our security -- and our planet -- is held hostage to our dependence on foreign oil and gas. From the cave- spotted mountains of northwest Pakistan, to the centrifuges spinning beneath Iranian soil, we know that the American people cannot be protected by oceans or the sheer might of our military alone. 今天的危险不同了，但同样严峻。以灾难性规模摧毁生命的力量现在有可能落入恐怖分子手中。我们的安全——以及我们的星球——的未来被我们对外国石油和天然气的依赖所束缚。从巴基斯坦西北部遍布洞穴的山脉，到伊朗土壤下旋转的离心机，我们知道美国人民不能仅靠海洋或我们军队的绝对力量来保护。
The attacks of September 11 brought this new reality into a terrible and ominous focus. On that bright and beautiful day, the world of peace and prosperity that was the legacy of our Cold War victory seemed to suddenly vanish under rubble, and twisted steel, and clouds of smoke. 9月11日的袭击将这一新现实带入了可怕而不祥的焦点。在那个明亮而美丽的日子里，作为我们冷战胜利遗产的和平与繁荣的世界，仿佛突然在瓦砾、扭曲的钢铁和滚滚浓烟之下消失了。
But the depth of this tragedy also drew out the decency and determination of our nation. At blood banks and vigils; in schools and in the United States Congress, Americans were united -- more united, even, than we were at the dawn of the Cold War. The world, too, was united against the perpetrators of this evil act, as old allies, new friends, and even long-time adversaries stood by our side. It was time -- once again -- for America's might and moral suasion to be harnessed; it was time to once again shape a new security strategy for an ever-changing world. 但这场悲剧的深度也激发了我们国家的善良和决心。在血库和守夜活动中；在学校和美国国会，美国人团结起来——甚至比冷战开始时更加团结。世界也团结起来反对这一邪恶行为的肇事者，旧盟友、新朋友，甚至长期对手都站在我们这边。再次，是时候利用美国的力量和道德说服力了；是时候再次为一个不断变化的世界制定新的安全战略了。
Imagine, for a moment, what we could have done in those days, and months, and years after 9/11. 想象一下，在9/11之后的那些日子、那些月、那些年里，我们本可以做些什么。
We could have deployed the full force of American power to hunt down and destroy Osama bin Laden, Al Qaida, the Taliban, and all of the terrorists responsible for 9/11, while supporting real security in Afghanistan. 我们本可以部署美国的全部力量来追捕和消灭奥萨马·本·拉登、基地组织、塔利班以及所有对9/11事件负责的恐怖分子，同时支持阿富汗的真正安全。
We could have secured loose nuclear materials around the world, and updated a 20th century non-proliferation framework to meet the challenges of the 21st. 我们本可以确保全球范围内的松散核材料安全，并更新20世纪的不扩散框架以应对21世纪的挑战。
We could have invested hundreds of billions of dollars in alternative sources of energy to grow our economy, save our planet, and end the tyranny of oil. 我们本可以在替代能源上投入数千亿美元，以发展我们的经济，拯救我们的星球，并结束石油的暴政。
We could have strengthened old alliances, formed new partnerships, and renewed international institutions to advance peace and prosperity. 我们本可以加强旧盟友，建立新伙伴关系，并更新国际机构以促进和平与繁荣。
We could have called on a new generation to step into the strong currents of history, and to serve their country as troops and teachers, Peace Corps volunteers and police officers. 我们本可以号召新一代人踏入历史的强流，作为士兵和教师、和平队志愿者和警察为国家服务。
We could have secured our homeland -- investing in sophisticated new protection for our ports, our trains and our power plants. 我们本可以确保国土安全——为我们的港口、火车和电厂投资精密的新保护措施。
We could have rebuilt our roads and bridges, laid down new rail and broadband and electricity systems, and made college affordable for every American to strengthen our ability to compete. 我们本可以重建我们的道路和桥梁，铺设新的铁路、宽带和电力系统，并让每个美国人都能负担得起大学费用，以增强我们的竞争能力。
We could have done that. 我们本可以做到这些。
Instead, we have lost thousands of American lives, spent nearly a trillion dollars, alienated allies and neglected emerging threats -- all in the cause of fighting a war for well over five years in a country that had absolutely nothing to do with the 9/11 attacks. 相反，我们失去了数千名美国人的生命，花费了近一万亿美元，疏远了盟友，忽视了新出现的威胁——所有这些都是为了在一个与9/11袭击完全无关的国家里进行了五年多的战争。
Our men and women in uniform have accomplished every mission we have given them. What's missing in our debate about Iraq -- what has been missing since before the war began -- is a discussion of the strategic consequences of Iraq and its dominance of our foreign policy. This war distracts us from every threat that we face and so many opportunities we could seize. This war diminishes our security, our standing in the world, our military, our economy, and the resources that we need to confront the challenges of the 21st century. 我们的男女军人完成了我们交给他们的每一项任务。在我们关于伊拉克的辩论中缺失的——自战争开始前就一直缺失的——是对伊拉克的战略后果及其在我们外交政策中主导地位的讨论。这场战争分散了我们对面临的每一个威胁和许多可以抓住的机遇的注意力。这场战争削弱了我们的安全、我们在世界上的地位、我们的军队、我们的经济，以及我们应对21世纪挑战所需的资源。
By any measure, our single-minded and open-ended focus on Iraq is not a sound strategy for keeping America safe. 无论从哪个角度看，我们一心一意、无限期地关注伊拉克都不是保持美国安全的健全战略。
