Thank you very much Professor Kombay for that generous introduction. And let me say, that I never expected to hear such kind words from Dr. Falwell. So in return, I have an invitation of my own. On January 20th, 1985, I hope Dr. Falwell will say a prayer at the inauguration of the next Democratic President of the United States. Now, Dr. Falwell, I'm not exactly sure how you feel about that. You might not appreciate the President, but the Democrats certainly would appreciate the prayer. 非常感谢康贝教授的慷慨介绍。让我说，我从未想过能听到福尔韦尔博士这样亲切的话语。因此作为回报，我有一个自己的邀请。1985年1月20日，我希望福尔韦尔博士能在下一位美国民主党总统的就职典礼上祈祷。现在，福尔韦尔博士，我不太确定您对此有何看法。您可能不欣赏总统，但民主党人肯定会欣赏这个祈祷。
Actually, a number of people in Washington were surprised that I was invited to speak here -- and even more surprised when I accepted the invitation. They seem to think that it's easier for a camel to pass through the eye of the needle than for a Kennedy to come to the campus of Liberty Baptist College. In honor of our meeting, I have asked Dr. Falwell, as your Chancellor, to permit all the students an extra hour next Saturday night before curfew. And in return, I have promised to watch the Old Time Gospel Hour next Sunday morning. 事实上，华盛顿的许多人对我受邀在此演讲感到惊讶——当我接受邀请时，他们更加惊讶。他们似乎认为，骆驼穿过针眼比肯尼迪来到自由浸信会大学的校园更容易。为了纪念我们的会面，我请求您的校长福尔韦尔博士允许所有学生在下周六晚上的宵禁前多一个小时的时间。作为回报，我承诺下周日早上观看《旧时福音时刻》。
I realize that my visit may be a little controversial. But as many of you have heard, Dr. Falwell recently sent me a membership in the Moral Majority -- and I didn't even apply for it. And I wonder if that means that I'm a member in good standing. 我意识到我的访问可能有点争议。但正如你们许多人所听说的，福尔韦尔博士最近寄给我一份道德多数派的会员资格——而我甚至没有申请。我不知道这是否意味着我是一名正式会员。
Reverend Falwell: Somewhat 福尔韦尔牧师：算是吧。
Senator Kennedy: "Somewhat," he says. 肯尼迪参议员：他说"算是吧"。
This is, of course, a nonpolitical speech which is probably best under the circumstances. Since I am not a candidate for President, it would certainly be inappropriate to ask for your support in this election and probably inaccurate to thank you for it in the last one. 当然，这是一次非政治性的演讲，在这种情况下可能最好。既然我不是总统候选人，在这次选举中寻求你们的支持当然不合适，在上一次选举中感谢你们可能也不准确。
I have come here to discuss my beliefs about faith and country, tolerance and truth in America. I know we begin with certain disagreements; and I strongly suspect that at the end of the evening some of our disagreements will remain. But I also hope that tonight and in the months and years ahead, we will always respect the right of others to differ, that we will never lose sight of our own fallibility, and that we will view ourselves with a sense of perspective and a sense of humor. 我来到这里是为了讨论我对美国信仰与国家、宽容与真理的信念。我知道我们一开始就有某些分歧；我强烈怀疑，在今晚结束时，我们的一些分歧仍将存在。但我也希望，今晚以及未来的岁月里，我们将永远尊重他人不同意见的权利，我们将永远不忘记自己的谬误，我们将以一种视角感和幽默感看待自己。
After all, in the New Testament, even the Disciples had to be taught to look first to the beam in their own eyes, and only then to the mote in their neighbor's eyes. 毕竟，在《新约》中，即使是门徒也必须被教导先看到自己眼中的梁木，然后才看到邻居眼中的木屑。
I am mindful of that counsel. I am an American and a Catholic; I love my country and treasure my faith. But I do not assume that my conception of patriotism or policy is invariably correct, or that my convictions about religion should command any greater respect than any other faith in this pluralistic society. I believe there surely is such a thing as truth, but who among us can claim a monopoly on it? 我铭记着这一忠告。我是美国人，也是天主教徒；我爱我的国家，珍惜我的信仰。但我不认为我对爱国主义或政策的概念总是正确的，也不认为我对宗教的信念应该在这个多元社会中比任何其他信仰赢得更大的尊重。我相信确实存在真理这样的东西，但我们当中谁能声称拥有真理的垄断权？
