Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen: 主席先生、秘书长先生、各位代表、女士们先生们：
It is my honor to address you for the first time as the 44th President of the United States. I -- I come before you humbled by the responsibility that the American people have placed upon me, mindful of the enormous challenges of our moment in history, and determined to act boldly and collectively on behalf of justice and prosperity at home and abroad. 作为美国第44任总统，我很荣幸首次向各位发表演讲。我带着美国人民赋予我的重任谦卑地来到这里，清醒地认识到我们这个时代所面临的巨大挑战，并决心在国内外的正义与繁荣问题上采取大胆而集体的行动。
I have been in office for just nine months -- though some days it seems a lot longer. I am well aware of the expectations that accompany my presidency around the world. These expectations are not about me. Rather, they are rooted, I believe, in a discontent with a status quo that has allowed us to be increasingly defined by our differences, and outpaced by our problems. But they are also rooted in hope -- the hope that real change is possible, and the hope that America will be a leader in bringing about such change. 我上任仅九个月——尽管有些日子似乎漫长得多。我十分清楚，我的总统任期在世界各地所伴随的期望。这些期望并非针对我个人。我相信，它们根植于对现状的不满——这种现状让我们日益被分歧所定义，被问题所超越。但它们也根植于希望——相信真正的变革是可能的，相信美国将成为推动这种变革的领导者。
I took office at a time when many around the world had come to view America with skepticism and distrust. Part of this was due to misperceptions and misinformation about my country. Part of this was due to opposition to specific policies, and a belief that on certain critical issues, America has acted unilaterally, without regard for the interests of others. And this has fed an almost reflexive anti-Americanism, which too often has served as an excuse for collective inaction. 我就职之时，世界上许多人对美国抱有怀疑与不信任。部分原因在于对我的国家的误解与不实信息。部分原因在于对某些具体政策的反对，以及认为在若干关键议题上美国单边行事、不顾他国利益的看法。这助长了一种近乎本能的反美情绪，而这种情绪又常常成为集体不作为的借口。
Now, like all of you, my responsibility is to act in the interest of my nation and my people, and I will never apologize for defending those interests. But it is my deeply held belief that in the year 2009 -- more than at any point in human history -- the interests of nations and peoples are shared. 和各位一样，我的责任是维护我国和我国人民的利益，我绝不会为捍卫这些利益而道歉。但我深切地相信，在2009年——比人类历史上任何时刻都更甚——各国与各民族的利益是共享的。
The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among people, or they can tear us apart. The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever darken it. The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it. What happens to the hope of a single child -- anywhere -- can enrich our world, or impoverish it. 我们心中所持的宗教信仰可以在人们之间缔结新的纽带，也可以把我们撕裂。我们所驾驭的技术可以照亮通往和平之路，也可以永远使其陷入黑暗。我们所使用的能源可以维系我们的星球，也可以毁灭它。一个孩子——无论身在何处——所怀抱的希望，可以让我们的世界更丰盈，也可以令其更贫瘠。
In this hall, we come from many places, but we share a common future. No longer do we have the luxury of indulging our differences to the exclusion of the work that we must do together. I have carried this message from London to Ankara; from Port of Spain to Moscow; from Accra to Cairo; and it is what I will speak about today -- because the time has come for the world to move in a new direction. We must embrace a new era of engagement based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and our work must begin now. 在这座大厅里，我们来自不同的地方，但共享同一个未来。我们再也不能奢望沉溺于分歧而排斥我们必须共同完成的工作。我已将这一信息从伦敦带到安卡拉；从西班牙港带到莫斯科；从阿克拉带到开罗；这也正是我今天要谈的——因为世界迈向新方向的时刻已经到来。我们必须开启一个以共同利益和相互尊重为基础的接触新时代，我们的工作必须从现在开始。
We know the future will be forged by deeds and not simply words. Speeches alone will not solve our problems -- it will take persistent action. For those who question the character and cause of my nation, I ask you to look at the concrete actions we have taken in just nine months. 我们知道，未来将由行动而非空话来塑造。仅凭演讲无法解决我们的问题——它需要持续的行动。对于质疑我国品格与事业的人，我请你们看看我们在短短九个月内所采取的具体行动。
On my first day in office, I prohibited -- without exception or equivocation -- the use of torture by the United States of America. I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed, and we are doing the hard work of forging a framework to combat extremism within the rule of law. Every nation must know: America will live its values, and we will lead by example. 上任第一天，我就毫无例外、毫不含糊地禁止美利坚合众国使用酷刑。我下令关闭关塔那摩湾监狱，并正在艰苦努力地构建一个在法治框架下打击极端主义的机制。每个国家都必须知道：美国将践行自己的价值观，我们将以身作则。
We have set a clear and focused goal: to work with all members of this body to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its extremist allies -- a network that has killed thousands of people of many faiths and nations, and that plotted to blow up this very building. In Afghanistan and Pakistan, we and many nations here are helping these governments develop the capacity to take the lead in this effort, while working to advance opportunity and security for their people. 我们确立了一个清晰而专注的目标：与本机构所有成员合作，瓦解、粉碎并击败"基地"组织及其极端主义盟友——这个网络杀害了不同信仰和国家的数千人，并曾阴谋炸毁这座大楼。在阿富汗和巴基斯坦，我们和与会的许多国家一道，正帮助这些政府发展能力以主导这一努力，同时推动为其人民带来机遇与安全。