I am running for President of the United States to lead this country in a new direction -- to seize this moment's promise. Instead of being distracted from the most pressing threats that we face, I want to overcome them. Instead of pushing the entire burden of our foreign policy on to the brave men and women of our military, I want to use all elements of American power to keep us safe, and prosperous, and free. Instead of alienating ourselves from the world, I want America -- once again -- to lead. 我正在竞选美国总统，要带领这个国家走向新的方向——抓住这一刻的希望。我不想被我们面临的最紧迫的威胁分散注意力，我想克服它们。我不想把外交政策的全部负担都推给我们勇敢的男女军人，我想运用美国力量的所有要素来保持我们的安全、繁荣和自由。我不想让自己与世界疏远，我想让美国——再次——发挥领导作用。
As President, I will pursue a tough, smart and principled national security strategy -- one that recognizes that we have interests not just in Baghdad, but in Kandahar and Karachi, in Tokyo and London, in Beijing and Berlin. I will focus this strategy on five goals essential to making America safer: ending the war in Iraq responsibly; finishing the fight against Al Qaida and the Taliban; securing all nuclear weapons and materials from terrorists and rogue states; achieving true energy security; and rebuilding our alliances to meet the challenges of the 21st century. 作为总统，我将推行一项强硬、明智而有原则的国家安全战略——一项承认我们不仅在巴格达有利益，而且在坎大哈和卡拉奇、东京和伦敦、北京和柏林都有利益的战略。我将把这一战略聚焦于让美国更安全的五个目标：负责任地结束伊拉克战争；完成对基地组织和塔利班的战斗；确保所有核武器和核材料不落入恐怖分子和流氓国家手中；实现真正的能源安全；以及重建我们的联盟以应对21世纪的挑战。
My opponent in this campaign has served this country with honor, and we all respect his sacrifice. We both want to do what we think is best to defend the American people. But we've made different judgments, and would lead in very different directions. That starts with Iraq. 我在这场竞选中的对手以荣誉为国家服务，我们都尊重他的牺牲。我们都想做我们认为最能捍卫美国人民的事情。但我们做出了不同的判断，将引领国家走向非常不同的方向。这一切都从伊拉克开始。
I opposed going to war in Iraq; Senator McCain was one of Washington's biggest supporters for war. I warned that the invasion of a country posing no imminent threat would fan the flames of extremism, and distract us from the fight against Al Qaida and the Taliban; Senator McCain claimed that we would be greeted as liberators, and that democracy would spread across the Middle East. Those were the judgments we made on the most important strategic question since the end of the Cold War. 我反对对伊拉克开战；麦凯恩参议员是华盛顿最大的战争支持者之一。我警告说，对一个没有迫在眉睫威胁的国家入侵将煽动极端主义的火焰，并分散我们对基地组织和塔利班的注意力；麦凯恩参议员声称我们将被当作解放者欢迎，民主将在中东蔓延。这些是我们在冷战结束后最重要的战略问题上做出的判断。
Now, all of us recognize that we must do more than look back -- we must make a judgment about how to move forward. What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Senator McCain wants to talk of our tactics in Iraq; I want to focus on a new strategy for Iraq and the wider world. 现在，我们所有人都认识到，我们不能只回头看——我们必须对如何前进做出判断。需要什么？最好能做什么？必须做什么？麦凯恩参议员想谈论我们在伊拉克的战术；我想专注于伊拉克和更广泛世界的新战略。
It has been 18 months since President Bush announced the surge. As I have said many times, our troops have performed brilliantly in lowering the level of violence. General Petraeus has used new tactics to protect the Iraqi population. We have talked directly to Sunni tribes that used to be hostile to America, and supported their fight against Al Qaida. Shiite militias have generally respected a cease- fire. Those are the facts, and all Americans welcome them. 布什总统宣布增兵已经18个月了。正如我多次说过的，我们的军队在降低暴力水平方面表现出色。彼得雷乌斯将军使用了新的战术来保护伊拉克人民。我们与曾经敌视美国的逊尼派部落进行了直接对话，并支持他们对抗基地组织的战斗。什叶派民兵总体上尊重停火。这些是事实，所有美国人都对此表示欢迎。
For weeks, now, Senator McCain has argued that the gains of the surge mean that I should change my commitment to end the war. But this argument misconstrues what is necessary to succeed in Iraq, and stubbornly ignores the facts of the broader strategic picture that we face. 几周以来，麦凯恩参议员一直认为，增兵的成果意味着我应该改变结束战争的承诺。但这一论点误解了在伊拉克取得成功所需的条件，并且固执地忽视了我们面临的更广泛的战略图景。
In the 18 months since the surge began, the strain on our military has increased, our troops and their families have borne an enormous burden, and American taxpayers have spent another $200 billion in Iraq. That's over $10 billion each month. That is a consequence of our current strategy. 增兵开始以来的18个月里，我们军队的压力增加了，我们的军队及其家属承担了巨大的负担，美国纳税人又在伊拉克花费了2000亿美元。每月超过100亿美元。这是我们当前战略的后果。
In the 18 months since the surge began, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated. June was our highest casualty month of the war. The Taliban has been on the offensive, even launching a brazen attack on one of our bases. Al Qaida has a growing sanctuary in Pakistan. That is a consequence of our current strategy. 增兵开始以来的18个月里，阿富汗的局势恶化了。六月是这场战争中我们伤亡最多的月份。塔利班一直在进攻，甚至对我们的一个基地发动了公然的袭击。基地组织在巴基斯坦有了日益增长的避难所。这是我们当前战略的后果。