There are those who do, and their own words testify to their intolerance. For example, because the Moral Majority has worked with members of different denominations, one fundamentalist group has denounced Dr. Falwell for hastening the ecumenical church and for "yoking together with Roman Catholics, Mormons, and others." I am relieved that Dr. Falwell does not regard that as a sin, and on this issue, he himself has become the target of narrow prejudice. 有些人声称拥有，他们自己的话证明了他们的不宽容。例如，因为道德多数派与不同教派的成员合作，一个原教旨主义团体谴责福尔韦尔博士加速了普世教会，并"与罗马天主教徒、摩门教徒和其他人联合在一起"。我感到欣慰的是，福尔韦尔博士不认为这是一种罪，在这个问题上，他自己也成了狭隘偏见的目标。
When people agree on public policy, they ought to be able to work together, even while they worship in diverse ways. 当人们在公共政策上达成一致时，他们应该能够共同努力，即使他们以不同的方式崇拜。
For truly we are all yoked together as Americans, and the yoke is the happy one of individual freedom and mutual respect. 因为我们确实作为美国人被联合在一起，而这个纽带是个人自由和相互尊重的幸福纽带。
But in saying that, we cannot and should not turn aside from a deeper and more pressing question -- which is whether and how religion should influence government. A generation ago, a presidential candidate had to prove his independence of undue religious influence in public life, and he had to do so partly at the insistence of evangelical Protestants. John Kennedy said at that time: "I believe in an America where there is no religious bloc voting of any kind." 但在这么说的时候，我们不能也不应该回避一个更深层次、更紧迫的问题——即宗教是否以及如何应该影响政府。一代人以前，一位总统候选人不得不证明他在公共生活中不受不当宗教影响，而他这样做部分是出于福音派新教徒的坚持。约翰·肯尼迪当时说："我相信在一个美国，不存在任何形式的宗教集团投票。"
Only twenty years later, another candidate was appealing to an evangelical meeting as a religious bloc. Ronald Reagan said to 15 thousand evangelicals at the Roundtable in Dallas: "I know that you can't endorse me. I want you to know I endorse you and what you are doing." 仅仅二十年后，另一位候选人却在一个福音派会议上作为宗教集团发表呼吁。罗纳德·里根在达拉斯的圆桌会议上对15000名福音派信徒说："我知道你们不能支持我。我想让你们知道我支持你们和你们所做的事情。"
To many Americans, that pledge was a sign and a symbol of a dangerous breakdown in the separation of church and state. Yet this principle, as vital as it is, is not a simplistic and rigid command. Separation of church and state cannot mean an absolute separation between moral principles and political power. The challenge today is to recall the origin of the principle, to define its purpose, and refine its application to the politics of the present. 对许多美国人来说，这一承诺是政教分离危险破裂的标志和象征。然而，这一原则虽然至关重要，但并非一个简单而僵化的命令。政教分离不能意味着道德原则与政治权力之间的绝对分离。今天的挑战是回顾这一原则的起源，定义其目的，并完善其在当前政治中的应用。
The founders of our nation had long and bitter experience with the state, as both the agent and the adversary of particular religious views. In colonial Maryland, Catholics paid a double land tax, and in Pennsylvania they had to list their names on a public roll -- an ominous precursor of the first Nazi laws against the Jews. And Jews in turn faced discrimination in all of the thirteen original Colonies. 我们国家的开国元勋们对国家有着长期而痛苦的经历，国家既是特定宗教观点的代理人，也是其对手。在殖民时期的马里兰州，天主教徒缴纳双倍的土地税，在宾夕法尼亚州，他们必须在公共名单上登记姓名——这是纳粹反犹法律的不祥前兆。而犹太人反过来在所有十三个原始殖民地都面临歧视。
Massachusetts exiled Roger Williams and his congregation for contending that civil government had no right to enforce the Ten Commandments. Virginia harassed Baptist teachers, and also established a religious test for public service, writing into the law that no "popish followers" could hold any office. 马萨诸塞州流放了罗杰·威廉姆斯和他的会众，因为他们主张世俗政府无权强制执行十诫。弗吉尼亚州骚扰浸信会教师，并为公共服务设立了宗教测试，在法律中写入任何"天主教追随者"不得担任任何职务。