In Iraq, we are responsibly ending a war. We have removed American combat brigades from Iraqi cities, and set a deadline of next August to remove all our combat brigades from Iraqi territory. And I have made clear that we will help Iraqis transition to full responsibility for their future, and keep our commitment to remove all American troops by the end of 2011. 在伊拉克，我们正负责任地结束一场战争。我们已将美国作战旅撤出伊拉克城市，并设定了明年8月从伊拉克领土撤出所有作战旅的期限。我也已明确表示，我们将帮助伊拉克人过渡到全面承担其未来责任，并恪守承诺在2011年底前撤出所有美国军队。
I have outlined a comprehensive agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. In Moscow, the United States and Russia announced that we would pursue substantial reductions in our strategic warheads and launchers. At the Conference on Disarmament, we agreed on a work plan to negotiate an end to the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons. And this week, my Secretary of State will become the first senior American representative to the annual Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. 我已提出一项全面议程，以追求一个没有核武器的世界这一目标。在莫斯科，美国和俄罗斯宣布将大幅削减我们的战略核弹头和发射装置。在裁军谈判会议上，我们就一项工作计划达成一致，以谈判结束用于核武器的裂变材料的生产。本周，我的国务卿将成为出席《全面禁止核试验条约》年度成员国大会的首位美国高级代表。
Upon taking office, I appointed a Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, and America has worked steadily and aggressively to advance the cause of two states -- Israel and Palestine -- in which peace and security take root, and the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians are respected. 上任伊始，我任命了一位中东和平特使，美国一直在稳健而积极地推动两国方案——以色列与巴勒斯坦——的进程，使和平与安全得以扎根，使以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的权利都得到尊重。
To confront climate change, we have invested $80 billion in clean energy. We have substantially increased our fuel-efficiency standards. We have provided new incentives for conservation, launched an energy partnership across the Americas, and moved from a bystander to a leader in international climate negotiations. 为应对气候变化，我们已投资800亿美元用于清洁能源。我们大幅提高了燃油效率标准。我们为环保提供了新的激励措施，启动了覆盖美洲的能源伙伴关系，并从国际气候谈判的旁观者转变为领导者。
To overcome an economic crisis that touches every corner of the world, we worked with the G20 nations to forge a coordinated international response of over $2 trillion in stimulus to bring the global economy back from the brink. We mobilized resources that helped prevent the crisis from spreading further to developing countries. And we joined with others to launch a $20 billion global food security initiative that will lend a hand to those who need it most, and help them build their own capacity. 为克服一场触及世界各个角落的经济危机，我们与G20国家合作，形成了超过2万亿美元刺激方案的协调国际响应，使全球经济从悬崖边缘回归。我们调动了资源，帮助防止危机进一步蔓延至发展中国家。我们与其他国家一道，启动了一项200亿美元的全球粮食安全倡议，向最需要帮助的人伸出援手，并帮助他们建设自身能力。
We've also re-engaged the United Nations. We have paid our bills. We have joined the Human Rights Council. We have signed the Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. We have fully embraced the Millennium Development Goals. And we address our priorities here, in this institution -- for instance, through the Security Council meeting that I will chair tomorrow on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, and through the issues that I will discuss today. 我们也重新参与了联合国事务。我们缴纳了我们的会费。我们加入了人权理事会。我们签署了《残疾人权利公约》。我们全面拥抱了千年发展目标。我们在这里、在这个机构内处理我们的优先事项——例如，通过我明天将主持的安理会核不扩散与裁军会议，以及通过我今天将讨论的议题。
This is what we have already done. But this is just a beginning. Some of our actions have yielded progress. Some have laid the groundwork for progress in the future. But make no mistake: This cannot solely be America's endeavor. Those who used to chastise America for acting alone in the world cannot now stand by and wait for America to solve the world's problems alone. We have sought -- in word and deed -- a new era of engagement with the world. And now is the time for all of us to take our share of responsibility for a global response to global challenges. 这就是我们已经取得的进展。但这只是一个开始。我们的一些行动已带来进展。一些则为未来的进步奠定了基础。但请不要误会：这不能仅仅是美国的事业。那些过去因美国独自行动而责备美国的人，现在不能袖手旁观，等待美国独自解决世界的问题。我们已经在言辞和行动上寻求与世界接触的新时代。现在是我们所有人为应对全球挑战的全球响应承担应有责任的时候了。
Now, if we are honest with ourselves, we need to admit that we are not living up to that responsibility. Consider the course that we're on if we fail to confront the status quo: Extremists sowing terror in pockets of the world; protracted conflicts that grind on and on; genocide; mass atrocities; more nations with nuclear weapons; melting ice caps and ravaged populations; persistent poverty and pandemic disease. I say this not to sow fear, but to state a fact: The magnitude of our challenges has yet to be met by the measure of our actions. 现在，如果我们对自己诚实，就需要承认我们并未尽到那份责任。想一想如果我们未能直面现状，我们将走向何方：极端分子在世界各地播撒恐怖；旷日持久的冲突不断延续；种族灭绝；大规模暴行；更多国家拥有核武器；冰盖融化、生灵涂炭；持续的贫困与流行性疾病。我这样说并非为了散布恐惧，而是陈述一个事实：我们所面临挑战的规模，尚未被我们行动的力度所匹配。