In the 18 months since the surge began, as I warned at the outset -- Iraq's leaders have not made the political progress that was the purpose of the surge. They have not invested tens of billions of dollars in oil revenues to rebuild their country. They have not resolved their differences or shaped a new political compact. 增兵开始以来的18个月里，正如我一开始警告的——伊拉克领导人没有取得作为增兵目的的政治进展。他们没有用石油收入中的数百亿美元来重建自己的国家。他们没有解决分歧或形成新的政治契约。
That's why I strongly stand by my plan to end this war. Now, Prime Minister Maliki's call for a timetable for the removal of U.S. forces presents a real opportunity. It comes at a time when the American general in charge of training Iraq's Security Forces has testified that Iraq's Army and Police will be ready to assume responsibility for Iraq's security in 2009. Now is the time for a responsible redeployment of our combat troops that pushes Iraq's leaders toward a political solution, rebuilds our military, and refocuses on Afghanistan and our broader security interests. 这就是为什么我坚决支持我结束这场战争的计划。现在，马利基总理要求为美军撤离制定时间表，这提供了一个真正的机会。这发生在训练伊拉克安全部队的美国将军作证说伊拉克军队和警察将在2009年准备好承担伊拉克安全责任的时候。现在是我们的战斗部队负责任地重新部署的时候了，这将推动伊拉克领导人走向政治解决方案，重建我们的军队，并重新聚焦于阿富汗和我们更广泛的安全利益。
George Bush and John McCain don't have a strategy for success in Iraq -- they have a strategy for staying in Iraq. They said we couldn't leave when violence was up, they say we can't leave when violence is down. They refuse to press the Iraqis to make tough choices, and they label any timetable to redeploy our troops surrender, even though we would be turning Iraq over to a sovereign Iraqi government -- not to a terrorist enemy. Theirs is an endless focus on tactics inside Iraq, with no consideration of our strategy to face threats beyond Iraq's borders. 乔治·布什和约翰·麦凯恩没有伊拉克成功的战略——他们只有留在伊拉克的战略。他们说暴力猖獗时我们不能离开，现在又说暴力下降时我们不能离开。他们拒绝迫使伊拉克人做出艰难的选择，并将任何重新部署我们军队的时间表称为"投降"，即使我们是在将伊拉克移交给一个主权伊拉克政府——而不是恐怖主义敌人。他们的战略是无限地关注伊拉克境内的战术，而不考虑我们应对伊拉克境外威胁的战略。
At some point, a judgment must be made. Iraq is not going to be a perfect place, and we don't have unlimited resources to try to make it one. We are not going to kill every Al Qaida sympathizer, eliminate every trace of Iranian influence, or stand up a flawless democracy before we leave -- General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker acknowledged this to me when they testified last April. That is why the accusation of surrender is false rhetoric used to justify a failed policy. 在某个时候，必须做出判断。伊拉克不会成为一个完美的地方，我们也没有无限的资源来努力使其完美。我们不会在离开之前消灭每一个基地组织同情者，消除每一丝伊朗影响，或建立一个完美的民主——彼得雷乌斯将军和克罗克大使去年四月作证时向我承认了这一点。这就是为什么投降的指控是用来为失败政策辩护的虚假言辞。
In fact, true success in Iraq -- victory in Iraq -- will not take place in a surrender ceremony where an enemy lays down their arms. True success will take place when we leave Iraq to a government that is taking responsibility for its future -- a government that prevents sectarian conflict, and ensures that the Al Qaida threat which has been beaten back by our troops does not reemerge. That is an achievable goal if we pursue a comprehensive plan to press the Iraqis stand up. 事实上，伊拉克的真正成功——伊拉克的胜利——不会发生在敌人放下武器的投降仪式上。真正的成功将发生在我们把伊拉克留给一个正在为自己的未来承担责任的政府时——一个能防止宗派冲突的政府，并确保被我们军队击退的基地组织威胁不会重新出现。这是一个可以实现的目标，如果我们推行一个全面的计划来敦促伊拉克人承担责任。
To achieve that success, I will give our military a new mission on my first day in office: ending this war. Let me be clear: we must be as careful getting out of Iraq as we were careless getting in. We can safely redeploy our combat brigades at a pace that would remove them in 16 months. That would be the summer of 2010 -- one year after Iraqi Security Forces will be prepared to stand up; two years from now, and more than seven years after the war began. 为了实现这一成功，我将在就职的第一天给我们的军队一个新任务：结束这场战争。让我说清楚：我们必须像粗心大意地进入伊拉克那样小心地退出。我们可以安全地在16个月内重新部署我们的作战旅。那将是2010年夏天——伊拉克安全部队准备好接手安全职责的一年之后；从现在起两年，也就是战争开始后七年多。
After this redeployment, we'll keep a residual force to perform specific missions in Iraq: targeting any remnants of Al Qaida; protecting our service members and diplomats; and training and supporting Iraq's Security Forces, so long as the Iraqis make political progress. 这次重新部署之后，我们将保留一支残余部队在伊拉克执行特定任务：打击基地组织的任何残余；保护我们的军人和外交官；以及训练和支持伊拉克安全部队，只要伊拉克人取得政治进展。
We will make tactical adjustments as we implement this strategy -- that is what any responsible Commander-in-Chief must do. As I have consistently said, I will consult with commanders on the ground and the Iraqi government. We will redeploy from secure areas first and volatile areas later. We will commit $2 billion to a meaningful international effort to support the more than 4 million displaced Iraqis. 我们将在实施这一战略时做出战术调整——这是任何负责任的总司令必须做的。正如我一直说的，我将与地面上的指挥官和伊拉克政府进行协商。我们将首先从安全地区重新部署，然后是动荡地区。我们将承诺200亿美元用于支持400多万伊拉克难民的有意义的国际努力。