But during the Revolution, Catholics, Jews, and Non-Conformists all rallied to the cause and fought valiantly for the American commonwealth -- for John Winthrop's "city upon a hill." Afterwards, when the Constitution was ratified and then amended, the framers gave freedom for all religion, and from any established religion, the very first place in the Bill of Rights. 但在革命期间，天主教徒、犹太人和非国教徒都团结起来，为美国联邦英勇战斗——为约翰·温思罗普的"山上之城"而战。后来，当宪法获得批准并修正后，制宪者们将所有宗教的自由和不受任何国教支配的自由，放在了权利法案的第一位。
Indeed the framers themselves professed very different faiths: Washington was an Episcopalian, Jefferson a deist, and Adams a Calvinist. And although he had earlier opposed toleration, John Adams later contributed to the building of Catholic churches, and so did George Washington. Thomas Jefferson said his proudest achievement was not the presidency, or the writing the Declaration of Independence, but drafting the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom. 事实上，制宪者们自己信奉非常不同的信仰：华盛顿是圣公会教徒，杰斐逊是自然神论者，亚当斯是加尔文教徒。尽管约翰·亚当斯早先反对宽容，但后来他为天主教教堂的建设做出了贡献，乔治·华盛顿也是如此。托马斯·杰斐逊说他最自豪的成就不是总统职位，也不是撰写《独立宣言》，而是起草《弗吉尼亚宗教自由法案》。
He stated the vision of the first Americans and the First Amendment very clearly: "The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time." 他非常清楚地阐述了第一代美国人的愿景和第一修正案："赋予我们生命的上帝同时也赋予了我们自由。"
The separation of church and state can sometimes be frustrating for women and men of religious faith. They may be tempted to misuse government in order to impose a value which they cannot persuade others to accept. But once we succumb to that temptation, we step onto a slippery slope where everyone's freedom is at risk. Those who favor censorship should recall that one of the first books ever burned was the first English translation of the Bible. 政教分离有时会让有宗教信仰的男女感到沮丧。他们可能会试图滥用政府，以便强加一个他们无法说服他人接受的价值观。但一旦我们屈服于这种诱惑，我们就踏上了一条每个人的自由都处于危险之中的滑坡。那些支持审查制度的人应该记得，有史以来被烧毁的第一批书籍之一就是第一本英文译本的圣经。
As President Eisenhower warned in 1953, "Don't join the book burners...the right to say ideas, the right to record them, and the right to have them accessible to others is unquestioned -- or this isn't America." And if that right is denied, at some future day the torch can be turned against any other book or any other belief. Let us never forget: Today's Moral Majority could become tomorrow's persecuted minority. 正如艾森豪威尔总统在1953年警告的那样："不要加入焚书者的行列……表达思想的权利、记录思想的权利以及让他人接触这些思想的权利是不容置疑的——否则这就不是美国。"如果这项权利被剥夺，在未来的某一天，火炬可能会指向任何其他书籍或任何其他信仰。让我们永远不要忘记：今天的道德多数派可能成为明天受迫害的少数派。
The danger is as great now as when the founders of the nation first saw it. In 1789, their fear was of factional strife among dozens of denominations. Today there are hundreds -- and perhaps even thousands of faiths -- and millions of Americans who are outside any fold. Pluralism obviously does not and cannot mean that all of them are right; but it does mean that there are areas where government cannot and should not decide what is wrong to believe, to think, to read, and to do. 这种危险现在与国家创始人最初看到的一样巨大。1789年，他们担心的是几十个教派之间的派系冲突。今天有数百个——甚至可能数千个信仰——以及数百万美国人不属于任何教派。多元化显然并不意味着也不可能意味着所有这些都是正确的；但它确实意味着，在某些领域，政府不能也不应该决定什么是错误的信仰、思想、阅读和行为。
As Professor Larry Tribe, one of the nation's leading constitutional scholars has written, "Law in a non-theocratic state cannot measure religious truth, nor can the state impose it." 正如美国顶尖宪法学者之一拉里·特里布教授所写的那样："在一个非神权国家，法律不能衡量宗教真理，国家也不能强加宗教真理。"
