Lyndon B. Johnson's 1965 Inaugural Address(林登·B·约翰逊1965年就职演说)

演讲内容

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演讲背景:1965年1月20日,林登·B·约翰逊在华盛顿特区国会大厦宣誓就任美国第三十六任总统的完整任期。1963年肯尼迪遇刺后他以副总统身份接任总统,并在1964年大选中以486票对52票的压倒性优势击败巴里·戈德华特。约翰逊的第二届就职演说以'美国契约'为核心框架,强调正义、自由和团结三大原则。演说中他提出了雄心勃勃的'伟大社会'计划,旨在消除贫困、改善教育、推进民权改革和扩大社会保障。演说引用了《圣经·历代志上》中所罗门的祈祷:'求你赐我智慧和知识,使我能出入在你百姓面前,因为谁能判断这众多的百姓呢?'这篇演说标志着美国社会改革的高峰,但约翰逊的任期也因越南战争的升级而逐渐陷入争议。演说长度约2300词,是20世纪最重要的就职演说之一。

My fellow countrymen:

On this occasion the oath I have taken before you and before God is not mine alone, but ours together. We are one nation and one people. Our fate as a nation and our future as a people rest not upon one citizen but upon all citizens.

That is the majesty and the meaning of this moment.

For every generation there is a destiny. For some, history decides. For this generation the choice must be our own.

Even now, a rocket moves toward Mars. It reminds us that the world will not be the same for our children, or even for ourselves in a short span of years. The next man to stand here will look out on a scene that is different from our own.

Ours is a time of change--rapid and fantastic change--bearing the secrets of nature, multiplying the nations, placing in uncertain hands new weapons for mastery and destruction, shaking old values and uprooting old ways.

Our destiny in the midst of change will rest on the unchanged character of our people and on their faith.

THE AMERICAN COVENANT They came here--the exile and the stranger, brave but frightened--to find a place where a man could be his own man. They made a covenant with this land. Conceived in justice, written in liberty, bound in union, it was meant one day to inspire the hopes of all mankind. And it binds us still. If we keep its terms we shall flourish.

JUSTICE AND CHANGE First, justice was the promise that all who made the journey would share in the fruits of the land.

In a land of great wealth, families must not live in hopeless poverty. In a land rich in harvest, children just must not go hungry. In a land of healing miracles, neighbors must not suffer and die untended. In a great land of learning and scholars, young people must be taught to read and write.

For more than 30 years that I have served this Nation I have believed that this injustice to our people, this waste of our resources, was our real enemy. For 30 years or more, with the resources I have had, I have vigilantly fought against it. I have learned and I know that it will not surrender easily.

But change has given us new weapons. Before this generation of Americans is finished, this enemy will not only retreat, it will be conquered.

Justice requires us to remember: when any citizen denies his fellow, saying: "His color is not mine or his beliefs are strange and different," in that moment he betrays America, though his forebears created this Nation.

LIBERTY AND CHANGE Liberty was the second article of our covenant. It was self-government. It was our Bill of Rights. But it was more. America would be a place where each man could be proud to be himself: stretching his talents, rejoicing in his work, important in the life of his neighbors and his nation.

This has become more difficult in a world where change and growth seem to tower beyond the control and even the judgment of men. We must work to provide the knowledge and the surroundings which can enlarge the possibilities of every citizen.

THE WORLD AND CHANGE The American covenant called on us to help show the way for the liberation of man. And that is today our goal. Thus, if as a nation, there is much outside our control, as a people no stranger is outside our hope.

Change has brought new meaning to that old mission. We can never again stand aside, prideful in isolation. Terrific dangers and troubles that we once called "foreign" now constantly live among us. If American lives must end, and American treasure be spilled, in countries that we barely know, then that is the price that change has demanded of conviction and of our enduring covenant.

Think of our world as it looks from that rocket that is heading toward Mars. It is like a child's globe, hanging in space, the continent stuck to its side like colored maps. We are all fellow passengers on a dot of earth. And each of us, in the span of time, has really only a moment among our companions.

How incredible it is that in this fragile existence we should hate and destroy one another. There are possibilities enough for all who will abandon mastery over others to pursue mastery over nature. There is world enough for all to seek their happiness in their own way.

Our Nation's course is abundantly clear. We aspire to nothing that belongs to others. We seek no dominion over our fellow man, but man's dominion over tyranny and misery.