We will forge a new coalition to support Iraq's future -- one that includes all of Iraq's neighbors, and also the United Nations, the World Bank, and the European Union -- because we all have a stake in stability. And we will make it clear that the United States seeks no permanent bases in Iraq. 我们将组建一个新的联盟来支持伊拉克的未来——包括伊拉克的所有邻国，以及联合国、世界银行和欧盟——因为我们在稳定中都有利益。我们将明确表示，美国不寻求在伊拉克建立永久基地。
This is the future that Iraqis want. This is the future that the American people want. And this is what our common interests demand. Both America and Iraq will be more secure when the terrorist in Anbar is taken out by the Iraqi Army, and the criminal in Baghdad fears Iraqi Police, not just coalition forces. Both America and Iraq will succeed when every Arab government has an embassy open in Baghdad, and the child in Basra benefits from services provided by Iraqi dinars, not American tax dollars. 这是伊拉克人想要的未来。这是美国人民想要的未来。这也是我们的共同利益所要求的。当安巴尔的恐怖分子被伊拉克军队清除，巴格达的罪犯害怕伊拉克警察而不仅仅是联军时，美国和伊拉克都会更安全。当每个阿拉伯政府在巴格达开设大使馆，巴士拉的孩子从伊拉克第纳尔而非美国税款资助的服务中受益时，美国和伊拉克都会成功。
And this is the future we need for our military. We cannot tolerate this strain on our forces to fight a war that hasn't made us safer. I will restore our strength by ending this war, completing the increase of our ground forces by 65,000 soldiers and 27,000 marines, and investing in the capabilities we need to defeat conventional foes and meet the unconventional challenges of our time. 这也是我们的军队需要的未来。我们不能容忍这种对军队的压力，去打一场没有让我们更安全的战争。我将通过结束这场战争来恢复我们的实力，完成将地面部队增加65,000名士兵和27,000名海军陆战队员的计划，并投资于我们击败常规敌人和应对我们这个时代非传统挑战所需的能力。
So let's be clear. Senator McCain would have our troops continue to fight tour after tour of duty, and our taxpayers keep spending $10 billion a month indefinitely; I want Iraqis to take responsibility for their own future, and to reach the political accommodation necessary for long-term stability. That's victory. That's success. That's what's best for Iraq, that's what's best for America, and that's why I will end this war as President. 所以让我们说清楚。麦凯恩参议员会让我们的军队继续一轮又一轮地执行任务，让我们的纳税人无限期地每月继续花费100亿美元；我想让伊拉克人为自己的未来承担责任，并实现长期稳定所需的政治和解。那就是胜利。那就是成功。那对伊拉克最好，那对美国最好，这就是为什么我作为总统将结束这场战争。
In fact -- as should have been apparent to President Bush and Senator McCain -- the central front in the war on terror is not Iraq, and it never was. That's why the second goal of my new strategy will be taking the fight to Al Qaida in Afghanistan and Pakistan. 事实上——正如布什总统和麦凯恩参议员本应看清的那样——反恐战争的中心战线不在伊拉克，而且从来就不在那里。这就是为什么我的新战略的第二个目标，是把战斗推进到阿富汗和巴基斯坦的基地组织那里。
It is unacceptable that almost seven years after nearly 3,000 Americans were killed on our soil, the terrorists who attacked us on 9/11 are still at large. Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahari are recording messages to their followers and plotting more terror. The Taliban controls parts of Afghanistan. Al Qaida has an expanding base in Pakistan that is probably no farther from their old Afghan sanctuary than a train ride from Washington to Philadelphia. If another attack on our homeland comes, it will likely come from the same region where 9/11 was planned. 将近3000名美国人在我们的土地上被杀将近七年后，9/11袭击我们的恐怖分子仍然逍遥法外，这是不可接受的。奥萨马·本·拉登和艾曼·阿尔-扎瓦赫里正在向他们的追随者录制信息并策划更多恐怖活动。塔利班控制着阿富汗的部分地区。基地组织在巴基斯坦有一个不断扩大的基地，距离他们在阿富汗的旧避难所的距离可能不比从华盛顿到费城的火车路程远。如果对我们国土的另一次袭击发生，它很可能来自9/11策划的同一地区。
And yet today, we have five times more troops in Iraq than Afghanistan. 然而今天，我们在伊拉克的驻军是阿富汗的五倍。
Senator McCain said -- just months ago -- that Afghanistan is not in trouble because of our diversion to Iraq. I could not disagree more. Our troops and our NATO allies are performing heroically in Afghanistan, but I have argued for years that we lack the resources to finish the job because of our commitment to Iraq. That's what the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff said earlier this month. And that's why, as President, I will make the fight against Al Qaida and the Taliban the top priority that it should be. This is a war that we have to win. 麦凯恩参议员在几个月前说过——"阿富汗没有因为我们转向伊拉克而陷入麻烦。"我完全不同意。我们的军队和北约盟国在阿富汗英勇作战，但我多年来一直认为，由于我们对伊拉克的承诺，我们缺乏完成任务的资源。这就是参谋长联席会议主席本月早些时候所说的。这就是为什么作为总统，我将把对基地组织和塔利班的战斗置于应有的最优先地位。这是一场我们必须赢的战争。
I will send at least two additional combat brigades to Afghanistan, and use this commitment to seek greater contributions -- with fewer restrictions -- from NATO allies. I will focus on training Afghan security forces and supporting an Afghan judiciary, with more resources and incentives for American officers who perform these missions. 我将向阿富汗派遣至少两个额外的作战旅，并利用这一承诺寻求北约盟国做出更多贡献——减少限制。我将专注于训练阿富汗安全部队和支持阿富汗司法机构，为执行这些任务的美国军官提供更多资源和激励。