The real transgression occurs when religion wants government to tell citizens how to live uniquely personal parts of their lives. The failure of Prohibition proves the futility of such an attempt when a majority or even a substantial minority happens to disagree. Some questions may be inherently individual ones, or people may be sharply divided about whether they are. In such cases, like Prohibition and abortion, the proper role of religion is to appeal to the conscience of the individual, not the coercive power of the state. 当宗教希望政府告诉公民如何生活他们独特的个人生活时，真正的违规就发生了。禁酒令的失败证明了这样一种尝试的徒劳，当多数人甚至相当多的少数人不同意时。有些问题可能本质上是个人问题，或者人们可能对它们是否是个人问题存在严重分歧。在这种情况下，如禁酒令和堕胎，宗教的适当作用是呼吁个人的良心，而不是国家的强制力。
But there are other questions which are inherently public in nature, which we must decide together as a nation, and where religion and religious values can and should speak to our common conscience. The issue of nuclear war is a compelling example. It is a moral issue; it will be decided by government, not by each individual; and to give any effect to the moral values of their creed, people of faith must speak directly about public policy. 但还有其他一些问题本质上是公共性质的，我们必须作为一个国家共同决定，宗教和宗教价值观可以而且应该在这些问题上表达我们共同的良心。核战争问题就是一个引人注目的例子。这是一个道德问题；它将由政府决定，而不是由每个个人决定；为了使他们教义的道德价值观产生任何影响，有信仰的人必须直接谈论公共政策。
The Catholic bishops and the Reverend Billy Graham have every right to stand for the nuclear freeze, and Dr. Falwell has every right to stand against it. 天主教主教和比利·格雷厄姆牧师完全有权支持核冻结，福尔韦尔博士也完全有权反对它。
There must be standards for the exercise of such leadership, so that the obligations of belief will not be debased into an opportunity for mere political advantage. But to take a stand at all when a question is both properly public and truly moral is to stand in a long and honored tradition. Many of the great evangelists of the 1800s were in the forefront of the abolitionist movement. In our own time, the Reverend William Sloane Coffin challenged the morality of the war in Vietnam. 行使这种领导权必须有标准，这样信仰的义务才不会沦为纯粹政治优势的机会。但当一个问题既是适当的公共问题又是真正的道德问题时，采取立场就是站在一个悠久而光荣的传统中。19世纪的许多伟大福音传教士都站在废奴运动的最前沿。在我们自己的时代，威廉·斯隆·科芬牧师质疑越南战争的道德性。
Pope John XXIII renewed the Gospel's call to social justice. And Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. who was the greatest prophet of this century, awakened our nation and its conscience to the evil of racial segregation. 教皇约翰二十三世重申了福音书对社会正义的呼吁。而小马丁·路德·金博士，这个世纪最伟大的先知，唤醒了我们国家及其良心，认识到种族隔离的邪恶。
Their words have blessed our world. And who now wishes they had been silent? Who would bid Pope John Paul [II] to quiet his voice against the oppression in Eastern Europe, the violence in Central America, or the crying needs of the landless, the hungry, and those who are tortured in so many of the dark political prisons of our time? 他们的话语祝福了我们的世界。现在谁希望他们保持沉默？谁会要求教皇约翰·保罗二世停止他反对东欧压迫、中美洲暴力或那些在我们时代如此多黑暗政治监狱中遭受折磨的无地者、饥饿者的迫切需求的声音？
President Kennedy, who said that "no religious body should seek to impose its will," also urged religious leaders to state their views and give their commitment when the public debate involved ethical issues. In drawing the line between imposed will and essential witness, we keep church and state separate, and at the same time we recognize that the City of God should speak to the civic duties of men and women. 肯尼迪总统说过"任何宗教团体都不应寻求强加其意志"，同时也敦促宗教领袖在公共辩论涉及伦理问题时陈述他们的观点并做出承诺。在强加意志和基本见证之间划清界限时，我们保持政教分离，同时我们认识到上帝之城应该对男女的公民职责说话。
There are four tests which draw that line and define the difference. 有四个标准来划清这条界限并定义区别。
First, we must respect the integrity of religion itself. 首先，我们必须尊重宗教本身的完整性。
