Labor and the Nation(劳工与国家)

演讲内容

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演讲背景:1937年9月3日,美国产业工业组织委员会(CIO)主席约翰·L·刘易斯在华盛顿特区发表了《劳工与国家》演讲。当时美国劳工运动正处于高潮,钢铁行业爆发了激烈的劳资冲突,多名钢铁工人在罢工中遭警察和武装暴徒杀害。刘易斯在演讲中阐述了CIO的成立背景和组织成就,谴责了企业对工会的暴力镇压,捍卫了工人集体谈判的权利。他呼吁劳资双方通过谈判实现工业和平,并强调有组织的劳工是美国民主制度的重要支柱,是抵御外来极权思想的坚强堡垒。

Out of the agony and travail of economic America the Committee for Industrial Organization was born. To millions of Americans exploited without stint by corporate industry and socially debased beyond the understanding of the fortunate, its coming was as welcomed as the dawn to the night watcher. 在经济美国的痛苦与阵痛中,产业工业组织委员会诞生了。对于数以百万计被企业工业无度剥削、社会地位被践踏到幸运者无法理解的地步的美国人来说,它的到来如同黎明之于守夜人般受到欢迎。

To a lesser group of Americans, infinitely more fortunately situated, blessed with larger quantities of the world's goods and insolent in their assumption of privilege, its coming was heralded as a harbinger of ill, sinister of purpose, of unclean methods and non-virtuous objectives. But the Committee for Industrial Organizations is here. It is now henceforth a definite instrumentality, destined greatly to influence the lives of our people and the internal and external course of the republic. 对于另一小群美国人——他们处境远为优越,拥有世上更多的财富,傲慢地笃信自己的特权——它的到来被预示为不祥之兆,心怀叵测、手段肮脏、目标不端。但产业工业组织委员会已经来了。它从此将作为一个确定的工具,注定将极大地影响我国人民的生活以及共和国的对内对外方针。

This is true only because the purposes and objectives of the Committee for Industrial Organization find economic, social, political and moral justification in the hearts of the millions who are its members and the millions more who support it. The organization and constant onward sweep of this movement exemplifies the resentment of the many toward the selfishness, greed and the neglect of the few. 这仅仅是因为产业工业组织委员会的宗旨和目标,在数百万会员和更多支持者的心中找到了经济、社会、政治和道德上的正当性。这一运动的组织和不断向前推进,体现了多数人对少数人自私、贪婪和漠视的愤慨。

The workers of the nation were tired of waiting for corporate industry to right their economic wrongs, to alleviate their social agony and to grant them their political rights. Despairing of fair treatment, they resolved to do something for themselves. 这个国家的工人已经厌倦了等待企业工业来纠正他们的经济冤屈、减轻他们的社会痛苦、授予他们的政治权利。因绝望于公平对待,他们决心为自己做些什么。

They, therefore, have organized a new labor movement, conceived within the principles of the national bill of rights and committed to the proposition that the workers are free to assemble in their own forums, voice their own grievances, declare their own hopes and contract on even terms with modern industry for the sale of their only material possession -- their labor. 因此,他们组织了一个新的劳工运动,它孕育于国家权利法案的原则之中,致力于这样一个主张:工人有权在自己的论坛上集会,表达自己的不满,宣告自己的希望,并以平等的条件与现代工业就出售他们唯一的物质财富——他们的劳动——进行谈判。

The Committee for Industrial Organization has a numerical enrollment of 3,718,000 members. It has 32 affiliated national and international unions. Of this number 11 unions account for 2,765,000 members. This group is organized in the textile, auto, garment, lumber, rubber, electrical manufacturing, power, steel, coal and transport industries. 产业工业组织委员会拥有371.8万名会员。它有32个附属的全国性和国际性工会。其中11个工会拥有276.5万名会员。这一群体分布在纺织、汽车、服装、木材、橡胶、电气制造、电力、钢铁、煤炭和运输等行业。