Just as we succeeded in the Cold War by supporting allies who could sustain their own security, we must realize that the 21st century's front lines are not only on the field of battle -- they are found in the training exercise near Kabul, in the police station in Kandahar, and in the rule of law in Herat. 正如我们在冷战中通过支持能够维持自身安全的盟国而取得成功一样，我们必须认识到21世纪的前线不仅在战场上——它们还存在于喀布尔附近的训练场、坎大哈的警察局和赫拉特的法治中。
Moreover, lasting security will only come if we heed Marshall's lesson, and help Afghans grow their economy from the bottom up. That's why I've proposed an additional $1 billion in non-military assistance each year, with meaningful safeguards to prevent corruption and to make sure investments are made -- not just in Kabul -- but out in Afghanistan's provinces. As a part of this program, we'll invest in alternative livelihoods to poppy-growing for Afghan farmers, just as we crack down on heroin trafficking. We cannot lose Afghanistan to a future of narco-terrorism. 此外，持久安全只有在我们吸取马歇尔的教训，帮助阿富汗人自下而上发展经济时才能实现。这就是为什么我提议每年额外提供10亿美元的非军事援助，并有有意义的保障措施来防止腐败，并确保投资不仅在喀布尔进行——而是在阿富汗的各省进行。作为该计划的一部分，我们将投资于阿富汗农民的替代生计以替代罂粟种植，同时我们打击海洛因贩运。我们不能让阿富汗陷入毒品恐怖主义的未来。
The Afghan people must know that our commitment to their future is enduring, because the security of Afghanistan and the United States is shared. 阿富汗人民必须知道，我们对他们未来的承诺是持久的，因为阿富汗和美国的安全是共享的。
The greatest threat to that security lies in the tribal regions of Pakistan, where terrorists train and insurgents strike into Afghanistan. We cannot tolerate a terrorist sanctuary, and as President, I won't. We need a stronger and sustained partnership between Afghanistan, Pakistan and NATO to secure the border, to take out terrorist camps, and to crack down on cross-border insurgents. We need more troops, more helicopters, more satellites, more Predator drones in the Afghan border region. 对这一安全的最大威胁在于巴基斯坦的部落地区，恐怖分子在那里训练，叛乱分子从那里袭击阿富汗。我们不能容忍恐怖分子的避难所，作为总统，我不会容忍。我们需要阿富汗、巴基斯坦和北约之间更强大和持续的伙伴关系来确保边境安全，清除恐怖分子营地，并打击跨境叛乱分子。我们需要更多的军队、更多的直升机、更多的卫星、在阿富汗边境地区部署更多的“捕食者”无人机。
And we must make it clear that if Pakistan cannot or will not act, we will take out high-level terrorist targets like bin Laden if we have them in our sights. 我们必须明确表示，如果巴基斯坦不能或不愿采取行动，如果我们能看到本·拉登等高级恐怖分子目标，我们将清除他们。
Make no mistake: we can't succeed in Afghanistan or secure our homeland unless we change our Pakistan policy. We must expect more of the Pakistani government, but we must offer more than a blank check to a General who has lost the confidence of his people. It's time to strengthen stability by standing up for the aspirations of the Pakistani people. 不要弄错：除非我们改变对巴基斯坦的政策，否则我们无法在阿富汗取得成功或确保我们的国土安全。我们必须对巴基斯坦政府提出更多要求，但但我们不能只是给一位已经失去民众信任的将军开空白支票。现在是通过支持巴基斯坦人民的愿望来加强稳定的时候了。
That's why I'm cosponsoring a bill with Joe Biden and Richard Lugar to triple non-military aid to the Pakistani people and to sustain it for a decade, while ensuring that the military assistance we do provide is used to take the fight to the Taliban and Al Qaida. We must move beyond a purely military alliance built on convenience, or face mounting popular opposition in a nuclear-armed nation at the nexus of terror and radical Islam. 这就是为什么我正在与乔·拜登和理查德·卢格共同发起一项法案，将对巴基斯坦人民的非军事援助增加两倍并持续十年，同时确保我们提供的军事援助被用于对塔利班和基地组织采取行动。我们必须超越建立在便利基础上的纯军事联盟，否则将面临在恐怖主义和激进伊斯兰教交汇处的核武装国家中日益增长的民众反对。
Only a strong Pakistani democracy can help us move toward my third goal -- securing all nuclear weapons and materials from terrorists and rogue states. One of the terrible ironies of the Iraq War is that President Bush used the threat of nuclear terrorism to invade a country that had no active nuclear program. But the fact that the President misled us into a misguided war doesn't diminish the threat of a terrorist with a weapon of mass destruction -- in fact, it has only increased it. 只有强大的巴基斯坦民主才能帮助我们实现我的第三个目标——确保所有核武器和核材料不落入恐怖分子和流氓国家手中。伊拉克战争的一个可怕讽刺是，布什总统利用核恐怖主义的威胁入侵了一个没有活跃核计划的国家。但总统误导我们进入一场错误的战争这一事实，并没有削弱拥有大规模杀伤性武器的恐怖分子的威胁——事实上，反而加剧了这种威胁。
In those years after World War II, we worried about the deadly atom falling into the hands of the Kremlin. Now, we worry about 50 tons of highly enriched uranium -- some of it poorly secured -- at civilian nuclear facilities in over forty countries. Now, we worry about the breakdown of a non-proliferation framework that was designed for the bipolar world of the Cold War. 在那些二战后的岁月里，我们担心致命的原子落入克里姆林宫手中。现在，我们担心40多个国家的民用核设施中50吨高浓缩铀——其中一些安全性很差。现在，我们担心为冷战两极世界设计的不扩散框架的崩溃。
