My fellow Americans: 我的美国同胞们：
I am happy to have this opportunity to talk to you once more before I leave the White House. 很高兴有机会在离开白宫前再次与你们交谈。
Next Tuesday, General Eisenhower will be inaugurated as President of the United States. A short time after the new President takes his oath of office, I will be on the train going back home to Independence, Missouri. I will once again be a plain, private citizen of this great Republic. 下周二，艾森豪威尔将军将宣誓就任美国总统。新总统宣誓后不久，我将登上火车返回密苏里州的独立城。我将再次成为这个伟大共和国的普通公民。
That is as it should be. Inauguration Day will be a great demonstration of our democratic process. I am glad to be a part of it-glad to wish General Eisenhower all possible success, as he begins his term--glad the whole world will have a chance to see how simply and how peacefully our American system transfers the vast power of the Presidency from my hands to his. It is a good object lesson in democracy. I am very proud of it. And I know you are, too. 事情就该如此。就职典礼日将是我们民主进程的伟大展示。我很高兴能参与其中——很高兴在艾森豪威尔将军开始任期时祝他一切顺利——很高兴全世界有机会看到我们美国制度是多么简单和平静地将总统的巨大权力从我手中转移到他手中。这是民主的一个很好的范例。我为此感到非常自豪。我知道你们也一样。
During the last 2 months I have done my best to make this transfer an orderly one. I have talked with my successor on the affairs of the country, both foreign and domestic, and my Cabinet officers have talked with their successors. I want to say that General Eisenhower and his associates have cooperated fully in this effort. Such an orderly transfer from one party to another has never taken place before in our history. I think a real precedent has been set. 在过去两个月里，我尽了最大努力使这次交接有序进行。我与我的继任者就国内外事务进行了交谈，我的内阁成员也与他们的继任者进行了交谈。我想说，艾森豪威尔将军和他的同事们在这项努力中给予了充分合作。我们历史上从未发生过如此有序的政党间权力交接。我认为这开创了一个真正的先例。
In speaking to you tonight, I have no new revelations to make--no political statements-no policy announcements. There are simply a few things in my heart that I want to say to you. I want to say "goodby" and "thanks for your help."[See APP note.]And I want to talk to you a little while about what has happened since I became your President. 今晚与你们交谈，我没有新的启示要发表——没有政治声明——没有政策宣布。我心中有几件事想对你们说。我想说"再见"和"感谢你们的帮助"。我还想和你们聊一会儿我成为总统以来发生的事情。
I am speaking to you from the room where I have worked since April 12, 1945. This is the President's office in the West Wing of the White House. This is the desk where I have signed most of the papers that embodied the decisions I have made as President. It has been the desk of many Presidents, and will be the desk of many more. 我是在自1945年4月12日以来一直工作的房间里与你们交谈的。这是白宫西翼的总统办公室。这是我签署体现我作为总统所做决定的大部分文件的办公桌。这张桌子曾是许多总统的办公桌，也将是更多总统的办公桌。
Since I became President, I have been to Europe, Mexico, Canada, Brazil, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands--Wake Island and Hawaii. I have visited almost every State in the Union. I have traveled 135,000 miles by air, 77,000 by rail, and 17,000 by ship. But the mail always followed me, and wherever I happened to be, that's where the office of the President was. 自从我成为总统以来，我去过欧洲、墨西哥、加拿大、巴西、波多黎各和维尔京群岛——威克岛和夏威夷。我几乎访问了联邦的每个州。我乘飞机旅行了135,000英里，乘火车77,000英里，乘船17,000英里。但邮件总是跟着我，无论我在哪里，那里就是总统办公室。
