Mr. President, fellow delegates: 主席先生，各位代表：
The long and meticulous study and debate of which this Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the product means that it reflects the composite views of the many men and governments who have contributed to its formulation. 这份《世界人权宣言》是经过长期细致研究和辩论的产物，这意味着它反映了众多参与起草的人士和政府的综合观点。
Not every man nor every government can have what he wants in a document of this kind. There are of course particular provisions in the Declaration before us with which we are not fully satisfied. I have no doubt this is true of other delegations, and it would still be true if we continued our labors over many years. Taken as a whole the Delegation of the United States believes that this is a good document, even a great document, and we propose to give it our full support. 并非每个人或每个政府都能在这样一份文件中得到自己想要的一切。当然，摆在我们面前的宣言中有一些条款我们并不完全满意。我毫不怀疑其他代表团也是如此，即使我们继续工作多年，情况仍然会如此。总体而言，美国代表团认为这是一份好文件，甚至是一份伟大的文件，我们提议给予它全力支持。
The position of the United States on the various parts of the Declaration is a matter of record in the Third Committee. I shall not burden the Assembly, and particularly my colleagues of the Third Committee, with a restatement of that position here. 美国在宣言各部分上的立场已在第三委员会记录在案。我不愿在此重申这一立场，以免烦扰大会，特别是第三委员会的同事们。
I should like to comment briefly on the amendments proposed by the Soviet delegation. The language of these amendments has been dressed up somewhat, but the substance is the same as the amendments which were offered by the Soviet delegation in committee and rejected after exhaustive discussion. Substantially the same amendments have been previously considered and rejected in the Human Rights Commission. 我想简要评论一下苏联代表团提出的修正案。这些修正案的语言虽然经过了修饰，但实质内容与苏联代表团在委员会中提出并经过详尽讨论后被否决的修正案相同。实质上相同的修正案此前已在人权委员会中审议并被否决。
We in the United States admire those who fight for their convictions, and the Soviet delegation has fought for their convictions. But in the older democracies we have learned that sometimes we bow to the will of the majority. In doing that, we do not give up our convictions. We continue sometimes to persuade, and eventually we may be successful. But we know that we have to work together and we have to progress. So, we believe that when we have made a good fight, and the majority is against us, it is perhaps better tactics to try to cooperate. 我们美国人钦佩那些为自己信念而奋斗的人，苏联代表团也为他们的信念而奋斗。但在历史更悠久的民主国家中，我们学会了有时要服从多数人的意志。这样做并不意味着我们放弃自己的信念。我们有时会继续说服他人，最终可能会成功。但我们知道，我们必须共同努力，我们必须进步。因此，我们认为，当我们已经尽力而为，而多数人反对我们时，尝试合作也许是更好的策略。
I feel bound to say that I think perhaps it is somewhat of an imposition on this Assembly to have these amendments offered again here, and I am confident that they will be rejected without debate. 我必须说，我认为在大会上再次提出这些修正案，对大会来说可能有些过分，而且我相信它们将不经辩论就被否决。
The first two paragraphs of the amendment to article 3 deal with the question of minorities, which committee 3 decided required further study, and has recommended, in a separate resolution, their reference to the Economic and Social Council and the Human Rights Commission. As set out in the Soviet amendment, this provision clearly states "group," and not "individual," rights. 对第3条的修正案的前两段涉及少数群体问题，第三委员会决定需要进一步研究，并在一项单独决议中建议将其提交经济及社会理事会和人权委员会。正如苏联修正案所述，该条款明确规定的是"群体"权利，而非"个人"权利。
The Soviet amendment to article 20 is obviously a very restrictive statement of the right to freedom of opinion and expression. It sets up standards which would enable any state practically to deny all freedom of opinion and expression without violating the article. It introduces the terms "democratic view," "democratic systems," "democratic state," and "fascism," which we know all too well from debates in this Assembly over the past two years on warmongering and related subjects are liable to the most flagrant abuse and diverse interpretations. 苏联对第20条的修正案显然是对意见和表达自由权的非常限制性的表述。它设定的标准实际上使任何国家都可以在不违反该条款的情况下剥夺所有意见和表达自由。它引入了"民主观点"、"民主制度"、"民主国家"和"法西斯主义"等术语，我们从大会过去两年关于战争煽动及相关议题的辩论中非常清楚地知道，这些术语容易被最公然地滥用和作出各种不同的解释。