This body was founded on the belief that the nations of the world could solve their problems together. Franklin Roosevelt, who died before he could see his vision for this institution become a reality, put it this way -- and I quote: "The structure of world peace cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one nation. It cannot be a peace of large nations -- or of small nations. It must be a peace which rests on the cooperative effort of the whole world." 本机构成立于这样一个信念之上：世界各国能够共同解决自身的问题。富兰克林·罗斯福在未能亲眼看到他对这一机构的愿景成为现实之前便辞世，他这样说道——我引用："世界和平的结构不能由一个人、一个政党或一个国家来完成。它不能是大国的和平，也不能是小国的和平。它必须是一种建立在全世界共同努力之上的和平。"
The cooperative effort of the whole world. Those words ring even more true today, when it is not simply peace, but our very health and prosperity that we hold in common. Yet we also know that this body is made up of sovereign states. And sadly, but not surprisingly, this body has often become a forum for sowing discord instead of forging common ground; a venue for playing politics and exploiting grievances rather than solving problems. 全世界的共同努力。这些话在今天更加振聋发聩，因为我们共同拥有的不仅是和平，还有我们的健康与繁荣。然而我们也知道，本机构由主权国家组成。可悲但并不令人意外的是，本机构常常沦为制造分歧而非凝聚共识的论坛；成为玩弄政治、利用怨恨而非解决问题的场所。
After all, it is easy to walk up to this podium and point figures -- point fingers and stoke divisions. Nothing is easier than blaming others for our troubles, and absolving ourselves of responsibility for our choices and our actions. Anybody can do that. Responsibility and leadership in the 21st century demand more. 毕竟，走到这个讲台上指责他人、煽动分裂是再容易不过的事。最容易的事莫过于把自己的麻烦归咎于他人，为自己的选择与行为开脱责任。任何人都能做到这一点。21世纪的责任与领导力要求更多。
In an era when our destiny is shared, power is no longer a zero-sum game. No one nation can or should try to dominate another nation. No world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will succeed. No balance of power among nations will hold. The traditional divisions between nations of the South and the North make no sense in an interconnected world; nor do alignments of nations rooted in the cleavages of a long-gone Cold War. 在我们命运与共的时代，权力不再是零和博弈。没有任何一个国家可以或应当试图主宰另一个国家。任何将一个国家或一群人凌驾于他国之上的世界秩序都不会成功。任何国家间的权力平衡都无法维系。南北国家之间的传统分化在互联互通的世界中已毫无意义；根植于早已远去的冷战裂痕的国家同盟亦然。
The time has come to realize that the old habits, the old arguments, are irrelevant to the challenges faced by our people. They lead nations to act in opposition to the very goals that they claim to pursue -- and to vote, often in this body, against the interests of their own people. They build up walls between us and the future that our people seek, and the time has come for those walls to come down. Together, we must build new coalitions that bridge old divides -- coalitions of different faiths and creeds; of north and south, east, west, black, white, and brown. 是时候认识到，旧习惯、旧争论与我们人民面临的挑战已毫不相干。它们使各国采取与其宣称追求的目标背道而驰的行动——并往往在本机构中投票反对本国人民的利益。它们在我们与人民所寻求的未来之间筑起高墙，而推倒这些高墙的时刻已经到来。我们必须共同构建跨越旧有鸿沟的新联盟——跨越不同信仰与信条的联盟；跨越南北东西、黑人白人棕色人种的联盟。
The choice is ours. We can be remembered as a generation that chose to drag the arguments of the 20th century into the 21st; that put off hard choices, refused to look ahead, failed to keep pace because we defined ourselves by what we were against instead of what we were for. Or we can be a generation that chooses to see the shoreline beyond the rough waters ahead; that comes together to serve the common interests of human beings, and finally gives meaning to the promise embedded in the name given to this institution: the United Nations. 选择在我们手中。我们可能被铭记为这样一代人：把20世纪的争论拖入21世纪；推迟艰难抉择，拒绝向前看，因以反对什么而非支持什么来定义自己而无法跟上时代步伐。或者，我们可以成为这样一代人：选择看见前方汹涌水域之外的彼岸；携手服务于人类共同利益，并最终赋予这个机构名称中所蕴含的承诺以真正意义——联合国。
That is the future America wants -- a future of peace and prosperity that we can only reach if we recognize that all nations have rights, but all nations have responsibilities as well. That is the bargain that makes this work. That must be the guiding principle of international cooperation. 这就是美国所希望的未来——一个和平与繁荣的未来，只有我们承认所有国家都享有权利，但也都要承担责任，才能实现。这就是使这一切成立的契约。这必须成为国际合作的指导原则。
Today, let me put forward four pillars that I believe are fundamental to the future that we want for our children: non-proliferation and disarmament; the promotion of peace and security; the preservation of our planet; and a global economy that advances opportunity for all people. 今天，让我提出我认为对我们子子孙孙所期望的未来至关重要的四大支柱：不扩散与裁军；推动和平与安全；保护我们的星球；以及为所有人创造机会的全球经济。
First, we must stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and seek the goal of a world without them. 首先，我们必须阻止核武器的扩散，并寻求一个没有核武器的世界。
This institution was founded at the dawn of the atomic age, in part because man's capacity to kill had to be contained. For decades, we averted disaster, even under the shadow of a superpower stand-off. But today, the threat of proliferation is growing in scope and complexity. If we fail to act, we will invite nuclear arms races in every region, and the prospect of wars and acts of terror on a scale that we can hardly imagine. 本机构成立于原子时代的黎明，部分原因在于必须遏制人类杀戮的能力。数十年来，即使在超级大国对峙的阴影之下，我们也避免了灾难。但今天，扩散威胁在规模和复杂性上都在增长。如果我们不采取行动，将引来各地区的核军备竞赛，以及我们几乎难以想象的战争和恐怖行动。