The greatest part of the President's job is to make decisions--big ones and small ones, dozens of them almost every day. The papers may circulate around the Government for a while but they finally reach this desk. And then, there's no place else for them to go. The President--whoever he is--has to decide. He can't pass the buck to anybody. No one else can do the deciding for him. That's his job. 总统工作的最大部分是做决定——大的和小的，几乎每天几十个。文件可能会在政府中传阅一段时间，但最终会到达这张办公桌。然后，它们无处可去。总统——无论他是谁——必须做出决定。他不能把责任推给任何人。没有人能替他做决定。这是他的工作。
That's what I've been doing here in this room, for almost 8 years. And over in the main part of the White House, there's a study on the second floor--a room much like this one--where I have worked at night and early in the morning on the papers I couldn't get to at the office. 这就是我在这个房间里近八年来一直在做的事情。在白宫的主要部分，二楼有一间书房——一个很像这个房间的房间——我晚上和清晨在那里处理白天办公室里没来得及处理的文件。
Of course, for more than 3 years Mrs. Truman and I were not living in the White House. We were across the street in the Blair House. That was when the White House almost fell down on us and had to be rebuilt. I had a study over at the Blair House, too, but living in the Blair House was not as convenient as living in the White House. The Secret Service wouldn't let me walk across the street, so I had to get in a car every morning to cross the street to the White House office, again at noon to go to the Blair House for lunch, again to go back to the office after lunch, and finally take an automobile at night to return to the Blair House. Fantastic, isn't it? But necessary, so my guards thought--and they are the bosses on such matters as that. 当然，超过三年的时间里，杜鲁门夫人和我没有住在白宫。我们住在街对面的布莱尔大厦。那是白宫几乎要倒塌的时候，必须重建。我在布莱尔大厦也有一间书房，但住在布莱尔大厦不如住在白宫方便。特勤局不让我穿过街道，所以我每天早上都得坐车穿过街道去白宫办公室，中午再坐车去布莱尔大厦吃午饭，午饭后再坐车回办公室，最后晚上坐车回布莱尔大厦。这很不可思议，不是吗？但我的警卫认为这是必要的——在这类事情上，他们是老板。
Now, of course, we're back in the White House. It is in very good condition, and General Eisenhower will be able to take up his residence in the house and work right here. That will be much more convenient for him, and I'm very glad the renovation job was all completed before his term began. 现在，我们当然回到了白宫。白宫状况很好，艾森豪威尔将军能够在那里居住并在这里工作。这对他来说会方便得多，我很高兴翻修工作在他任期开始前全部完成。
Your new President is taking office in quite different circumstances than when I became President 8 years ago. On April 1945, I had been presiding over the Senate in my capacity as Vice President. When the Senate recessed about 5 o'clock in the afternoon, I walked over to the office of the Speaker of the House, Mr. Rayburn, to discuss pending legislation. As soon as I arrived, I was told that Mr. Early, one of President Roosevelt's secretaries, wanted me to call. I reached Mr. Early, and he told me to come to the White House as quickly as possible, to enter by way of the Pennsylvania Avenue entrance, and to come to Mrs. Roosevelt's study. 你们的新总统就职时的情况与我八年前成为总统时大不相同。1945年4月，我以副总统身份主持参议院。下午5点左右参议院休会后，我走到众议院议长雷伯恩先生的办公室，讨论待决的立法。我一到，就被告知罗斯福总统的秘书之一厄尔利先生想让我回电话。我联系了厄尔利先生，他告诉我尽快到白宫来，从宾夕法尼亚大道入口进入，到罗斯福夫人的书房。
When I arrived, Mrs. Roosevelt told me the tragic news, and I felt the shock that all of you felt a little later--when the word came over the radio and appeared in the newspapers. President Roosevelt had died. I offered to do anything I could for Mrs. Roosevelt, and then I asked the Secretary of State to call the Cabinet together. 我到达后，罗斯福夫人告诉了我这个悲惨的消息，我感受到了你们稍后感受到的震惊——当消息通过广播传来并出现在报纸上时。罗斯福总统去世了。我主动提出为罗斯福夫人做任何事，然后我要求国务卿召集内阁成员。