The remaining membership exists in the maritime, oil production and refining, ship building, leather, chemical, retail, meat packing, vegetable canning, metalliferous mining, miscellaneous manufacturing, agricultural labor, and service and miscellaneous industries. Some 200,000 workers are organized into 507 chartered local unions not yet attached to a national industrial union. 其余会员分布在海事、石油开采与炼制、造船、皮革、化工、零售、肉类加工、蔬菜罐头、金属采矿、杂项制造、农业劳动以及服务和杂项行业。约20万名工人被组织进507个尚未附属全国产业工会的特许地方工会中。

This record bespeaks progress. It is a development without precedent in our own country. Some of this work was accomplished with the enlightened cooperation or the tolerant acquiescence of employers who recognized that a new labor movement was being forged and who were not disposed, in any event, to flout the law of the land. On the other hand, much of this progress was made in the face of violent and deadly opposition which reached its climax in the slaughter of workers paralleling the massacres of Ludlow and Homestead. 这一记录彰显了进步。这是我国史无前例的发展。其中一些工作是在雇主的明智合作或容忍默许下完成的,这些雇主认识到一个新的劳工运动正在形成,而且无论如何都不愿公然违反国家法律。另一方面,许多进步是在暴力和致命的对抗中取得的,这种对抗在工人的屠杀中达到顶峰,堪比卢德洛和霍姆斯特德的惨案。

In the steel industry the corporations generally have accepted collective bargaining and negotiated wage agreements with the Committee for Industrial Organization. Eighty-five per cent of the industry is thus under contract and a peaceful relationship exits between the management and the workers. Written wage contracts have been negotiated with 399 steel companies covering 510,000 men. One thousand thirty-one local lodges in 700 communities have been organized. 在钢铁行业,各公司普遍接受了集体谈判,并与产业工业组织委员会谈判达成了工资协议。该行业85%的企业由此受合同约束,管理层与工人之间保持着和平关系。已与399家钢铁公司签订了书面工资合同,覆盖51万人。在700个社区中组织了1031个地方分会。

Five of the corporations in the steel industry elected to resist collective bargaining and undertook to destroy the steel workers' union. These companies filled their plants with industrial spies, assembled depots of guns and gas bombs, established barricades, controlled their communities with armed thugs, leased the police power of cities and mobilized the military power of a state to guard them against the intrusion of collective bargaining within their plants. 钢铁行业中有五家公司选择抵制集体谈判,并企图摧毁钢铁工人工会。这些公司在工厂里安插了工业间谍,囤积了枪支和毒气弹,设置了路障,用武装暴徒控制了他们的社区,租用了城市的警察权力,并动员了一个州的军事力量来阻止集体谈判进入他们的工厂。

During this strike 18 steel workers were either shot to death or had their brains clubbed out by police, or armed thugs in the pay of the steel companies. In Chicago, Mayor Kelly's police force was successful in killing ten strikers before they could escape the fury of the police, shooting eight of them in the back. One hundred sixty strikers were maimed and injured by police clubs, riot guns and gas bombs and were hospitalized. 在这次罢工中,18名钢铁工人被枪杀或被警察或钢铁公司雇佣的武装暴徒用警棍打碎了脑袋。在芝加哥,凯利市长的警察成功地在罢工者逃离警察的怒火之前击毙了十人,其中八人被从背后射击。160名罢工者被警棍、防暴枪和毒气弹致伤致残并住院治疗。

Hundreds of strikers were arrested, jailed, treated with brutality while incarcerated and harassed by succeeding litigation. None but strikers were murdered, gassed, injured, jailed or maltreated. No one had to die except the workers who were standing for the right guaranteed them by the Congress and written in the law. 数百名罢工者被逮捕、监禁,在押期间遭受虐待,并受到后续诉讼的骚扰。被杀、被毒气袭击、受伤、入狱或受虐待的只有罢工者。除了那些为国会保障并写入法律的权利而挺身而出的工人之外,没有人需要去死。