But more is required. Men want to be part of a common enterprise, a cause greater than themselves. And each of us must find a way to advance the purpose of the Nation, thus finding new purpose for ourselves. Without this, we will simply become a nation of strangers.

UNION AND CHANGE The third article is union. To those who were small and few against the wilderness, the success of liberty demanded the strength of union. Two centuries of change have made this true again.

No longer need capitalist and worker, farmer and clerk, city and countryside, struggle to divide our bounty. By working shoulder to shoulder together we can increase the bounty of all. We have discovered that every child who learns, and every man who finds work, and every sick body that is made whole--like a candle added to an altar-brightens the hope of all the faithful.

So let us reject any among us who seek to reopen old wounds and rekindle old hatreds. They stand in the way of a seeking nation.

Let us now join reason to faith and action to experience, to transform our unity of interest into a unity of purpose. For the hour and the day and the time are here to achieve progress without strife, to achieve change without hatred; not without difference of opinion but without the deep and abiding divisions which scar the union for generations.

THE AMERICAN BELIEF Under this covenant of justice, liberty, and union we have become a nation--prosperous, great, and mighty. And we have kept our freedom. But we have no promise from God that our greatness will endure. We have been allowed by Him to seek greatness with the sweat of our hands and the strength of our spirit.

I do not believe that the Great Society is the ordered, changeless, and sterile battalion of the ants. It is the excitement of becoming-always becoming, trying, probing, falling, resting, and trying again--but always trying and always gaining.

In each generation, with toil and tears, we have had to earn our heritage again. If we fail now then we will have forgotten in abundance what we learned in hardship: that democracy rests on faith, that freedom asks more than it gives, and the judgment of God is harshest on those who are most favored.

If we succeed it will not be because of what we have, but it will be because of what we are; not because of what we own, but rather because of what we believe.

For we are a nation of believers. Underneath the clamor of building and the rush of our day's pursuits, we are believers in justice and liberty and in our own union. We believe that every man must some day be free. And we believe in ourselves.

And that is the mistake that our enemies have always made. In my lifetime, in depression and in war they have awaited our defeat. Each time, from the secret places of the American heart, came forth the faith that they could not see or that they could not even imagine. And it brought us victory. And it will again.

For this is what America is all about. It is the uncrossed desert and the unclimbed ridge. It is the star that is not reached and the harvest that is sleeping in the unplowed ground. Is our world gone? We say farewell. Is a new world coming? We welcome it, and we will bend it to the hopes Of man.

And to these trusted public servants and to my family, and those close friends of mine who have followed me down a long winding road, and to all the people of this Union and the world, I will repeat today what I said on that sorrowful day in November last year: I will lead and I will do the best I can.

But you, you must look within your own hearts to the old promises and to the old dreams. They will lead you best of all.

For myself, I ask only in the words of an ancient leader: "Give me now wisdom and knowledge, that I may go out and come in before this people: for who can judge this thy people, that is so great?"

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Lyndon B. Johnson(林登·B·约翰逊)

Lyndon B. Johnson(林登·B·约翰逊)

美国伟大社会推行者,第三十六任总统

出生1908国籍美国

林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊(Lyndon Baines Johnson,1908年8月27日-1973年1月22日),昵称'LBJ',是美国第三十六任总统(1963年-1969年)。他出生于得克萨斯州石墙镇的一个农场家庭,年轻时曾在当地学校任教,后进入得克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校学习。1937年当选美国众议院议员,1948年当选参议员,1955年成为参议院多数党领袖,是美国历史上最有影响力的参议院领袖之一,以出色的立法技巧和政治手腕著称。1960年,他作为约翰·F·肯尼迪的竞选搭档当选副总统。1963年11月22日肯尼迪遇刺后,他在达拉斯机场的空军一号上宣誓接任总统。1964年,他以486票对52票的压倒性优势击败巴里·戈德华特,赢得完整任期。在任期间,他推动了雄心勃勃的'伟大社会'计划,签署了《民权法案》(1964)、《投票权法案》(1965)、《医疗保险法案》(1965)和《医疗补助法案》,并扩大了社会保障、教育和环境保护等领域的联邦项目。然而,他的任期也因越南战争的逐步升级而陷入争议,国内反战运动日益高涨。1968年3月31日,他宣布不再寻求连任。卸任后回到得克萨斯州的牧场,1973年因心脏病去世。尽管越南战争给其声誉蒙上阴影,但他在民权和社会福利方面的成就使其成为美国历史上最重要的改革派总统之一。

伟大社会将消除贫困和不平等。

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