At 7:09 p.m. I was sworn in as President by Chief Justice Stone in the Cabinet Room.Things were happening fast in those days. The San Francisco conference to organize the United Nations had been called for April 25th. I was asked if that meeting would go forward. I announced that it would. That was my first decision. 晚上7点09分，我在内阁会议室由首席大法官斯通宣誓就任总统。那些日子里事情发生得很快。组织联合国的旧金山会议已定于4月25日召开。有人问我那次会议是否会继续进行。我宣布会继续。那是我的第一个决定。
After attending President Roosevelt's funeral, I went to the Hall of the House of Representatives and told a joint session of the Congress that I would carry on President Roosevelt's policies. 参加完罗斯福总统的葬礼后，我前往众议院大厅，对国会联席会议说我将继续罗斯福总统的政策。
On May 7th, Germany surrendered. The announcement was made on May 8th, my 61st birthday. 5月7日，德国投降。宣布是在5月8日，我的61岁生日。
Mr. Churchill called me shortly after that and wanted a meeting with me and Prime Minister Stalin of Russia. Later on, a meeting was agreed upon, and Churchill, Stalin, and I met at Potsdam in Germany. 丘吉尔先生在那之后不久打电话给我，希望与我和俄罗斯的斯大林总理会面。后来，会议达成一致，丘吉尔、斯大林和我在德国波茨坦会面。
Meanwhile, the first atomic explosion took place out in the New Mexico desert. 与此同时，第一次原子弹爆炸在新墨西哥州的沙漠中发生。
The war against Japan was still going on. I made the decision that the atomic bomb had to be used to end it. I made that decision in the conviction it would save hundreds of thousands of lives--Japanese as well as American. Japan surrendered, and we were faced with the huge problems of bringing the troops home and reconverting the economy from war to peace. 对日本的战争仍在继续。我做出了必须使用原子弹来结束战争的决定。我做出这个决定是因为我相信它会挽救数十万人的生命——日本人和美国人。日本投降了，我们面临着让军队回家和将经济从战争转为和平的巨大问题。
All these things happened within just a little over 4 months--from April to August 1945. I tell you this to illustrate the tremendous scope of the work your President has to do. 所有这些事情都发生在短短四个多月的时间里——从1945年4月到8月。我告诉你们这些是为了说明你们的总统必须做的工作范围有多大。
And all these emergencies and all the developments to meet them have required the President to put in long hours--usually 17 hours a day, with no payment for overtime. I sign my name, on the average, 600 times a day, see and talk to hundreds of people every month, shake hands with thousands every year, and still carry on the business of the largest going concern in the whole world. There is no job like it on the face of the earth--in the power which is concentrated here at this desk, and in the responsibility and difficulty of the decisions. 所有这些紧急情况和所有为应对它们而进行的发展都要求总统投入长时间的工作——通常每天17小时，没有加班费。我平均每天签名600次，每个月会见和交谈数百人，每年与数千人握手，同时还要处理全世界最大企业的业务。世界上没有任何工作能与之相比——无论是在这张办公桌集中的权力方面，还是在决策的责任和难度方面。
I want all of you to realize how big a job, how hard a job, it is--not for my sake, because I am stepping out of it--but for the sake of my successor. He needs the understanding and the help of every citizen. It is not enough for you to come out once every 4 years and vote for a candidate, and then go back home and say, "Well, I've done my part, now let the new President do the worrying." He can't do the job alone. 我希望你们所有人都能意识到这是一份多么大的工作，多么困难的工作——不是为了我，因为我即将离开——而是为了我的继任者。他需要每个公民的理解和帮助。每四年出来投票支持一位候选人，然后回家说，"好吧，我已经尽了我的职责，现在让新总统去担心吧"，这是不够的。他一个人做不了这份工作。
Regardless of your politics, whether you are Republican or Democrat, your fate is tied up with what is done here in this room. The President is President of the whole country. We must give him our support as citizens of the United States. He will have mine, and I want you to give him yours. 无论你的政治立场如何，无论你是共和党人还是民主党人，你的命运都与这个房间里所做的事情息息相关。总统是整个国家的总统。我们必须作为联邦公民给予他支持。他将得到我的支持，我希望你们也给予他支持。