The infamous Governor Davey, of Ohio, successful in the last election because of his reiterated promises of fair treatment to labor, used the military power of the Commonwealth on the side of the Republican Steel Company and the Youngstown Sheet and Tube Company. Nearly half of the staggering military expenditure incident to the crushing of this strike in Ohio was borne by the federal government through the allocation of financial aid to the military establishment of the state. 声名狼藉的俄亥俄州州长戴维,因在上次选举中反复承诺公平对待劳工而当选,却将联邦的军事力量用于支持共和钢铁公司和扬斯敦薄板钢管公司。镇压俄亥俄州此次罢工所耗费的惊人军事开支中,近一半由联邦政府通过向该州军事机构拨款承担。

The steel workers have now buried their dead, while the widows weep and watch their orphaned children become objects of public charity. The murder of these unarmed men has never been publicly rebuked by any authoritative officer of the state or federal government. Some of them, in extenuation, plead lack of jurisdiction, but murder as a crime against the moral code can always be rebuked without regard to the niceties of legalistic jurisdiction by those who profess to be the keepers of the public conscience. 钢铁工人们现在已经安葬了他们的死者,而遗孀们在哭泣,眼看着他们成为孤儿的子女沦为公共慈善的对象。这些手无寸铁者的谋杀从未受到任何州或联邦政府权威官员的公开谴责。其中一些人以缺乏管辖权为由辩解,但作为违反道德准则的谋杀罪行,那些自称是公共良知守护者的人完全可以不顾法律管辖权的细微差别予以谴责。

Shortly after Kelly's police force in Chicago had indulged in their bloody orgy, Kelly came to Washington looking for political patronage. That patronage was forthcoming and Kelly must believe that the killing of the strikers is no liability in partisan politics. 凯利的芝加哥警察部队进行了血腥狂欢之后不久,凯利来到华盛顿寻求政治庇护。那种庇护唾手可得,凯利必定认为杀害罢工者在党派政治中不是一种负累。

Meanwhile, the steel puppet Davey is still Governor of Ohio, but not for long I think - not for long. The people of Ohio may be relied upon to mete our political justice to one who has betrayed his state, outraged the public conscience and besmirched the public honor. 与此同时,钢铁傀儡戴维仍然是俄亥俄州州长,但我想不会太久了——不会太久了。俄亥俄州的人民可以信赖会对一个背叛了自己的州、践踏了公共良知、玷污了公共荣誉的人做出政治审判。

While the men of the steel industry were going through blood and gas in defense of their rights and their homes and their families, elsewhere on the far-flung C.I.O. front the hosts of labor were advancing and intelligent and permanent progress was being made. In scores of industries plant after plant and company after company were negotiating sensible working agreements. 当钢铁行业的工人们正在用鲜血和毒气捍卫他们的权利、他们的家园和他们的家人时,在产业工业组织委员会广阔战线的其他地方,劳工大军正在前进,并取得了明智而持久的进展。在数十个行业中,一个又一个工厂、一个又一个公司都在谈判达成合理的工作协议。

The men in the steel industry who sacrificed their all were nor merely aiding their fellows at home but were adding strength to the cause of their comrades in all industry. Labor was marching toward the goal of industrial democracy and contributing constructively toward a more rational arrangement of our domestic economy. 钢铁行业中牺牲了一切的工人们不仅仅是在帮助国内的同伴,更是在为所有行业的同志的事业增添力量。劳工正在向工业民主的目标迈进,并为我国国内经济更合理的安排做出建设性贡献。

Labor does not see industrial strife. It wants peace, but a peace with justice. In the long struggle for labor's rights it has been patient and forbearing. Sabotage and destruction syndicalism have had no part in the American labor movement. Workers have kept faith in American institutions. Most of the conflicts, which have occurred have been when labor's right to live has been challenged and denied. 劳工不寻求工业冲突。它要的是和平,但是一种公正的和平。在争取劳工权利的长期斗争中,它一直耐心而克制。破坏和破坏工团主义在美国劳工运动中没有任何位置。工人们一直对美国制度保持信心。发生的大多数冲突都是在劳工的生存权利受到挑战和否定的时候。