A fragile consensus stands in the way of this frightening outcome, and that is the basic bargain that shapes the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. It says that all nations have the right to peaceful nuclear energy; that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward disarmament; and those without them have the responsibility to forsake them. The next 12 months could be pivotal in determining whether this compact will be strengthened or will slowly dissolve. 一项脆弱的共识挡在了这一可怕结局的路上，那就是构成《不扩散核武器条约》基础的基本契约。它规定：所有国家都有权和平利用核能；拥有核武器的国家有责任向裁军方向迈进；没有核武器的国家则有责任放弃它们。未来12个月将决定这一契约是被加强还是缓慢瓦解的关键时刻。
America intends to keep our end of the bargain. We will pursue a new agreement with Russia to substantially reduce our strategic warheads and launchers. We will move forward with ratification of the Test Ban Treaty, and work with others to bring the treaty into force so that nuclear testing is permanently prohibited. We will complete a Nuclear Posture Review that opens the door to deeper cuts and reduces the role of nuclear weapons. And we will call upon countries to begin negotiations in January on a treaty to end the production of fissile material for weapons. 美国打算履行我们的承诺。我们将与俄罗斯达成新协议，大幅削减我们的战略核弹头和发射装置。我们将推进《全面禁止核试验条约》的批准，并与其他国家合作使条约生效，以永久禁止核试验。我们将完成一份《核态势审议》，为更深层次的削减打开大门，并降低核武器的作用。我们将呼吁各国从1月起开始就一项终止武器用裂变材料生产的条约进行谈判。
I will also host a summit next April that reaffirms each nation's responsibility to secure nuclear material on its territory, and to help those who can't -- because we must never allow a single nuclear device to fall into the hands of a violent extremist. And we will work to strengthen the institutions and initiatives that combat nuclear smuggling and theft. 我还将于明年4月主持一次峰会，重申每个国家对其领土上核材料的安全负有责任，并帮助那些无法做到的国家——因为我们绝不能让任何一件核装置落入暴力极端分子之手。我们将致力于加强打击核走私与盗窃的机构和倡议。
All of this must support efforts to strengthen the NPT. Those nations that refuse to live up to their obligations must face consequences. Let me be clear, this is not about singling out individual nations -- it is about standing up for the rights of all nations that do live up to their responsibilities. Because a world in which IAEA inspections are avoided and the United Nation's demands are ignored will leave all people less safe, and all nations less secure. 所有这些都必须支持加强《不扩散核武器条约》的努力。那些拒绝履行义务的国家必须承担后果。我要明确指出，这并非针对个别国家——而是为了捍卫所有履行责任国家的权利。因为一个国际原子能机构核查被规避、联合国要求被无视的世界，将使所有人都更不安全，所有国家都更不稳定。
In their actions to date, the governments of North Korea and Iran threaten to take us down this dangerous slope. We respect their rights as members of the community of nations. I've said before and I will repeat, I am committed to diplomacy that opens a path to greater prosperity and more secure peace for both nations if they live up to their obligations. 迄今为止，朝鲜和伊朗政府的行动正威胁着把我们引向这条危险的下坡路。我们尊重它们作为国际社会成员的权利。我以前说过，现在再次重申：如果它们履行义务，我致力于通过外交为两国开辟通往更大繁荣和更稳固和平的道路。
But if the governments of Iran and North Korea choose to ignore international standards; if they put the pursuit of nuclear weapons ahead of regional stability and the security and opportunity of their own people; if they are oblivious to the dangers of escalating nuclear arms races in both East Asia and the Middle East -- then they must be held accountable. The world must stand together to demonstrate that international law is not an empty promise, and that treaties will be enforced. We must insist that the future does not belong to fear. 但如果伊朗和朝鲜政府选择无视国际标准；如果它们把追求核武器置于地区稳定以及本国人民的安全与机会之上；如果它们对东亚和中东核军备竞赛升级的危险视而不见——那么它们必须被追究责任。世界必须团结一致，证明国际法并非空头承诺，条约将被执行。我们必须坚持，未来不属于恐惧。
That brings me to the second pillar for our future: the pursuit of peace. 这引出我们未来的第二大支柱：追求和平。
The United Nations was born of the belief that the people of the world can live their lives, raise their families, and resolve their differences peacefully. And yet we know that in too many parts of the world, this ideal remains an abstraction -- a distant dream. We can either accept that outcome as inevitable, and tolerate constant and crippling conflict, or we can recognize that the yearning for peace is universal, and reassert our resolve to end conflicts around the world. 联合国诞生于这样一个信念：世界人民能够平静地生活、养育家庭、和平解决分歧。然而我们知道，在世界太多地方，这一理想仍是一种抽象——一个遥远的梦。我们要么接受这一结果为必然，容忍持续而致命的冲突；要么认识到对和平的渴望是普遍的，重新坚定我们终结世界各地冲突的决心。
That effort must begin with an unshakeable determination that the murder of innocent men, women and children will never be tolerated. On this, no one can be -- there can be no dispute. The violent extremists who promote conflict by distorting faith have discredited and isolated themselves. They offer nothing but hatred and destruction. 这一努力必须始于一种不可动摇的决心：决不容忍对无辜男女儿童的杀戮。在这一点上，任何人都不容——都不应有争议。通过歪曲信仰来挑起冲突的暴力极端分子已使自己名誉扫地、孤立无援。他们提供的只有仇恨与毁灭。