Now, we worry -- most of all -- about a rogue state or nuclear scientist transferring the world's deadliest weapons to the world's most dangerous people: terrorists who won't think twice about killing themselves and hundreds of thousands in Tel Aviv or Moscow, in London or New York. 现在，我们最担心的是——一个流氓国家或核科学家将世界上最致命的武器转移给世界上最危险的人：那些毫不犹豫地在特拉维夫或莫斯科、在伦敦或纽约杀死自己和数十万人的恐怖分子。
We cannot wait any longer to protect the American people. I've made this a priority in the Senate, where I worked with Republican Senator Dick Lugar to pass a law accelerating our pursuit of loose nuclear materials. I'll lead a global effort to secure all loose nuclear materials around the world during my first term as President. And I'll develop new defenses to protect against the 21st century threat of biological weapons and cyber-terrorism -- threats that I'll discuss in more detail tomorrow. 我们不能再等待保护美国人民了。我在参议院将此列为优先事项，在那里我与共和党参议员迪克·卢格合作通过了一项法律，加快搜寻并保护散失核材料的工作。在我担任总统的第一任期内，我将领导一项全球努力来确保全球所有松散的核材料。我将开发新的防御措施来应对21世纪的生物武器和网络恐怖主义威胁——我将在明天更详细地讨论这些威胁。
Beyond taking these immediate, urgent steps, it's time to send a clear message: America seeks a world with no nuclear weapons. As long as nuclear weapons exist, we must retain a strong deterrent. But instead of threatening to kick them out of the G-8, we need to work with Russia to take U.S. and Russian ballistic missiles off hair- trigger alert; to dramatically reduce the stockpiles of our nuclear weapons and material; to seek a global ban on the production of fissile material for weapons; and to expand the U.S.-Russian ban on intermediate-range missiles so that the agreement is global. 除了采取这些直接而紧迫的措施外，现在是发出一个明确信息的时候了：美国寻求一个没有核武器的世界。只要核武器存在，我们就必须保持强大的威慑力量。但我们不应威胁把俄罗斯逐出八国集团，而应与俄罗斯合作，将美国和俄罗斯的弹道导弹从高度戒备状态中撤除；大幅减少我们的核武器和材料储备；寻求全球禁止生产武器用裂变材料；并扩大美俄关于中程导弹的禁令，使该协议成为全球性的。
By keeping our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, we'll be in a better position to press nations like North Korea and Iran to keep theirs. In particular, it will give us more credibility and leverage in dealing with Iran. 通过遵守我们在《核不扩散条约》下的承诺，我们将更有能力推动朝鲜和伊朗等国家遵守他们的承诺。特别是，这将给我们在处理伊朗问题时带来更多的信誉和杠杆。
We cannot tolerate nuclear weapons in the hands of nations that support terror. Preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons is a vital national security interest of the United States. No tool of statecraft should be taken off the table, but Senator McCain would continue a failed policy that has seen Iran strengthen its position, advance its nuclear program, and stockpile 150 kilos of low enriched uranium. 我们不能容忍核武器落入支持恐怖主义的国家手中。防止伊朗发展核武器是美国至关重要的国家安全利益。任何外交工具都不应被排除在外，但麦凯恩参议员将继续一项失败的政策，该政策见证了伊朗加强了其地位，推进了其核计划，并储存了150公斤低浓缩铀。
I will use all elements of American power to pressure the Iranian regime, starting with aggressive, principled and direct diplomacy -- diplomacy backed with strong sanctions and without preconditions. 我将运用美国力量的一切手段向伊朗政权施压，首先采取积极、有原则、直接的外交——以强力制裁为后盾、不设先决条件的外交。
There will be careful preparation. I commend the work of our European allies on this important matter, and we should be full partners in that effort. Ultimately the measure of any effort is whether it leads to a change in Iranian behavior. That's why we must pursue these tough negotiations in full coordination with our allies, bringing to bear our full influence -- including, if it will advance our interests, my meeting with the appropriate Iranian leader at a time and place of my choosing. 将会有精心的准备。我赞扬我们的欧洲盟友在这一重要问题上所做的工作，我们应该成为这一努力的正式伙伴。最终，任何努力的衡量标准是它是否导致伊朗行为的改变。这就是为什么我们必须与我们的盟友充分协调地进行这些艰难的谈判，发挥我们的全部影响力——包括在符合美国利益的情况下，由我在自行选择的时间和地点会见适当的伊朗领导人。
We will pursue this diplomacy with no illusions about the Iranian regime. Instead, we will present a clear choice. If you abandon your nuclear program, support for terror, and threats to Israel, there will be meaningful incentives. If you refuse, then we will ratchet up the pressure, with stronger unilateral sanctions; stronger multilateral sanctions in the Security Council, and sustained action outside the UN to isolate the Iranian regime. That's the diplomacy we need. And the Iranians should negotiate now; by waiting, they will only face mounting pressure. 我们将在对伊朗政权不抱任何幻想的情况下推行这一外交。相反，我们将提出一个明确的选择。如果你放弃核计划、对恐怖主义的支持以及对以色列的威胁，将会有有意义的激励。如果你拒绝，那么我们将加大压力，实施更强有力的单边制裁；在安理会实施更强有力的多边制裁，以及在联合国以外采取持续行动来孤立伊朗政权。这是我们需要的外交。伊朗人现在应该谈判；通过等待，他们只会面临越来越大的压力。
The surest way to increase our leverage against Iran in the long- run is to stop bankrolling its ambitions. That will depend on achieving my fourth goal: ending the tyranny of oil in our time. 从长远看，增强我们对伊朗影响力的最可靠办法，是停止为其野心输送资金。这将取决于实现我的第四个目标：在我们这个时代终结石油的暴政。