If there is to be peace in our industrial life let the employer recognize his obligation to his employees -- at least to the degree set forth in existing statutes. Ordinary problems affecting wages, hours, and working conditions, in most instances, will quickly respond to negotiation in the council room. 如果我们的工业生活要实现和平,让雇主认识到他对雇员的义务——至少要达到现行法规所规定的程度。在大多数情况下,影响工资、工时和工作条件的普通问题将通过谈判室中的协商迅速得到解决。

The United States Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of Manufacturers, and similar groups representing industry and financial interests, are rendering a disservice to the American people in their attempts to frustrate the organization of labor and in their refusal to accept collective bargaining as one of our economic institutions. 美国商会、全国制造商协会以及代表工业和金融利益的类似团体,在试图阻挠劳工组织化和拒绝接受集体谈判作为我国经济制度之一方面,正在对美国人民造成损害。

These groups are encouraging a systematic organization of vigilante groups to fight unionization under the sham pretext of local interests. They equip these vigilantes with tin hats, wooden clubs, gas masks and lethal weapons and train them in the arts of brutality and oppression. They bring in snoops, finks, hatchet gangs and Chowderhead Cohens to infest their plants and disturb the communities. 这些团体正在鼓励系统性地组织志愿团体,以地方利益的虚假借口来打击工会化。他们为这些志愿人员配备钢盔、木棍、防毒面具和致命武器,训练他们施暴和压迫的技艺。他们引入密探、告密者、打手团伙和各色恶棍来侵扰工厂、扰乱社区。

Fascist organizations have been launched and financed under the shabby pretext that the C.I.O. movement is communistic. The real breeders of discontent and alien doctrines of government and philosophies subversive of good citizenship are such as these who take the law into their own hands. 法西斯组织以产业工业组织委员会运动是共产主义为寒酸借口而被发起和资助。真正滋生不满、外来政府学说和颠覆良好公民意识的哲学的人,正是那些将法律掌握在自己手中的人。

No tin-hat brigade of goose-stepping vigilantes or bibble-babbling mob of blackguarding and corporation paid scoundrels will prevent the onward march of labor, or divert its purpose to play its natural and rational part in the development of the economic, political and social life of our nation. 任何头戴钢盔、鹅步前行的志愿团,或任何由公司雇佣的喋喋不休的恶棍暴民,都无法阻止劳工的前进步伐,也无法转移其在我国经济、政治和社会生活中发挥自然而理性作用的意图。

Unionization, as opposed to communism, presupposes the relation of employment; it is based upon the wage system and it recognizes fully and unreservedly the institution of private property and the right to investment profit. It is upon the fuller development of collective bargaining, the wider expansion of the labor movement, the increased influence of labor in our national councils, that the perpetuity of our democratic institutions must largely depend. 工会化与共产主义相对立,它以雇佣关系为前提;它建立在工资制度之上,充分且毫无保留地承认私有财产制度和投资利润权。我国民主制度的永续,在很大程度上取决于集体谈判的进一步发展、劳工运动的更广泛扩张以及劳工在我国各委员会中影响力的增强。

The organized workers of America, free in their industrial life, conscious partners in production, secure in their homes and enjoying a decent standard of living, will prove the finest bulwark against the intrusion of alien doctrines of government. 美国有组织的工人——在工业生活中享有自由,作为生产中有觉悟的伙伴,在家中享有安全感,并享有体面的生活水平——将成为抵御外来异端政府学说入侵的最坚强堡垒。

Do those who have hatched this foolish cry of communism in the C.I.O. fear the increased influence of labor in our democracy? Do they fear its influence will be cast on the side of shorter hours, a better system of distributed employment, better homes for the under-privileged, social security for the aged, a fairer distribution of the national income? 那些炮制产业工业组织委员会中共产主义愚蠢叫嚣的人,是否害怕劳工在我国民主中日益增长的影响力?他们是否害怕这种影响力会投向缩短工时、建立更好的就业分配制度、为弱势群体提供更好的住房、为老年人提供社会保障、更公平地分配国民收入的一方?