People of conscience should be careful how they deal in the word of their Lord. In our own history, religion has been falsely invoked to sanction prejudice -- even slavery -- to condemn labor unions and public spending for the poor. I believe that the prophecy, "The poor you always have with you" is an indictment, not a commandment. And I respectfully suggest that God has taken no position on the Department of Education -- and that a balanced budget constitutional amendment is a matter of economic analysis, and not heavenly appeals. 有良心的人应该小心如何对待他们主的话语。在我们自己的历史中，宗教被错误地用来为偏见——甚至奴隶制——辩护，谴责工会和为穷人的公共支出。我相信预言"常有穷人和你们同在"是一种谴责，而不是命令。我恭敬地建议，上帝在教育部问题上没有立场——平衡预算宪法修正案是一个经济分析问题，而不是天堂的呼吁。
Religious values cannot be excluded from every public issue; but not every public issue involves religious values. And how ironic it is when those very values are denied in the name of religion. For example, we are sometimes told that it is wrong to feed the hungry, but that mission is an explicit mandate given to us in the 25th chapter of Matthew. 宗教价值观不能从每个公共问题中排除；但并非每个公共问题都涉及宗教价值观。当这些价值观以宗教的名义被否认时，这是多么具有讽刺意味。例如，我们有时被告知喂养饥饿者是错误的，但这项使命是《马太福音》第25章明确赋予我们的命令。
Second, we must respect the independent judgments of conscience. 其次，我们必须尊重良心的独立判断。
Those who proclaim moral and religious values can offer counsel, but they should not casually treat a position on a public issue as a test of fealty to faith. Just as I disagree with the Catholic bishops on tuition tax credits -- which I oppose -- so other Catholics can and do disagree with the hierarchy, on the basis of honest conviction, on the question of the nuclear freeze. 那些宣扬道德和宗教价值观的人可以提供建议，但他们不应该随意将公共问题上的立场视为对信仰忠诚的考验。正如我在学费税收抵免问题上与天主教主教意见不同——我反对——其他天主教徒也可以基于诚实的信念，在核冻结问题上与教会等级制度意见不同。
Thus, the controversy about the Moral Majority arises not only from its views, but from its name -- which, in the minds of many, seems to imply that only one set of public policies is moral and only one majority can possibly be right. Similarly, people are and should be perplexed when the religious lobbying group Christian Voice publishes a morality index of congressional voting records, which judges the morality of senators by their attitude toward Zimbabwe and Taiwan. 因此，关于道德多数派的争议不仅源于其观点，还源于其名称——在许多人看来，这似乎暗示只有一套公共政策是道德的，只有一个多数派可能是正确的。同样，当宗教游说团体"基督教之声"发布国会投票记录的道德指数，根据参议员对津巴布韦和台湾的态度来评判他们的道德时，人们感到困惑是应该的。
Let me offer another illustration. Dr. Falwell has written -- and I quote: "To stand against Israel is to stand against God." Now there is no one in the Senate who has stood more firmly for Israel than I have. Yet, I do not doubt the faith of those on the other side. Their error is not one of religion, but of policy. And I hope to be able to persuade them that -- that they are wrong in terms of both America's interest and the justice of Israel's cause. 让我再举一个例子。福尔韦尔博士写道——我引用："反对以色列就是反对上帝。"现在参议院中没有人比我更坚定地支持以色列。然而，我不怀疑另一边人的信仰。他们的错误不是宗教错误，而是政策错误。我希望能够说服他们——他们在美国利益和以色列事业的正义性方面都是错误的。
Respect for conscience is most in jeopardy, and the harmony of our diverse society is most at risk, when we re-establish, directly or indirectly, a religious test for public office. That relic of the colonial era, which is specifically prohibited in the Constitution, has reappeared in recent years. After the last election, the Reverend James Robison -- Robison warned President Reagan no to surround himself, as president before him had, "with the counsel of the ungodly." 当我们直接或间接地重新建立公共职位的宗教测试时，对良心的尊重最处于危险之中，我们多样化社会的和谐也最处于危险之中。这个殖民时代的遗物，在宪法中被明确禁止，近年来又重新出现。上次选举后，詹姆斯·罗宾逊牧师警告里根总统不要像他之前的总统那样，"用不敬神者的建议包围自己"。