In confronting them, America will forge lasting partnerships to target terrorists, share intelligence, and coordinate law enforcement and protect our people. We will permit no safe haven for al Qaeda to launch attacks from Afghanistan or any other nation. We will stand by our friends on the front lines, as we and many nations will do in pledging support for the Pakistani people tomorrow. And we will pursue positive engagement that builds bridges among faiths, and new partnerships for opportunity. 在对抗他们时，美国将缔结持久的伙伴关系，以打击恐怖分子、分享情报、协调执法并保护我们的人民。我们绝不允许"基地"组织从阿富汗或任何其他国家发动袭击的避风港。我们将与前线的朋友们站在一起，正如我们和许多国家明天将为支持巴基斯坦人民所做出的承诺。我们将追求积极的接触，在信仰之间架起桥梁，并为机遇缔结新的伙伴关系。
Our efforts to promote peace, however, cannot be limited to defeating violent extremists. For the most powerful weapon in our arsenal is the hope of human beings -- the belief that the future belongs to those who would build and not destroy; the confidence that conflicts can end and a new day can begin. 然而，我们促进和平的努力不能仅限于击败暴力极端分子。因为我们武器库中最强大的武器是人类心中的希望——是相信未来属于那些愿意建设而非毁灭的人；是相信冲突可以终结、新的一天可以开始。
And that is why we will support -- we will strengthen our support for effective peacekeeping, while energizing our efforts to prevent conflicts before they take hold. We will pursue a lasting peace in Sudan through support for the people of Darfur and the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, so that we secure the peace that the Sudanese people deserve. And in countries ravaged by violence -- from Haiti to Congo to East Timor -- we will work with the U.N. and other partners to support an enduring peace. 正因如此，我们将支持——我们将加强对有效维和的支持，同时加大努力，在冲突扎根前加以预防。我们将通过支持达尔富尔人民和落实《全面和平协议》来追求苏丹的持久和平，以确保苏丹人民获得他们应得的和平。在那些饱受暴力蹂躏的国家——从海地到刚果到东帝汶——我们将与联合国及其他伙伴合作，支持持久的和平。
I will also continue to seek a just and lasting peace between Israel, Palestine, and the Arab world. We will continue to work on that issue. Yesterday, I had a constructive meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas. We have made some progress. Palestinians have strengthened their efforts on security. Israelis have facilitated greater freedom of movement for the Palestinians. 我也将继续寻求以色列、巴勒斯坦与阿拉伯世界之间公正而持久的和平。我们将继续就这一问题开展工作。昨天，我与内塔尼亚胡总理和阿巴斯主席举行了建设性的会晤。我们已取得一些进展。巴勒斯坦人加强了在安全方面的努力。以色列人为巴勒斯坦人提供了更大的行动自由。
As a result of these efforts on both sides, the economy in the West Bank has begun to grow. But more progress is needed. We continue to call on Palestinians to end incitement against Israel, and we continue to emphasize that America does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. 由于双方这些努力，约旦河西岸的经济已开始增长。但还需要更多进展。我们继续呼吁巴勒斯坦人停止对以色列的煽动，并继续强调美国不接受以色列继续修建定居点的合法性。
The time has come -- the time has come to re-launch negotiations without preconditions that address the permanent status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians, borders, refugees, and Jerusalem. And the goal is clear: Two states living side by side in peace and security -- a Jewish state of Israel, with true security for all Israelis; and a viable, independent Palestinian state with contiguous territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967, and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people. 是时候了——是时候在不设先决条件的情况下重启谈判，解决永久地位问题：以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的安全、边界、难民和耶路撒冷。目标十分明确：两个国家在和平与安全中比邻而居——一个犹太国家以色列，让所有以色列人获得真正的安全；一个可行、独立、领土连贯的巴勒斯坦国，结束1967年开始的占领，并实现巴勒斯坦人民的潜力。
As we pursue this goal, we will also pursue peace between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between Israel and its many neighbors. In pursuit of that goal, we will develop regional initiatives with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations. 在追求这一目标的同时，我们也将追求以色列与黎巴嫩、以色列与叙利亚之间的和平，以及以色列与其众多邻国之间更广泛的和平。为追求这一目标，我们将与双边谈判并行，发展有多边参与的地区倡议。
Now, I am not naive. I know this will be difficult. But all of us -- not just the Israelis and the Palestinians, but all of us -- must decide whether we are serious about peace, or whether we will only lend it lip service. To break the old patterns, to break the cycle of insecurity and despair, all of us must say publicly what we would acknowledge in private. 我并非天真。我知道这将困难重重。但我们所有人——不仅是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人，而是我们所有人——都必须决定：我们究竟是真的认真对待和平，还是只会嘴上说说。要打破旧有模式，打破不安全与绝望的循环，我们所有人都必须把我们私下承认的话公开说出来。
The United States does Israel no favors when we fail to couple an unwavering commitment to its security with an insistence that Israel respect the legitimate claims and rights of the Palestinians. And -- And nations within this body do the Palestinians no favors when they choose vitriolic attacks against Israel over constructive willingness to recognize Israel's legitimacy and its right to exist in peace and security. 当我们未能将对以色列安全的坚定承诺与坚持以色列尊重巴勒斯坦人正当诉求和权利相结合时，美国并未帮以色列什么忙。而本机构中的国家，当它们选择用对以色列的激烈攻击取代承认以色列合法性及其在和平与安全中生存权利的建设性意愿时，也并未帮巴勒斯坦人什么忙。