One of the most dangerous weapons in the world today is the price of oil. We ship nearly $700 million a day to unstable or hostile nations for their oil. It pays for terrorist bombs going off from Baghdad to Beirut. It funds petro-diplomacy in Caracas and radical madrasas from Karachi to Khartoum. It takes leverage away from America and shifts it to dictators. 当今世界上最危险的武器之一就是石油价格。我们每天向不稳定或敌对国家运送近7亿美元购买他们的石油。这些石油收入为从巴格达到贝鲁特爆炸的恐怖炸弹买单，为加拉加斯的石油外交以及从卡拉奇到喀土穆的激进宗教学校提供资金。它从美国手中夺走了杠杆，将其转移给了独裁者。
This immediate danger is eclipsed only by the long-term threat from climate change, which will lead to devastating weather patterns, terrible storms, drought, and famine. That means people competing for food and water in the next fifty years in the very places that have known horrific violence in the last fifty: Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. Most disastrously, that could mean destructive storms on our shores, and the disappearance of our coastline. 这一迫在眉睫的危险仅被气候变化的长期威胁所掩盖，气候变化将导致毁灭性的天气模式、可怕的风暴、干旱和饥荒。这意味着在未来五十年里，在过去五十年里经历过恐怖暴力的地区——非洲、中东和南亚——人们将争夺食物和水。最灾难性的是，这可能意味着我们海岸上的破坏性风暴，以及我们海岸线的消失。
This is not just an economic issue or an environmental concern -- this is a national security crisis. For the sake of our security -- and for every American family that is paying the price at the pump -- we must end this dependence on foreign oil. And as President, that's exactly what I'll do. Small steps and political gimmickry just won't do. I'll invest $150 billion over the next ten years to put America on the path to true energy security. 这不仅仅是一个经济问题或环境问题——这是一个国家安全危机。为了我们的安全——以及为了每个在加油站付出代价的美国家庭——我们必须结束对外国石油的依赖。作为总统，那正是我要做的。小步骤和政治噱头是不够的。我将在未来十年内投资1500亿美元，使美国走上真正的能源安全之路。
This fund will fast track investments in a new green energy business sector that will end our addiction to oil and create up to 5 million jobs over the next two decades, and help secure the future of our country and our planet. We'll invest in research and development of every form of alternative energy -- solar, wind, and biofuels, as well as technologies that can make coal clean and nuclear power safe. And from the moment I take office, I will let it be known that the United States of America is ready to lead again. 该基金将快速追踪对一个新的绿色能源商业领域的投资，这将结束我们对石油的成瘾，并在未来二十年内创造多达500万个就业机会，并有助于确保我们国家和我们星球的未来。我们将投资于各种替代能源的研究和开发——太阳能、风能和生物燃料，以及能使煤炭清洁和核能安全的技术。从我就职的那一刻起，我将宣布美利坚合众国准备再次发挥领导作用。
Never again will we sit on the sidelines, or stand in the way of global action to tackle this global challenge. I will reach out to the leaders of the biggest carbon emitting nations and ask them to join a new Global Energy Forum that will lay the foundation for the next generation of climate protocols. We will also build an alliance of oil-importing nations and work together to reduce our demand, and to break the grip of OPEC on the global economy. We'll set a goal of an 80% reduction in global emissions by 2050. 我们永远不会再袖手旁观，或阻挠全球行动来应对这一全球挑战。我将联系最大碳排放国的领导人，邀请他们加入一个新的全球能源论坛，为下一代气候协议奠定基础。我们还将建立一个石油进口国联盟，共同努力减少我们的需求，并打破欧佩克对全球经济的控制。我们将设定一个到2050年全球排放减少80%的目标。
And as we develop new forms of clean energy here at home, we will share our technology and our innovations with all the nations of the world. 当我们在国内开发新的清洁能源形式时，我们将与世界各国分享我们的技术和创新。
That is the tradition of American leadership on behalf of the global good. And that will be my fifth goal -- rebuilding our alliances to meet the common challenges of the 21st century. 这就是美国为全球利益领导的传统。这将是我的第五个目标——重建我们的联盟以应对21世纪的共同挑战。
For all of our power, America is strongest when we act alongside strong partners. We faced down fascism with the greatest war-time alliance the world has ever known. We stood shoulder to shoulder with our NATO allies against the Soviet threat, and paid a far smaller price for the first Gulf War because we acted together with a broad coalition. We helped create the United Nations -- not to constrain America's influence, but to amplify it by advancing our values. 尽管我们拥有所有力量，美国在与强大伙伴一起行动时最为强大。我们以世界上有史以来最伟大的战时联盟对抗了法西斯主义。我们与北约盟友并肩对抗苏联威胁，并且因为我们与广泛的联盟共同行动，为第一次海湾战争付出了更小的代价。我们帮助创建了联合国——不是为了限制美国的影响力，而是为了通过推进我们的价值观来放大它。