I utterly reject any such standard for any position anywhere in public service. Two centuries ago, the victims were Catholics and Jews. In the 1980s the victims could be atheists; in some other day or decade, they could be the members of the Thomas Road Baptist Church. Indeed, in 1976 I regarded it as unworthy and un-American when some people said or hinted that Jimmy Carter should not be president because he was a born again Christian. 我完全拒绝任何公共服务中任何职位的此类标准。两个世纪前，受害者是天主教徒和犹太人。在20世纪80年代，受害者可能是无神论者；在其他某一天或十年，他们可能是托马斯路浸信会教堂的成员。事实上，1976年，当有些人说或暗示吉米·卡特不应该担任总统，因为他是重生的基督徒时，我认为这是不值得的和非美国的。
We must never judge the fitness of individuals to govern on the basis of where they worship, whether they follow Christ or Moses, whether they are called "born again" or "ungodly." Where it is right to apply moral values to public life, let all of us avoid the temptation to be self-righteous and absolutely certain of ourselves. And if that temptation ever comes, let us recall Winston Churchill's humbling description of an intolerant and inflexible colleague: "There but for the grace of God goes God." 我们绝不能根据人们在哪里崇拜、是否追随基督或摩西、是否被称为"重生"或"不敬神"来判断个人治理国家的能力。在道德价值观应该应用于公共生活的地方，让我们所有人都避免自以为是和绝对肯定自己的诱惑。如果这种诱惑曾经到来，让我们回顾温斯顿·丘吉尔对一个不宽容和顽固同事的谦逊描述："若非上帝的恩典，上帝也会如此。"
Third, in applying religious values, we must respect the integrity of public debate. 第三，在应用宗教价值观时，我们必须尊重公共辩论的完整性。
In that debate, faith is no substitute for facts. Critics may oppose the nuclear freeze for what they regard as moral reasons. They have every right to argue that any negotiation with the Soviets is wrong, or that any accommodation with them sanctions their crimes, or that no agreement can be good enough and therefore all agreements only increase the chance of war. I do not believe that, but it surely does not violate the standard of fair public debate to say it. 在那场辩论中，信仰不能替代事实。批评者可能出于他们认为的道德原因反对核冻结。他们完全有权辩称，与苏联的任何谈判都是错误的，或者与他们的任何和解都认可了他们的罪行，或者没有任何协议足够好，因此所有协议只会增加战争的机会。我不相信这一点，但说出来肯定不违反公平公共辩论的标准。
What does violate that standard, what the opponents of the nuclear freeze have no right to do, is to assume that they are infallible, and so any argument against the freeze will do, whether it is false or true. 违反该标准的是，核冻结的反对者无权假设他们是绝对正确的，因此任何反对冻结的论点都可以，无论真假。
The nuclear freeze proposal is not unilateral, but bilateral -- with equal restraints on the United States and the Soviet Union. The nuclear freeze does not require that we trust the Russians, but demands full and effective verification. The nuclear freeze does not concede a Soviet lead in nuclear weapons, but recognizes that human beings in each great power already have in their fallible hands the overwhelming capacity to remake into a pile of radioactive rubble the earth which God has made. 核冻结提议不是单方面的，而是双边的——对美国和苏联都有平等的限制。核冻结不要求我们信任俄罗斯人，而是要求全面有效的核查。核冻结不承认苏联在核武器方面的领先地位，而是认识到每个大国的人类已经在他们易犯错的手中拥有了压倒性的能力，可以将上帝创造的地球重塑成一堆放射性废墟。
There is no morality in the mushroom cloud. The black rain of nuclear ashes will fall alike on the just and the unjust. And then it will be too late to wish that we had done the real work of this atomic age -- which is to seek a world that is neither red nor dead. 蘑菇云中没有道德可言。核灰烬的黑雨将同样落在正义者和非正义者身上。届时再希望我们完成这个原子时代的真正工作——寻求一个既非红色也非死亡的世界——就太晚了。