I suppose that history will remember my term in office as the years when the "cold war" began to overshadow our lives. I have had hardly a day in office that has not been dominated by this all-embracing struggle-this conflict between those who love freedom and those who would lead the world back into slavery and darkness. And always in the background there has been the atomic bomb. 我想历史会记住我的任期是"冷战"开始笼罩我们生活的年代。在我任职期间，几乎没有一天不被这场包罗万象的斗争所主导——这场热爱自由的人与那些想把世界带回奴役和黑暗的人之间的冲突。而始终在背景中的是原子弹。
But when history says that my term of office saw the beginning of the cold war, it will also say that in those 8 years we have set the course that can win it. We have succeeded in carving out a new set of policies to attain peace--positive policies, policies of world leadership, policies that express faith in other free people. We have averted world war III up to now, and we may already have succeeded in establishing conditions which can keep that war from happening as far ahead as man can see. 但当历史说我的任期见证了冷战的开始时，它也会说在这八年里，我们制定了能够赢得冷战的路线。我们成功地制定了一套新的政策来实现和平——积极的政策、世界领导的政策、表达对其他自由人民信心的政策。到目前为止，我们避免了第三次世界大战，而且我们可能已经成功地建立了条件，只要人类能预见的未来，这场战争就不会发生。
These are great and historic achievements that we can all be proud of. Think of the difference between our course now and our course 30 years ago. After the First World War we withdrew from world affairs--we failed to act in concert with other peoples against aggression--we helped to kill the League of Nations--and we built up tariff barriers that strangled world trade. This time, we avoided those mistakes. We helped to found and sustain the United Nations. We have welded alliances that include the greater part of the free world. And we have gone ahead with other free countries to help build their economies and link us all together in a healthy world trade. 这些是我们都可以为之骄傲的伟大历史成就。想想我们现在的路线与30年前的路线有多么不同。第一次世界大战后，我们退出了世界事务——我们未能与其他国家共同采取行动反对侵略——我们帮助扼杀了国际联盟——我们建立了扼杀世界贸易的关税壁垒。这一次，我们避免了这些错误。我们帮助建立并维持了联合国。我们建立了包括自由世界大部分地区的联盟。我们与其他自由国家一起帮助建设他们的经济，并通过健康的世界贸易将我们所有人联系在一起。
Think back for a moment to the 1930's and you will see the difference. The Japanese moved into Manchuria, and free men did not act. The Fascists moved into Ethiopia, and we did not act. The Nazis marched into the Rhineland, into Austria, into Czechoslovakia, and free men were paralyzed for lack of strength and unity and will. 回想一下20世纪30年代，你就会看到区别。日本人进入满洲，自由人民没有采取行动。法西斯主义者进入埃塞俄比亚，我们没有采取行动。纳粹分子进军莱茵兰、奥地利、捷克斯洛伐克，自由人民因缺乏力量、团结和意志而瘫痪。
Think about those years of weakness and indecision, and the World War II which was their evil result. Then think about the speed and courage and decisiveness with which we have moved against the Communist threat since World War II. 想想那些软弱和犹豫不决的岁月，以及它们导致的邪恶结果——第二次世界大战。然后想想二战以来我们针对共产主义威胁采取行动的速度、勇气和果断。
The first crisis came in 1945 and 1946, when the Soviet Union refused to honor its agreement to remove its troops from Iran. Members of my Cabinet came to me and asked if we were ready to take the risk that a firm stand involved. I replied that we were. So we took our stand--we made it clear to the Soviet Union that we expected them to honor their agreement--and the Soviet troops were withdrawn from Iran. 第一次危机发生在1945年和1946年，当时苏联拒绝履行其从伊朗撤军的协议。我的内阁成员来找我，问我们是否准备好承担坚定立场所涉及的风险。我回答说我们准备好了。所以我们表明了立场——我们明确告诉苏联我们希望他们履行协议——苏联军队从伊朗撤出了。