The statement of the Soviet delegate here tonight is a very good case in point on this. The Soviet amendment of article 22 introduces new elements into the article without improving the committed text and again introduces specific reference to "discrimination." As was repeatedly pointed out in committee 3, the question of discrimination is comprehensively covered in article 2 of the Declaration, so that its restatement elsewhere is completely unnecessary and also has the effect of weakening the comprehensive principles stated in article 2. 苏联代表今晚在这里的发言就是一个很好的例子。苏联对第22条的修正案在未改进既定文本的情况下引入了新内容，并再次引入了对"歧视"的具体提及。正如第三委员会一再指出的，歧视问题在宣言第2条中已得到全面涵盖，因此在其他地方重申完全没有必要，而且还会削弱第2条所述的全面原则。
The new article proposed by the Soviet delegation is but a restatement of State obligation, which the Soviet delegation attempted to introduce into practically every article in the Declaration. It would convert the Declaration into a document stating obligations on states, thereby changing completely its character as a statement of principles to serve as a common standard of achievement for the members of the United Nations. 苏联代表团提议的新条款不过是对国家义务的重申，苏联代表团曾试图将其引入宣言的几乎每一条。这将把宣言变成一份规定国家义务的文件，从而完全改变其作为原则声明的性质，而原则声明旨在作为联合国成员的共同成就标准。
The Soviet proposal for deferring consideration of the Declaration to the 4th session of the Assembly requires no comment. An identical text was rejected in committee 3 by a vote of 6 in favor and 26 against. We are all agreed, I am sure, that the Declaration, which has been worked on with such great effort and devotion, and over such a long period of time, must be approved by this Assembly at this session. 苏联关于将宣言审议推迟到大会第四届会议的提议无需评论。同样的案文在第三委员会以6票赞成、26票反对被否决。我相信，我们都同意，经过如此巨大努力和奉献、历时如此之久才制定出的这份宣言，必须在本届大会上获得批准。
Certain provisions of the Declaration are stated in such broad terms as to be acceptable only because of the provisions in article 30 providing for limitation on the exercise of the rights for the purpose of meeting the requirements of morality, public order, and the general welfare. An example of this is the provision that everyone has the right to equal access to the public service in his country. The basic principle of equality and of nondiscrimination as to public employment is sound, but it cannot be accepted without limitation. 宣言中的某些条款表述如此宽泛，之所以能够被接受，只是因为第30条规定了为满足道德、公共秩序和普遍福利的要求而对权利行使进行限制。例如，人人有权平等获得本国公共服务的规定。关于公共就业的平等和不歧视的基本原则是合理的，但不能无限制地接受。
My government, for example, would consider that this is unquestionably subject to limitation in the interest of public order and the general welfare. It would not consider that the exclusion from public employment of persons holding subversive political beliefs and not loyal to the basic principles and practices of the constitution and laws of the country would in any way infringe upon this right. 我国政府认为，这无疑必须为了公共秩序和普遍福利的利益而受到限制。它不会认为，将持有颠覆性政治信仰、不忠于国家宪法和法律基本原则和实践的人排除在公共就业之外，会以任何方式侵犯这项权利。
Likewise, my government has made it clear in the course of the development of the Declaration that it does not consider that the economic and social and cultural rights stated in the Declaration imply an obligation on governments to assure the enjoyment of these rights by direct governmental action. This was made quite clear in the Human Rights Commission text of article 23 which served as a so-called "umbrella" article to the articles on economic and social rights. 同样，我国政府在宣言制定过程中已明确表示，它认为宣言中所述的经济、社会和文化权利并不意味着政府有义务通过直接的政府行动确保这些权利得到享受。这在人权委员会的第23条案文中已相当清楚，该条作为所谓的"总括"条款涵盖了关于经济和社会权利的条款。
We consider that the principle has not been affected by the fact that this article no longer contains a reference to the articles which follow it. This in no way affects our whole-hearted support for the basic principles of economic, social, and cultural rights set forth in these articles. 我们认为，该条款不再提及后续条款这一事实并未影响这一原则。这绝不影响我们对这些条款中阐述的经济、社会和文化权利基本原则的全力支持。
In giving our approval to the Declaration today it is of primary importance that we keep clearly in mind the basic character of the document. It is not a treaty; it is not an international agreement. It is not and does not purport to be a statement of law or of legal obligation. It is a Declaration of basic principles of human rights and freedoms, to be stamped with the approval of the General Assembly by formal vote of its members, and to serve as a common standard of achievement for all peoples of all nations. 今天在批准宣言时，我们必须清楚地牢记文件的基本性质。它不是一项条约；它不是一项国际协定。它不是也无意成为一项法律声明或法律义务声明。它是一份人权和自由基本原则的宣言，将由大会成员正式投票批准，并作为所有国家人民的共同成就标准。