I am perfectly prepared to debate the nuclear freeze on policy grounds, or moral ones. But we should not be forced to discuss phantom issues or false charges. They only deflect us from the urgent task of deciding how best to prevent a planet divided from becoming a planet destroyed. 我完全准备好在政策或道德基础上辩论核冻结。但我们不应该被迫讨论虚幻的问题或虚假的指控。它们只会使我们偏离决定如何最好地防止一个分裂的星球变成一个被摧毁的星球的紧迫任务。
And it does not advance the debate to contend that the arms race is more divine punishment than human problem, or that in any event, the final days are near. As Pope John said two decades ago, at the opening of the Second Vatican Council: "We must beware of those who burn with zeal, but are not endowed with much sense... we must disagree with the prophets of doom, who are always forecasting disasters, as though the end of the earth was at hand." 声称军备竞赛更多是神圣的惩罚而不是人类问题，或者无论如何末日即将来临，并不能推进辩论。正如教皇约翰二十年前在第二届梵蒂冈会议开幕式上所说："我们必须警惕那些热情燃烧但缺乏理智的人……我们必须不同意那些末日预言家，他们总是预测灾难，仿佛世界末日即将来临。"
The message which echoes across the years is very clear: The earth is still here; and if we wish to keep it, a prophecy of doom is no alternative to a policy of arms control. 多年来回响的信息非常清楚：地球仍然在这里；如果我们希望保持它，末日预言不是军备控制政策的替代品。
Fourth, and finally, we must respect the motives of those who exercise their right to disagree. 第四，也是最后，我们必须尊重那些行使不同意权利的人的动机。
We sorely test our ability to live together if we readily question each other's integrity. It may be harder to restrain our feelings when moral principles are at stake, for they go to the deepest wellsprings of our being. But the more our feelings diverge, the more deeply felt they are, the greater is our obligation to grant the sincerity and essential decency of our fellow citizens on the other side. 如果我们轻易质疑彼此的诚信，我们就严重考验了我们共同生活的能力。当道德原则受到威胁时，可能更难克制我们的感情，因为它们触及我们存在的最深源泉。但我们的感情越分歧，感受越深，我们就越有义务承认另一方同胞的真诚和基本的正派。
Those who favor E.R.A [Equal Rights Amendment] are not "antifamily" or "blasphemers." And their purpose is not "an attack on the Bible." Rather, we believe this is the best way to fix in our national firmament the ideal that not only all men, but all people are created equal. Indeed, my mother, who strongly favors E.R.A., would be surprised to hear that she is anti-family. 那些支持平等权利修正案（E.R.A.）的人不是"反家庭"或"亵渎者"。他们的目的也不是"攻击圣经"。相反，我们相信这是在我们国家的天空中确立这样一个理想的最佳方式：不仅所有男人，而且所有人都是生而平等的。事实上，我母亲强烈支持平等权利修正案，如果听到有人说她反家庭，她会感到惊讶。
For my part, I think of the amendment's opponents as wrong on the issue, but not as lacking in moral character. 就我而言，我认为修正案的反对者在这个问题上是错误的，但并非缺乏道德品格。
I could multiply the instances of name-calling, sometimes on both sides. Dr. Falwell is not a "warmonger." And "liberal clergymen" are not, as the Moral Majority suggested in a recent letter, equivalent to "Soviet sympathizers." The critics of official prayer in public schools are not "Pharisees"; many of them are both civil libertarians and believers, who think that families should pray more at home with their children, and attend church and synagogue more faithfully. And people are not sexist because they stand against abortion, and they are not murderers because they believe in free choice. 我可以举出更多辱骂的例子，有时双方都有。福尔韦尔博士不是"战争贩子"。而"自由派神职人员"也不像道德多数派在最近的一封信中暗示的那样，等同于"苏联同情者"。反对公立学校官方祈祷的批评者不是"法利赛人"；他们中的许多人既是公民自由主义者也是信徒，他们认为家庭应该更多地在家与孩子一起祈祷，并更忠实地参加教堂和犹太教堂。反对堕胎的人不是性别歧视者，相信选择权的人也不是杀人犯。
Nor does it help anyone's cause to shout such epithets, or to try and shout a speaker down -- which is what happened last April when Dr. Falwell was hissed and heckled at Harvard. So I am doubly grateful for your courtesy here this evening. That was not Harvard's finest hour, but I am happy to say that the loudest applause from the Harvard audience came in defense of Dr. Falwell's right to speak. 喊出这样的绰号，或者试图大声压倒演讲者——就像去年四月福尔韦尔博士在哈佛被嘘声和质问时发生的那样——对任何人的事业都没有帮助。因此，我非常感谢你们今晚的礼貌。那不是哈佛最辉煌的时刻，但我很高兴地说，哈佛听众中最响亮的掌声是为捍卫福尔韦尔博士的发言权利而响起的。