We must remember that the greatest price of this conflict is not paid by us. It's not paid by politicians. It's paid by the Israeli girl in Sderot who closes her eyes in fear that a rocket will take her life in the middle of the night. It's paid for by the Palestinian boy in Gaza who has no clean water and no country to call his own. These are all God's children. 我们必须记住，这场冲突最大的代价并非由我们承担。并非由政客承担。它由斯代罗特那位在夜里闭上眼睛、害怕火箭弹夺走她生命的以色列小女孩承担。它由加沙那位没有干净饮用水、没有自己国家的巴勒斯坦男孩承担。这些都是上帝的孩子。
And after all the politics and all the posturing, this is about the right of every human being to live with dignity and security. That is a lesson embedded in the three great faiths that call one small slice of Earth the Holy Land. And that is why, even though there will be setbacks and false starts and tough days, I will not waver in my pursuit of peace. 在所有政治和姿态之后，这关乎每一个人有尊严和安全地生活的权利。这一教诲深植于将地球上一小片土地称为圣地的三大信仰之中。正因如此，即使会有挫折、错误的开始和艰难的日子，我也不会在追求和平的道路上动摇。
Third, we must recognize that in the 21st century, there will be no peace unless we take responsibility for the preservation of our planet. And I thank the Secretary General for hosting the subject of climate change yesterday. 第三，我们必须认识到，在21世纪，除非我们承担起保护地球的责任，否则不会有和平。我也要感谢秘书长昨天主持气候变化议题的讨论。
The danger posed by climate change cannot be denied. Our responsibility to meet it must not be deferred. If we continue down our current course, every member of this Assembly will see irreversible changes within their borders. Our efforts to end conflicts will be eclipsed by wars over refugees and resources. Development will be devastated by drought and famine. 气候变化所构成的危险不容否认。我们应对它的责任不容推延。如果我们继续沿目前的道路走下去，本大会每一个成员国都将看到其边界内出现不可逆转的变化。我们终结冲突的努力将被围绕难民和资源的战争所盖过。发展将被干旱和饥荒所摧毁。
Land that human beings have lived on for millennia will disappear. Future generations will look back and wonder why we refused to act; why we failed to pass on -- why we failed to pass on an environment that was worthy of our inheritance. 人类居住了数千年的土地将消失。后代子孙回望时，会困惑我们为何拒绝行动；为何未能传下去——为何未能传下去一个与我们继承的环境相称的环境。
And that is why the days when America dragged its feet on this issue are over. We will move forward with investments to transform our energy economy, while providing incentives to make clean energy the profitable kind of energy. We will press ahead with deep cuts in emissions to reach the goals that we set for 2020, and eventually 2050. 正因如此，美国在这一问题上拖延的日子已经结束。我们将推进投资，转变我们的能源经济，同时提供激励使清洁能源成为有利可图的能源。我们将推进大幅减排，以实现我们为2020年以及最终为2050年设定的目标。
We will continue to promote renewable energy and efficiency, and share new technologies with countries around the world. And we will seize every opportunity for progress to address this threat in a cooperative effort with the entire world. 我们将继续推广可再生能源和能效，并与世界各国分享新技术。我们将抓住每一个机会，在与全世界合作的努力中应对这一威胁。
And those wealthy nations that did so much damage to the environment in the 20th century must accept our obligation to lead. But responsibility does not end there. While we must acknowledge the need for differentiated responses, any effort to curb carbon emissions must include the fast-growing carbon emitters who can do more to reduce their air pollution without inhibiting growth. 那些在20世纪对环境造成巨大破坏的富裕国家，必须接受我们引领的义务。但责任并不止于此。尽管我们必须承认差异化应对的必要性，但任何遏制碳排放的努力都必须包括快速增长、能在不抑制增长的情况下做更多减排的排放国。
And any effort that fails to help the poorest nations both adapt to the problems that climate change have already wrought and help them travel a path of clean development simply will not work. 任何未能帮助最贫困国家既适应气候变化已造成的问题、又帮助它们走上清洁发展道路的努力，都注定行不通。
It's hard to change something as fundamental as how we use energy. I know that. It's even harder to do so in the midst of a global recession. Certainly, it will be tempting to sit back and wait for others to move first. But we cannot make this journey unless we all move forward together. As we head into Copenhagen, let us resolve to focus on what each of us can do for the sake of our common future. 改变我们使用能源这种根本之事并不容易。我明白这一点。在全球衰退中这样做更为艰难。当然，坐等他人先行一步会很诱人。但除非我们携手前行，否则无法完成这段旅程。在我们迈向哥本哈根之际，让我们下定决心，关注为我们共同的未来每个人能做些什么。
And this leads me to the final pillar that must fortify our future: a global economy that advances opportunity for all people. 这引出必须支撑我们未来的最后一个支柱：一个为所有人创造机会的全球经济。
The world is still recovering from the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. In America, we see the engine of growth beginning to churn, and yet many still struggle to find a job or pay their bills. Across the globe, we find promising signs, but little certainty about what lies ahead. 世界仍在从大萧条以来最严重的经济危机中复苏。在美国，我们看到增长的引擎开始转动，但许多人仍在为找工作或付账单而挣扎。放眼全球，我们看到了希望的迹象，但对前方道路却鲜有确定。
And far too many people in far too many places live through the daily crises that challenge our humanity -- the despair of an empty stomach; the thirst brought on by dwindling water supplies; the injustice of a child dying from a treatable disease; or a mother losing her life as she gives birth. 在太多地方，太多人每天都在经历考验我们人性的危机——空着肚子的绝望；因水源日渐枯竭而生的干渴；一个孩子死于可治愈疾病的不公；或一位母亲在分娩中失去生命。