Now is the time for a new era of international cooperation. It's time for America and Europe to renew our common commitment to face down the threats of the 21st century just as we did the challenges of the 20th. It's time to strengthen our partnerships with Japan, South Korea, Australia and the world's largest democracy -- India -- to create a stable and prosperous Asia. It's time to engage China on common interests like climate change, even as we continue to encourage their shift to a more open and market-based society. 现在是国际合作新时代的时刻。现在是美国和欧洲重申我们共同承诺、像应对20世纪的挑战一样应对21世纪威胁的时候了。现在是加强我们与日本、韩国、澳大利亚和世界上最大的民主国家——印度——的伙伴关系，以创建一个稳定繁荣的亚洲的时候了。现在是与中国就气候变化等共同利益进行接触的时候了，即使我们继续鼓励他们向更开放和以市场为基础的社会转变。
It's time to strengthen NATO by asking more of our allies, while always approaching them with the respect owed a partner. It's time to reform the United Nations, so that this imperfect institution can become a more perfect forum to share burdens, strengthen our leverage, and promote our values. It's time to deepen our engagement to help resolve the Arab- Israeli conflict, so that we help our ally Israel achieve true and lasting security, while helping Palestinians achieve their legitimate aspirations for statehood. 现在是通过向我们的盟友提出更多要求来加强北约的时候了，同时始终以合作伙伴应有的尊重对待他们。现在是改革联合国的时候了，以便这个不完美的机构能成为一个更完美的论坛，来分担负担、加强我们的杠杆并促进我们的价值观。现在是加深我们的介入以帮助解决阿以冲突的时候了，以便我们帮助我们的盟友以色列实现真正和持久的安全，同时帮助巴勒斯坦人实现他们合法的建国愿望。
And just as we renew longstanding efforts, so must we shape new ones to meet new challenges. That's why I'll create a Shared Security Partnership Program -- a new alliance of nations to strengthen cooperative efforts to take down global terrorist networks, while standing up against torture and brutality. That's why we'll work with the African Union to enhance its ability to keep the peace. That's why we'll build a new partnership to roll back the trafficking of drugs, and guns, and gangs in the Americas. That's what we can do if we are ready to engage the world. 正如我们更新长期努力一样，我们也必须塑造新的努力来应对新的挑战。 这就是为什么我将创建一个共享安全伙伴关系计划——一个新的国家联盟，以加强合作努力来打击全球恐怖主义网络，同时反对酷刑和暴行。这就是为什么我们将与非洲联盟合作，增强其维护和平的能力。这就是为什么我们将建立一个新的伙伴关系来遏制美洲的毒品、枪支和帮派贩运。如果我们准备好与世界接触，这就是我们能做的。
We will have to provide meaningful resources to meet critical priorities. I know development assistance is not the most popular program, but as President, I will make the case to the American people that it can be our best investment in increasing the common security of the entire world. That was true with the Marshall Plan, and that must be true today. 我们将必须提供有意义的资源来满足关键的优先事项。我知道发展援助不是最受欢迎的项目，但作为总统，我将向美国人民证明，它可以成为我们增加整个世界共同安全的最佳投资。马歇尔计划是这样，今天也必须是这样。
That's why I'll double our foreign assistance to $50 billion by 2012, and use it to support a stable future in failing states, and sustainable growth in Africa; to halve global poverty and to roll back disease. To send once more a message to those yearning faces beyond our shores that says, "You matter to us. Your future is our future. And our moment is now." 这就是为什么我将把我们的对外援助在2012年之前增加一倍至500亿美元，并使用它来支持失败国家的稳定未来和非洲的可持续增长；来减少全球贫困和遏制疾病。再次向我们海外那些渴望的面孔传递一个信息："你们对我们很重要。你们的未来就是我们的未来。现在正是我们的时刻。"
This must be the moment when we answer the call of history. For eight years, we have paid the price for a foreign policy that lectures without listening; that divides us from one another -- and from the world -- instead of calling us to a common purpose; that focuses on our tactics in fighting a war without end in Iraq instead of forging a new strategy to face down the true threats that we face. We cannot afford four more years of a strategy that is out of balance and out of step with this defining moment. 这必须是我们响应历史召唤的时刻。八年来，我们为一种说教而不倾听的外交政策付出了代价；那种政策将我们彼此分裂——并与世界分裂——而不是号召我们为共同目标团结起来；那种政策专注于我们在伊拉克打一场无尽战争的战术，而不是制定新战略来面对我们面临的真正威胁。我们不能再承受四年这种失衡和脱离这一决定性时刻的战略。
None of this will be easy, but we have faced great odds before. When General Marshall first spoke about the plan that would bear his name, the rubble of Berlin had not yet been built into a wall. But Marshall knew that even the fiercest of adversaries could forge bonds of friendship founded in freedom. He had the confidence to know that the purpose and pragmatism of the American people could outlast any foe. 这一切都不容易，但我们以前曾面对过巨大的困难。当马歇尔将军第一次谈到将以他的名字命名的计划时，柏林的废墟还没有被建成一堵墙。但马歇尔知道，即使是最凶猛的对手也能建立以自由为基础的友谊纽带。他有信心知道，美国人民的目的和务实精神能战胜任何敌人。
Today, the dangers and divisions that came with the dawn of the Cold War have receded. Now, the defeat of the threats of the past has been replaced by the transnational threats of today. We know what is needed. We know what can best be done. We know what must done. Now it falls to us to act with the same sense of purpose and pragmatism as an earlier generation, to join with friends and partners to lead the world anew. 今天，冷战开始时带来的危险和分歧已经消退。现在，过去威胁的失败已被今天的跨国威胁所取代。我们知道需要什么。我们知道最好能做什么。我们知道必须做什么。现在，我们必须以与前一代人相同的目的感和务实精神采取行动，与朋友和伙伴一起重新领导世界。