In short, I hope for an America where neither "fundamentalist" nor "humanist" will be a dirty word, but a fair description of the different ways in which people of goodwill look at life and into their own souls. 简而言之，我希望有这样一个美国："原教旨主义者"和"人文主义者"都不会成为肮脏的词语，而是善意的人看待生活和审视自己灵魂的不同方式的公平描述。
I hope for an America where no president, no public official, no individual will ever be deemed a greater or lesser American because of religious doubt -- or religious belief. 我希望有这样一个美国：没有总统、没有公职人员、没有个人会因为宗教怀疑——或宗教信仰——而被认为是更伟大或更渺小的美国人。
I hope for an America where the power of faith will always burn brightly, but where no modern Inquisition of any kind will ever light the fires of fear, coercion, or angry division. 我希望有这样一个美国：信仰的力量将永远明亮地燃烧，但任何形式的现代宗教审判都不会点燃恐惧、强制或愤怒分裂的火焰。
I hope for an America where we can all contend freely and vigorously, but where we will treasure and guard those standards of civility which alone make this nation safe for both democracy and diversity. 我希望有这样一个美国：我们可以自由而有力地竞争，但我们将珍惜和捍卫那些使这个国家对民主和多元化都安全的文明标准。
Twenty years ago this fall, in New York City, President Kennedy met for the last time with a Protestant assembly. The atmosphere had been transformed since his earlier address during the 1960 campaign to the Houston Ministerial Association. He had spoken there to allay suspicions about his Catholicism, and to answer those who claimed that on the day of his baptism, he was somehow disqualified from becoming President. 二十年前的这个秋天，在纽约市，肯尼迪总统最后一次与新教集会会面。自从他在1960年竞选期间向休斯顿部长协会发表演讲以来，气氛已经改变。他在那里发言是为了消除人们对他天主教信仰的怀疑，并回答那些声称在他受洗那天，他不知何故失去了成为总统的资格的人。
His speech in Houston and then his election drove that prejudice from the center of our national life. Now, three years later, in November of 1963, he was appearing before the Protestant Council of New York City to reaffirm what he regarded as some fundamental truths. On that occasion, John Kennedy said: "The family of man is not limited to a single race or religion, to a single city, or country...the family of man is nearly 3 billion strong. Most of its members are not white and most of them are not Christian." 他在休斯顿的演讲以及随后的选举，将这种偏见从我们国家生活的中心驱走。现在，三年后，1963年11月，他出现在纽约市新教理事会面前，重申他认为的一些基本真理。在那次场合，约翰·肯尼迪说："人类大家庭不限于单一的种族或宗教，单一的城市或国家……人类大家庭有近30亿人。其大多数成员不是白人，大多数也不是基督徒。"
And as President Kennedy reflected on that reality, he restated an ideal for which he had lived his life -- that "the members of this family should be at peace with one another." 当肯尼迪总统思考这一现实时，他重申了他一生为之奋斗的理想——"这个家庭的成员应该彼此和平相处。"
That ideal shines across all the generations of our history and all the ages of our faith, carrying with it the most ancient dream. For as the Apostle Paul wrote long ago in Romans: "If it be possible, as much as it lieth in you, live peaceably with all men." 这个理想照耀着我们历史的所有世代和我们信仰的所有时代，承载着最古老的梦想。正如使徒保罗很久以前在《罗马书》中所写："若是能行，总要尽力与众人和睦。"
I believe it is possible; the choice lies within us; as fellow citizens, let us live peaceable with each other; as fellow human beings, let us strive to live peaceably with men and women everywhere. Let that be our purpose and our prayer, yours and mine -- for ourselves, for our country, and for all the world. 我相信这是可能的；选择在于我们；作为同胞，让我们彼此和平相处；作为人类同胞，让我们努力与各地的男女和平相处。让这成为我们的目标和祈祷，你的和我的——为我们自己，为我们的国家，为整个世界。