In Pittsburgh, we will work with the world's largest economies to chart a course for growth that is balanced and sustained. That means vigilance to ensure that we do not let up until our people are back to work. That means taking steps to rekindle demand so that global recovery can be sustained. And that means setting new rules of the road and strengthening regulation for all financial centers, so that we put an end to the greed and the excess and the abuse that led us into this disaster, and prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again. 在匹兹堡，我们将与世界最大经济体合作，为平衡而持续的增长规划路线。这意味着要保持警惕，确保我们的人民重新就业前绝不松懈。这意味着要采取措施重新激发需求，使全球复苏得以持续。这意味着要制定新的行路规则，加强所有金融中心的监管，从而终结将我们拖入这场灾难的贪婪、过度和滥用，并防止类似的危机再次发生。
At a time of such interdependence, we have a moral and pragmatic interest, however, in broader questions of development -- the questions of development that existed even before this crisis happened. And so America will continue our historic effort to help people feed themselves. We have set aside $63 billion to carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS, to end deaths from tuberculosis and malaria, to eradicate polio, and to strengthen public health systems. 在如此相互依存的时代，我们却在更广泛的发展问题——这场危机发生之前就已存在的问题——上有着道义与现实的关切。因此，美国将继续推进我们历史性的努力，帮助人们自食其力。我们已拨出630亿美元，用于推进抗击艾滋病、终结结核病和疟疾导致的死亡、消灭脊髓灰质炎以及加强公共卫生体系。
We are joining with other countries to contribute H1N1 vaccines to the World Health Organization. We will integrate more economies into a system of global trade. We will support the Millennium Development Goals, and approach next year's summit with a global plan to make them a reality. And we will set our sights on the eradication of extreme poverty in our time. 我们正与其他国家一道，向世界卫生组织提供H1N1疫苗。我们将把更多经济体纳入全球贸易体系。我们将支持千年发展目标，并以一项全球计划迈向明年的峰会，使其成为现实。我们将目光投向在我们有生之年消除极端贫困。
Now is the time for all of us to do our part. Growth will not be sustained or shared unless all nations embrace their responsibilities. And that means that wealthy nations must open their markets to more goods and extend a hand to those with less, while reforming international institutions to give more nations a greater voice. 现在是我们所有人各尽其责的时候了。除非所有国家都承担责任，否则增长不会持续，也不会共享。这意味着富裕国家必须向更多商品开放市场，向欠发达国家伸出援手，同时改革国际机构，让更多国家拥有更大的发言权。
And developing nations must root out the corruption that is an obstacle to progress -- for opportunity cannot thrive where individuals are oppressed and business have to pay bribes. That is why we support honest police and independent judges; civil society and a vibrant private sector. Our goal is simple: a global economy in which growth is sustained, and opportunity is available to all. 发展中国家则必须根除作为进步障碍的腐败——因为当个人受到压迫、企业不得不行贿时，机会便无法繁荣。正因如此，我们支持廉洁的警察和独立的法官；支持公民社会和充满活力的私营部门。我们的目标很简单：一个增长得以持续、机会向所有人开放的全球经济。
Now, the changes that I've spoken about today will not be easy to make. And they will not be realized simply by leaders like us coming together in forums like this, as useful as that may be. For as in any assembly of members, real change can only come through the people we represent. 今天我所谈到的变革不会轻易实现。也不会仅仅因为我们这样的领导人聚在这样一类论坛中便得以实现——尽管这本身可能是有益的。因为正如任何成员大会一样，真正的变革只能通过我们所代表的人民来实现。
That is why we must do the hard work to lay the groundwork for progress in our own capitals. That's where we will build the consensus to end conflicts and to harness technology for peaceful purposes, to change the way we use energy, and to promote growth that can be sustained and shared. 正因如此，我们必须做艰苦的工作，在本国首都为进步奠定基础。在那里，我们将构建共识，以终结冲突、将技术用于和平目的、改变我们使用能源的方式，并推动能够持续且共享的增长。
I believe that the people of the world want this future for their children. And that is why we must champion those principles which ensure that governments reflect the will of the people. These principles cannot be afterthoughts -- democracy and human rights are essential to achieving each of the goals that I've discussed today, because governments of the people and by the people are more likely to act in the broader interests of their own people, rather than narrow interests of those in power. 我相信世界各国人民都希望为他们的孩子留下这样的未来。正因如此，我们必须捍卫那些确保政府反映人民意愿的原则。这些原则不能是事后才想起来的——民主和人权对实现我今天所讨论的每一个目标都至关重要，因为民有、民治的政府更可能为自身人民的更广泛利益而非当权者的狭隘利益行事。
The test of our leadership will not be the degree to which we feed the fears and old hatreds of our people. True leadership will not be measured by the ability to muzzle dissent, or to intimidate and harass political opponents at home. The people of the world want change. They will not long tolerate those who are on the wrong side of history. 对我们领导力的检验，将不是我们多大程度上助长人民的恐惧与旧有仇恨。真正的领导力，不会以压制异见、恐吓和骚扰国内政敌的能力来衡量。世界人民渴望变革。他们不会长久容忍那些站在历史错误一边的人。