Then, in early 1947, the Soviet Union threatened Greece and Turkey. The British sent me a message saying they could no longer keep their forces in that area. Something had to be done at once, or the eastern Mediterranean would be taken over by the Communists. On March 12th, I went before the Congress and stated our determination to help the people of Greece and Turkey maintain their independence. Today, Greece is still free and independent; and Turkey is a bulwark of strength at a strategic corner of the world. 然后，在1947年初，苏联威胁希腊和土耳其。英国给我发来消息说他们不能再在该地区保留军队了。必须立即采取行动，否则东地中海将被共产党人接管。3月12日，我在国会上表明了我们帮助希腊和土耳其人民维护独立的决心。今天，希腊仍然自由独立；土耳其是世界战略要角的力量堡垒。
Then came the Marshall plan which saved Europe, the heroic Berlin airlift, and our military aid programs. 然后是拯救欧洲的马歇尔计划、英勇的柏林空运和我们的军事援助计划。
We inaugurated the North Atlantic Pact, the Rio Pact binding the Western Hemisphere together, and the defense pacts with countries of the Far Pacific.Most important of all, we acted in Korea. I was in Independence, Missouri, in June 1950, when Secretary Acheson telephoned me and gave me the news about the invasion of Korea. I told the Secretary to lay the matter at once before the United Nations, and I came on back to Washington. 我们启动了北大西洋公约、将西半球团结在一起的里约公约，以及与远东太平洋国家的防御条约。最重要的是，我们在朝鲜采取了行动。1950年6月，我在密苏里州独立城时，艾奇逊国务卿打电话给我，告诉我朝鲜入侵的消息。我告诉国务卿立即将此事提交联合国，然后我回到了华盛顿。
Flying back over the flatlands of the Middle West and over the Appalachians that summer afternoon, I had a lot of time to think. I turned the problem over in my mind in many ways, but my thoughts kept coming back to the 1930's--to Manchuria, to Ethiopia, the Rhineland, Austria, and finally to Munich. 那个夏日下午，飞越中西部的平原和阿巴拉契亚山脉时，我有很多时间思考。我从多个方面反复思考这个问题，但我的思绪总是回到20世纪30年代——回到满洲、埃塞俄比亚、莱茵兰、奥地利，最后到慕尼黑。
Here was history repeating itself. Here was another probing action, another testing action. If we let the Republic of Korea go under, some other country would be next, and then another. And all the time, the courage and confidence of the free world would be ebbing away, just as it did in the 1930's. And the United Nations would go the way of the League of Nations. 历史在这里重演。这又是一次试探行动，一次测试行动。如果我们让大韩民国沦陷，下一个会是另一个国家，然后又是另一个。与此同时，自由世界的勇气和信心会像20世纪30年代那样逐渐消退。联合国也会重蹈国际联盟的覆辙。
When I reached Washington, I met immediately with the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Defense, and General Bradley, and the other civilian and military officials who had information and advice to help me decide on what to do. We talked about the problems long and hard. We considered those problems very carefully. 我到达华盛顿后，立即与国务卿、国防部长和布拉德利将军以及其他有信息和建议帮助我决定该做什么的文职和军事官员会面。我们长时间深入讨论了这些问题。我们非常仔细地考虑了这些问题。
It was not easy to make the decision to send American boys again into battle. I was a soldier in the First World War, and I know what a soldier goes through. I know well the anguish that mothers and fathers and families go through. So I knew what was ahead if we acted in Korea. 决定再次派遣美国男孩参战并不容易。我是第一次世界大战的士兵，我知道士兵要经历什么。我非常清楚母亲、父亲和家人所经历的痛苦。所以我知道如果我们在朝鲜采取行动，未来会是什么样子。