Certainly the workers that are being organized want a voice in the determination of these objectives of social justice. Certainly labor wants a fairer share in the national income. Assuredly labor wants a larger participation in increased productive efficiency. Obviously the population is entitled to participate in the fruits of the genius of our men of achievement in the field of the material sciences. 当然,正在被组织起来的工人希望在社会正义这些目标的决定中有发言权。当然,劳工希望获得国民收入中更公平的份额。毫无疑问,劳工希望更多地参与提高生产效率。显然,人民有权分享我国在物质科学领域取得成就的人才们的天赋成果。

Labor has suffered just as our farm population has suffered from a viciously unequal distribution of the national income. In the exploitation of both classes of workers has been the source of panic and depression, and upon the economic welfare of both rests the best assurance of a sound and permanent prosperity. 劳工遭受了苦难,正如我们的农业人口因国民收入分配严重不均而遭受苦难一样。对这两个阶级工人的剥削一直是恐慌和萧条的根源,而两者的经济福利才是健全和持久繁荣的最佳保障。

In this connection let me call attention to the propaganda which some of our industrialists are carrying on among the farmers. By pamphlets in the milk cans or attached to machinery and in countless other ways of direct and indirect approach, the farmers of the nation are being told that the increased price of farm machinery and farm supplies is due to the rising wage level brought about by the Committee for Industrial Organization. And yet it is the industrial millions of this country who constitute the substantial market for all agricultural products. 在这方面,请允许我提请注意我们一些工业家在农民中进行的宣传。通过牛奶罐中或附在机械上的小册子以及无数其他直接和间接的方式,这个国家的农民被告知,农业机械和农用物资价格上涨是由于产业工业组织委员会推动的工资水平上升所致。然而,正是这个国家的数百万产业工人构成了所有农产品的庞大市场。

The interest of the two groups are mutually dependent. It is when the pay roll goes down that the farmer's realization is diminished, so that his loans become overdue at the bank and the arrival of the tax collector is awaited with fear. On the other hand it is the prosperity of the farmer that quickness the tempo of manufacturing activities and brings buying power to the millions of urban and industrial workers. 这两个群体的利益是相互依存的。当工资总额下降时,农民的收入就会减少,以至于他的贷款在银行逾期,恐惧地等待税收员的到来。另一方面,正是农民的繁荣加快了制造业活动的节奏,为数百万城市和工业工人带来了购买力。

As we view the years that have passed this has always been true and it becomes increasingly imperative that the farm population and the millions of workers in industry must learn to combine their strength for the attainment of mutual and desirable objectives and at the same time learn to guard themselves against the sinister propaganda of those who would divide and exploit them. 回顾过去的岁月,这一直是真实的,而且日益迫切的是,农业人口和数百万产业工人必须学会联合他们的力量以实现共同和理想的目标,同时学会防范那些企图分裂和剥削他们的人的阴险宣传。

Under the banner of the Committee for Industrial Organization American labor is on the march. Its objectives today are those it had in the beginning: to strive for the unionization of our unorganized millions of workers and for the acceptance of collective bargaining as a recognized American institution. 在产业工业组织委员会的旗帜下,美国劳工正在前进。它今天的目标与开始时一样:争取组织我们数百万未组织工人的工会,争取集体谈判被承认为一项美国制度。

It seeks peace with the industrial world. It seeks cooperation and mutuality of effort with the agricultural population. It would avoid strikes. It would have its rights determined under the law by the peaceful negotiations and contract relationships that are supposed to characterize American commercial life. 它寻求与工业世界的和平。它寻求与农业人口的合作和共同努力。它愿意避免罢工。它愿意在法律之下,通过理应体现美国商业生活的和平谈判和合同关系来确定自己的权利。