This Assembly's Charter commits each of us -- and I quote -- "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women." Among those rights is the freedom to speak your mind and worship as you please; the promise of equality of the races, and the opportunity for women and girls to pursue their own potential; 本大会的《宪章》承诺我们每一个人——我引用——"重申对基本人权、对人格尊严与价值、对男女平等权利的信念"。在这些权利之中，是言论和宗教信仰的自由；是种族平等的承诺，以及妇女和女孩追求自身潜力的机会；
the ability of citizens to have a say in how you are governed, and to have confidence in the administration of justice. For just as no nation should be forced to accept the tyranny of another nation, no individual should be forced to accept the tyranny of their own people. 是公民对如何被治理有发言权，并对司法公正怀有信心的能力。因为正如任何国家都不应被迫接受另一个国家的暴政，任何个人也不应被迫接受其本国人民的暴政。
As an African American, I will never forget that I would not be here today without the steady pursuit of a more perfect union in my country. And that guides my belief that no matter how dark the day may seem, transformative change can be forged by those who choose to side with justice. 作为一名非裔美国人，我永远不会忘记：若没有我国对更完美联邦的不懈追求，我今天不会站在这里。这也指引着我的信念：无论眼前的日子看似多么黑暗，那些选择站在正义一边的人都能锻造出变革性的改变。
And I pledge that America will always stand with those who stand up for their dignity and their rights -- for the student who seeks to learn; the voter who demands to be heard; the innocent who longs to be free; the oppressed who yearns to be equal. 我承诺，美国将永远与那些为尊严和权利挺身而出的人站在一起——为求知的学生；为要求被倾听的选民；为渴望自由的无辜者；为渴望平等的受压迫者。
Democracy cannot be imposed on any nation from the outside. Each society must search for its own path, and no path is perfect. Each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its people and in its past traditions. And I admit that America has too often been selective in its promotion of democracy. 民主不能从外部强加于任何国家。每个社会都必须寻找自己的道路，而没有任何道路是完美的。每个国家都将走一条根植于其人民文化和历史传统的道路。我承认，美国在推动民主时往往有选择性。
But that does not weaken our commitment; it only reinforces it. There are basic principles that are universal; there are certain truths which are self-evident -- and the United States of America will never waver in our efforts to stand up for the right of people everywhere to determine their own destiny. 但这并不会削弱我们的承诺，反而只会使其更加坚定。存在一些普遍的基本原则；存在一些不言而喻的真理——美利坚合众国在捍卫世界各地人民决定自身命运的权利的努力中将永不动摇。
Sixty-five years ago, a weary Franklin Roosevelt spoke to the American people in his fourth and final inaugural address. After years of war, he sought to sum up the lessons that could be drawn from the terrible suffering, the enormous sacrifice that had taken place. "We have learned," he said, "to be citizens of the world, members of the human community." 六十五年前，疲惫的富兰克林·罗斯福在他的第四次、也是最后一次就职演说中对美国人民讲话。经历了多年战争之后，他试图总结从那场巨大苦难与牺牲中可以汲取的教训。"我们学会了，"他说，"做世界公民，做人类共同体的一员。"
The United Nations was built by men and women like Roosevelt from every corner of the world -- from Africa and Asia, from Europe to the Americas. These architects of international cooperation had an idealism that was anything but naive -- it was rooted in the hard-earned lessons of war; rooted in the wisdom that nations could advance their interests by acting together instead of splitting apart. 联合国由来自世界各个角落——从非洲到亚洲、从欧洲到美洲——像罗斯福这样的人所缔造。这些国际合作的建筑师们所怀抱的理想主义绝非天真——它根植于战争换来的沉痛教训；根植于各国可以通过共同行动而非分裂来推进自身利益的智慧。
Now it falls to us -- for this institution will be what we make of it. The United Nations does extraordinary good around the world -- feeding the hungry, caring for the sick, mending places that have been broken. But it also struggles to enforce its will, and to live up to the ideals of its founding. 如今责任落在我们肩上——因为这个机构将成为我们使之成为的样子。联合国在世界各地做着非凡的善事——为饥饿者提供食物，照顾病患，修复破碎之地。但它也在执行自身意志、践行创立理想方面艰难挣扎。
I believe that those imperfections are not a reason to walk away from this institution -- they are a calling to redouble our efforts. The United Nations can either be a place where we bicker about outdated grievances, or forge common ground; a place where we focus on what drives us apart, or what brings us together; a place where we indulge tyranny, or a source of moral authority. 我相信，这些缺陷并非我们离开这一机构的理由——它们反而召唤我们加倍努力。联合国既可以是我们为陈年积怨争吵之地，也可以是凝聚共识之地；可以是我们关注分歧之地，也可以是关注共同之处之地；可以是我们纵容暴政之地，也可以是道德权威之源。
In short, the United Nations can be an institution that is disconnected from what matters in the lives of our citizens, or it can be an indispensable factor in advancing the interests of the people we serve. 简言之，联合国可以是一个与我们公民生活所系之事相脱节的机构，也可以是推进我们所服务人民利益的不可或缺的力量。
We have reached a pivotal moment. The United States stands ready to begin a new chapter of international cooperation -- one that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all nations. And so, with confidence in our cause, and with a commitment to our values, we call on all nations to join us in building the future that our people so richly deserve. 我们已到达一个关键时刻。美国已准备好开启国际合作的新篇章——一个承认所有国家权利与责任的篇章。因此，怀着对事业的信心，怀着对价值观的承诺，我们呼吁所有国家与我们一道，建设我们人民如此应得的未来。
Thank you very much, everybody. 非常感谢大家。