But after all this was said, we realized that the issue was whether there would be fighting in a limited area now or on a much larger scale later on--whether there would be some casualties now or many more casualties later.So a decision was reached--the decision I believe was the most important in my time as President of the United States. 但在说了这些之后，我们意识到问题是现在在有限地区战斗还是以后在更大范围内战斗——是现在有一些伤亡还是以后有更多伤亡。因此做出了决定——我相信这是我担任美国总统期间最重要的决定。
In the days that followed, the most heartening fact was that the American people clearly agreed with the decision. 在接下来的日子里，最令人振奋的事实是美国人民明确同意这个决定。
And in Korea, our men are fighting as valiantly as Americans have ever fought-because they know they are fighting in the same cause of freedom in which Americans have stood ever since the beginning of the Republic. 在朝鲜，我们的人民像美国人以往任何时候一样英勇战斗——因为他们知道他们是在为共和国成立以来美国人一直坚守的同一自由事业而战。
Where free men had failed the test before, this time we met the test. 以前自由人民未能通过考验的地方，这次我们通过了考验。
We met it firmly. We met it successfully. The aggression has been repelled. The Communists have seen their hopes of easy conquest go down the drain. The determination of free people to defend themselves has been made clear to the Kremlin. 我们坚定地面对它。我们成功地面对它。侵略被击退了。共产党人看到他们轻易征服的希望破灭了。自由人民保卫自己的决心已经向克里姆林宫表明。
As I have thought about our worldwide struggle with the Communists these past 8 years--day in and day out--I have never once doubted that you, the people of our country, have the will to do what is necessary to win this terrible fight against communism. I know the people of this country have that will and determination, and I have always depended on it. Because I have been sure of that, I have been able to make necessary decisions even though they called for sacrifices by all of us. And I have not been wrong in my judgment of the American people. 当我回顾过去八年我们与共产党人的全球斗争——日复一日——我从未怀疑过你们，我们国家的人民，有决心做必要的事情来赢得这场与共产主义的可怕斗争。我知道这个国家的人民有那种决心和意志，我一直依赖它。正因为我对此确信无疑，我才能够做出必要的决定，尽管它们要求我们所有人做出牺牲。我对美国人民的判断没有错。
That same assurance of our people's determination will be General Eisenhower's greatest source of strength in carrying on this struggle. 同样对我们人民决心的信心，将是艾森豪威尔将军继续这场斗争的最大力量源泉。
Now, once in a while, I get a letter from some impatient person asking, why don't we get it over with? Why don't we issue an ultimatum, make all-out war, drop the atomic bomb? 现在，偶尔，我会收到一些不耐烦的人的来信，问为什么我们不把它结束？为什么我们不发出最后通牒，发动全面战争，投下原子弹？
For most Americans, the answer is quite simple: We are not made that way. We are a moral people. Peace is our goal, with justice and freedom. We cannot, of our own free will, violate the very principles that we are striving to defend. The whole purpose of what we are doing is to prevent world war III. Starting a war is no way to make peace. 对大多数美国人来说，答案很简单：我们不是那样的人。我们是有道德的人民。和平是我们的目标，伴随着正义和自由。我们不能出于自己的自由意志违反我们正在努力捍卫的原则。我们所做的一切的目的是防止第三次世界大战。发动战争不是实现和平的方式。
But if anyone still thinks that just this once, bad means can bring good ends, then let me remind you of this: We are living in the 8th year of the atomic age. We are not the only nation that is learning to unleash the power of the atom. A third world war might dig the grave not only of our Communist opponents but also of our own society, our world as well as theirs. 但如果有人仍然认为仅此一次，坏手段可以带来好结果，那么让我提醒你：我们生活在原子时代的第八年。我们不是唯一学会释放原子力量的国家。第三次世界大战可能不仅会为我们的共产主义对手挖掘坟墓，也会为我们自己的社会、我们的世界以及他们的世界挖掘坟墓。
Starting an atomic war is totally unthinkable for rational men. 发动原子战争对于理性的人来说是完全不可想象的。