We stand today at the threshold of a great event both in the life of the United Nations and in the life of mankind. This Universal Declaration of Human Rights may well become the international Magna Carta of all men everywhere. We hope its proclamation by the General Assembly will be an event comparable to the proclamation of the Declaration of the Rights of Man by the French people in 1789, the adoption of the Bill of Rights by the people of the United States, and the adoption of comparable declarations at different times in other countries. 今天，我们站在联合国历史和人类历史上一个伟大事件的门槛上。这份《世界人权宣言》很可能成为全人类的国际大宪章。我们希望大会对它的宣布将成为一个可与1789年法国人民宣布《人权宣言》、美国人民通过《权利法案》以及其他国家在不同时期通过类似宣言相媲美的事件。
At a time when there are so many issues on which we find it difficult to reach a common basis of agreement, it is a significant fact that 58 states have found such a large measure of agreement in the complex field of human rights. This must be taken as testimony of our common aspiration first voiced in the Charter of the United Nations to lift men everywhere to a higher standard of life and to a greater enjoyment of freedom. 在我们发现如此多问题难以达成共同协议基础的时候，58个国家在复杂的人权领域达成了如此广泛的共识，这是一个重要的事实。这必须被视为我们在《联合国宪章》中首次表达的共同愿望的证明，即把各地人民提升到更高的生活水平，更大地享受自由。
Man's desire for peace lies behind this Declaration. The realization that the flagrant violation of human rights by Nazi and Fascist countries sowed the seeds of the last world war has supplied the impetus for the work which brings us to the moment of achievement here today. 人类对和平的渴望是这份宣言背后的动力。认识到纳粹和法西斯国家对人权的公然侵犯播下了上次世界大战的种子，这为我们今天取得成就的工作提供了动力。
In a recent speech in Canada, Gladstone Murray said: 在加拿大最近的一次演讲中，格拉德斯通·默里说：
The central fact is that man is fundamentally a moral being, that the light we have is imperfect does not matter so long as we are always trying to improve it ... we are equal in sharing the moral freedom that distinguishes us as men. 核心事实是，人本质上是一种道德存在，我们拥有的光明并不完美，只要我们始终努力改进它就无关紧要……我们在分享使我们成为人的道德自由方面是平等的。
Man's status makes each individual an end in himself. No man is by nature simply the servant of the state or of another man ... the ideal and fact of freedom -- and not technology -- are the true distinguishing marks of our civilization. 人的地位使每个人本身成为目的。没有人天生只是国家或另一个人的仆人……自由的理想和事实——而非技术——是我们文明的真正标志。
This Declaration is based upon the spiritual fact that man must have freedom in which to develop his full stature and through common effort to raise the level of human dignity. We have much to do to fully achieve and to assure the rights set forth in this Declaration. But having them put before us with the moral backing of 58 nations will be a great step forward. 这份宣言基于这样一个精神事实：人必须拥有自由，以便充分发展自己，并通过共同努力提高人类尊严的水平。要充分实现和确保宣言中规定的权利，我们还有很多工作要做。但有58个国家的道义支持将这些权利摆在我们面前，这将是向前迈出的一大步。
As we here bring to fruition our labors on this Declaration of Human Rights, we must at the same time rededicate ourselves to the unfinished task which lies before us. We can now move on with new courage and inspiration to the completion of an international covenant on human rights and of measures for the implementation of human rights. 当我们在这里完成关于这份《人权宣言》的工作时，我们必须同时重新致力于摆在我们面前的未完成任务。我们现在可以以新的勇气和灵感继续前进，完成一项国际人权公约和人权实施措施。
In conclusion, I feel that I cannot do better than to repeat the call to action by Secretary Marshall in his opening statement to this Assembly: 最后，我认为最好是重申马歇尔国务卿在大会开幕词中发出的行动号召：
Let this third regular session of the General Assembly approve by an overwhelming majority the Declaration of Human Rights as a standard of conduct for all; and let us, as Members of the United Nations, conscious of our own short-comings and imperfections, join our effort in good faith to live up to this high standard. 让大会第三届常会以压倒多数批准《人权宣言》作为所有人的行为标准；让我们作为联合国成员，认识到自己的缺点和不足，真诚地共同努力，达到这一高标准。