Until an aroused public opinion demands that employers accept that rule, labor has no recourse but to surrender its rights or struggle for their realization with its own economic power. 在觉醒的公众舆论要求雇主接受这一规则之前,劳工除了放弃自己的权利或用自身的经济力量争取实现权利之外,别无他途。

The objectives of this movement are not political in a partisan sense. Yet it is true that a political party which seeks the support of labor and makes pledges of good faith to labor must, in equity and good conscience, keep that faith and redeem those pledges. 这一运动的目标在党派意义上不是政治性的。然而,一个寻求劳工支持并向劳工做出善意承诺的政党,在公平和良知上必须信守承诺、兑现诺言,这是事实。

The spectacle of august and dignified members of Congress, servants of the people and agents of the republic, skulking in hallways and closets, hiding their faces in a party caucus to prevent a quorum from acting upon a labor measure, is one that emphasizes the perfidy of politicians and blasts the confidence of labor's millions in politician's promises and statesmen's vows. 国会议员们——人民的公仆和共和国的代表——在走廊和壁橱里躲躲藏藏,在党团会议中藏起面孔以阻止法定人数就一项劳工法案采取行动,这一 spectacle 凸显了政客的背信弃义,粉碎了劳工数百万人对政客承诺和政治家誓言的信心。

Labor next year cannot avoid the necessity of a political assay of the work and deeds of its so-called friends and its political beneficiaries. It must determine who are its friends in the arena of politics as elsewhere. It feels that its cause is just and that its friends should not view its struggle with neutral detachment or intone constant criticism of its activities. 明年,劳工无法避免对其所谓的盟友和政治受益者的言行进行政治评估。它必须确定谁是它在政治舞台和其他方面的朋友。它感到自己的事业是正义的,它的朋友不应以中立超然的态度看待它的斗争,或不断对其活动唱反调。

Those who chant their praises of democracy but who lose no chance to drive their knives into labor's defenseless back must feel the weight of labor's woe even as its open adversaries must ever feel the thrust of labor's power. 那些高唱民主赞歌却不失时机地将刀子刺向劳工毫无防备的背部的人,必将感受到劳工苦难的重量,正如它的公开对手必将永远感受到劳工力量的冲击一样。

Labor, like Israel, has many sorrows. Its women weep for their fallen and they lament for the future of the children of the race. It ill behooves one who has supped at labor's table and who has been sheltered in labor's house to curse with equal fervor and fine impartiality both labor and its adversaries when they become locked in deadly embrace. 劳工如同以色列,有着许多苦难。它的妇女为倒下者哭泣,为种族的孩子们的未来哀叹。一个曾在劳工的餐桌上进食、在劳工的屋檐下受到庇护的人,当劳工与其对手陷入殊死搏斗时,以同等的热情和不偏不倚的态度同时诅咒劳工及其对手,这是不合适的。

I repeat that labor seeks peace and guarantees its own loyalty, but the voice of labor, insistent upon its rights, should not be annoying to the ears of justice or offensive to the conscience of the American people. 我再说一遍,劳工寻求和平并保证自身的忠诚,但劳工坚持自己权利的声音,不应令正义之耳厌烦,也不应触犯美国人民的良知。

unionlaborCIOcollective bargainingworkers rights

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John L. Lewis(约翰·L·刘易斯)

美国矿工联合会主席

出生1880国籍美国

约翰·L·刘易斯(1880-1969),美国劳工领袖,美国矿工联合会(UMWA)主席,美国产业工业组织委员会(CIO)创始人。他出生于艾奥瓦州一个威尔士裔矿工家庭,15岁开始采矿工作。1920年当选矿工联合会主席,连任长达40年。1935年创立CIO,推动产业工会运动,组织了钢铁、汽车等大规模生产行业的数百万工人,彻底改变了美国劳工运动格局。刘易斯是一位极具争议但影响力巨大的领袖,以雄辩著称。他在1937年发表的《劳工与国家》演讲阐明了劳工运动的目标和理念,成为美国劳工史上的重要文献。

劳工不寻求工业冲突。它要的是和平,但是一种公正的和平。

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