Then, some of you may ask, when and how will the cold war end? I think I can answer that simply. The Communist world has great resources, and it looks strong. But there is a fatal flaw in their society. Theirs is a godless system, a system of slavery; there is no freedom in it, no consent. The Iron Curtain, the secret police, the constant purges, all these are symptoms of a great basic weakness--the rulers' fear of their own people. 那么，你们中的一些人可能会问，冷战何时以及如何结束？我想我可以简单地回答。共产主义世界拥有巨大的资源，看起来很强大。但他们的社会有一个致命的缺陷。他们的是一个无神的制度，一个奴隶制制度；里面没有自由，没有同意。铁幕、秘密警察、不断的清洗，所有这些都是一个巨大基本弱点的症状——统治者对自己人民的恐惧。
In the long run the strength of our free society, and our ideals, will prevail over a system that has respect for neither God nor man. 从长远来看，我们自由社会的力量和我们的理想将战胜一个既不尊重上帝也不尊重人的制度。
Last week, in my State of the Union Message to the Congress--and I hope you will all take the time to read it--I explained how I think we will finally win through. 上周，在我向国会提交的国情咨文——我希望你们都能抽出时间阅读——中，我解释了我认为我们最终将如何获胜。
As the free world grows stronger, more united, more attractive to men on both sides of the Iron Curtain--and as the Soviet hopes for easy expansion are blocked--then there will have to come a time of change in the Soviet world. Nobody can say for sure when that is going to be, or exactly how it will come about, whether by revolution, or trouble in the satellite states, or by a change inside the Kremlin. 随着自由世界变得更强大、更团结、对铁幕两边的人更具吸引力——随着苏联轻易扩张的希望被阻止——那么苏联世界必将迎来变革的时刻。没有人能确切地说那将是什么时候，或者它将如何发生，无论是通过革命，还是卫星国的麻烦，还是克里姆林宫内部的变化。
Whether the Communist rulers shift their policies of their own free will--or whether the change comes about in some other way-I have not a doubt in the world that a change will occur.I have a deep and abiding faith in the destiny of free men. With patience and courage, we shall some day move on into a new era--a wonderful golden age--an age when we can use the peaceful tools that science has forged for us to do away with poverty and human misery everywhere on earth. 无论共产主义统治者是自愿改变他们的政策——还是变化以其他方式发生——我毫不怀疑变化将会发生。我对自由人民的命运有着深厚而持久的信念。有了耐心和勇气，我们总有一天会进入一个新的时代——一个美好的黄金时代——一个我们可以利用科学为我们锻造的和平工具来消除地球上各地贫困和人类苦难的时代。
Think what can be done, once our capital, our skills, our science--most of all atomic energy--can be released from the tasks of defense and turned wholly to peaceful purposes all around the world.There is no end to what can be done. 想想一旦我们的资本、我们的技能、我们的科学——最重要的是原子能——能够从防御任务中解放出来，完全用于世界各地的和平目的，我们能做些什么。我们能做的事情是无止境的。
I can't help but dream out loud just a little here. 我不禁在这里大声梦想一下。
The Tigris and Euphrates Valley can be made to bloom as it did in the times of Babylon and Nineveh. Israel can be made the country of milk and honey as it was in the time of Joshua. 底格里斯河和幼发拉底河流域可以像巴比伦和尼尼微时代一样开花结果。以色列可以像约书亚时代一样成为流奶与蜜之地。
There is a plateau in Ethiopia some 6,000 to 8,000 feet high, that has 65,000 square miles of land just exactly like the corn belt in northern Illinois. Enough food can be raised there to feed a hundred million people. 埃塞俄比亚有一个高原，海拔约6000至8000英尺，有65,000平方英里的土地，与伊利诺伊州北部的玉米带完全一样。那里可以种植足够养活一亿人的粮食。
There are places in South America--places in Colombia and Venezuela and Brazil-just like that plateau in Ethiopia--places where food could be raised for millions of people. 南美洲也有一些地方——哥伦比亚、委内瑞拉和巴西的一些地方——就像埃塞俄比亚的那个高原一样——可以为数百万人种植粮食。
These things can be done, and they are self-liquidating projects. If we can get peace and safety in the world under the United Nations, the developments will come so fast we will not recognize the world in which we now live. 这些事情是可以做到的，而且它们是自偿性项目。如果我们能在联合国领导下在世界上获得和平与安全，发展将如此之快，我们将认不出我们现在生活的世界。
This is our dream of the future--our picture of the world we hope to have when the Communist threat is overcome. 这是我们对未来的梦想——我们希望在共产主义威胁被克服后拥有的世界图景。
I've talked a lot tonight about the menace of communism--and our fight against it-because that is the overriding issue of our time. But there are some other things we've done that history will record. One of them is that we in America have learned how to attain real prosperity for our people. 今晚我谈了很多关于共产主义威胁——以及我们与之的斗争——因为这是我们这个时代最重要的问题。但我们还做了一些其他事情，历史会记录下来。其中之一是我们美国人学会了如何为我们的人民实现真正的繁荣。
We have 62 1/2 million people at work. Businessmen, farmers, laborers, white-collar people, all have better incomes and more of the good things of life than ever before in the history of the world. 我们有6250万人在工作。商人、农民、工人、白领人士，所有人的收入都比世界历史上任何时候都要好，拥有更多生活中的美好事物。
There hasn't been a failure of an insured bank in nearly 9 years. No depositor has lost a cent in that period. 近9年来，没有一家有保险的银行倒闭。在此期间，没有存款人损失一分钱。
And the income of our people has been fairly distributed, perhaps more so than at any other time in recent history. 我们人民的收入分配相当公平，也许比近代史上任何时候都更公平。
We have made progress in spreading the blessings of American life to all of our people. There has been a tremendous awakening of the American conscience on the great issues of civil rights--equal economic opportunities, equal rights of citizenship, and equal educational opportunities for all our people, whatever their race or religion or status of birth. 我们在将美国生活的福祉传播给我们所有人民方面取得了进展。美国良知在民权的重大问题上——所有人民的平等经济机会、平等公民权利和平等教育机会，无论他们的种族、宗教或出生地位——已经有了巨大的觉醒。
So, as I empty the drawers of this desk, and as Mrs. Truman and I leave the White House, we have no regret. We feel we have done our best in the public service. I hope and believe we have contributed to the welfare of this Nation and to the peace of the world. 因此，当我清空这张办公桌的抽屉，当杜鲁门夫人和我离开白宫时，我们没有遗憾。我们觉得我们在公共服务中已经尽了最大努力。我希望并相信我们为这个国家的福祉和世界和平做出了贡献。
When Franklin Roosevelt died, I felt there must be a million men better qualified than I, to take up the Presidential task. But the work was mine to do, and I had to do it. And I have tried to give it everything that was in me. 富兰克林·罗斯福去世时，我觉得一定有一百万人比我更有资格承担总统的任务。但这项工作是我的，我必须做。我努力把我拥有的一切都投入其中。
Through all of it, through all the years that I have worked here in this room, I have been well aware I did not really work alone-that you were working with me. 在这一切中，在我在这个房间里工作的所有岁月里，我清楚地知道我并不是真的独自工作——你们一直在和我一起工作。
No President could ever hope to lead our country, or to sustain the burdens of this office, save as the people helped with their support. I have had that help--you have given me that support--on all our great essential undertakings to build the free world's strength and keep the peace. 没有任何总统能够希望领导我们的国家，或承受这个职位的负担，除非人民以他们的支持提供帮助。我得到了那种帮助——你们在我们建设自由世界力量和维护和平的所有伟大基本事业上给予了我那种支持。
Those are the big things. Those are the things we have done together.For that I shall be grateful, always. 那些是大事。那些是我们一起做的事情。为此，我将永远感激。
And now, the time has come for me to say good night--and God bless you all. 现在，是我道晚安的时候了——愿上帝保佑你们所有人。