Ladies and gentlemen, it has been publicly announced that the White House orders of the Roosevelt administration have declared war on HUEY LONG. The late and lamented, the pampered ex-crown prince, Gen. Hugh S. Johnson, one of those satellites loaned by Wall Street to run the Government, and who, at the end of his control over and dismissal from the NRA, pronounced it "as dead as a dodo". 女士们，先生们，公开宣布罗斯福政府已向休伊·朗宣战。已故且令人哀悼的、备受宠爱的前皇太子休·S·约翰逊将军——华尔街派来管理政府的那些附庸之一，在他对NRA的控制结束并被解雇后，宣称它"已经死得像渡渡鸟一样"。
This Mr. Johnson was apparently selected to make the lead-off speech in this White House charge begun last Monday night. The Johnson speech was followed by more fuss and fury on behalf of the administration by spellbinders in and out of Congress. 这位约翰逊先生显然被选中在上周一晚上的白宫指控中发表开场演讲。约翰逊的演讲之后，国会内外的煽动者们代表政府掀起了更多的喧嚣和愤怒。
In a far-away island, when a queen dies, her first favorite is done the honor to be buried alive with her. The funeral procession of the NRA (another one of these new-deal schisms or isms) is about ready to occur. It is said that General Johnson's speech of Monday night to attack me was delivered on the eve of announcing the publication of his obituary in the Red Book Magazine. Seems then that soon this erstwhile prince of the deranged alphabet makes ready to appear at the funeral of NRA like unto the colored lady in Mississippi who there asserted: "I is de wife of dese remains." 在一个遥远的岛上，当女王去世时，她最宠爱的人会荣幸地与她一同被活埋。NRA（新政的又一个分裂或主义）的葬礼队伍即将出现。据说约翰逊将军周一晚上攻击我的演讲是在宣布他的讣告将发表在《红皮书》杂志前夕发表的。看来这位昔日字母疯人院的王子很快准备出现在NRA的葬礼上，就像密西西比州那位有色女士宣称的那样："我是这些遗骸的妻子。"
I shall undertake to cover my main subject and make answer to these gentlemen in the course of this speech tonight. 我将在今晚的演讲中阐述我的主要观点并回应这些先生们。
It will serve no purpose to our distressed people for me to call my opponents more bitter names than they call me. Even were I able, I have not the time to present my side of the argument and match them in billingsgate or profanity. 对我们受苦受难的人民来说，我用比他们骂我更难听的名字称呼我的对手没有任何意义。即使我能做到，我也没有时间陈述我的观点并与他们互相辱骂。
What is this trouble with this administration of Mr. [Franklin D.] Roosevelt, Mr. [Hugh S.] Johnson, Mr. [James A.] Farley,l Mr. [Vincent] Astor, and all their spoilers and spellbinders? They think that HUEY LONG is the cause of all their worry. They go gunning for me. But, am I the cause of their misery? 罗斯福先生、约翰逊先生、法利先生、阿斯特先生以及他们所有的掠夺者和煽动者，到底出了什么问题？他们认为休伊·朗是他们所有烦恼的根源。他们来追捕我。但是，我是他们痛苦的根源吗？
They are like old Davy Crockett, who went out to hunt a possum. He saw in the gleam of the moonlight that a possum in the top of a tree was going from limb to limb. He shot and missed. He saw the possum again. He fired a second time and missed again. Soon he discovered that it was not a possum he saw at all in the top of that tree. It was a louse in his own eyebrow. 他们就像老戴维·克罗克特出去猎负鼠一样。他在月光下看到树顶上有一只负鼠从一根树枝跳到另一根树枝。他开枪，没打中。他又看到了负鼠。他再次开枪，又没打中。很快他发现他在树顶上看到的根本不是负鼠。那是他眉毛里的一只虱子。
I do not make this illustration to do discredit to any of these gentlemen. I make it to show how often we imagine we see great trouble being done to us by someone at a distance, when, in reality, all of it may be a fault in our own make-up. 我举这个例子并不是要诋毁这些先生们中的任何一位。我举这个例子是为了说明，我们常常想象远处有人在给我们制造大麻烦，而实际上，这一切可能都是我们自身的缺陷造成的。
The trouble with the Roosevelt administration is that when their schemes and isms have failed, these things I told them not to do and voted not to do, that they think it will help them to light out on those of us who warned them in the beginning that the tangled messes and noble experiments would not work. The Roosevelt administration has had its way for two years. They have been allowed to set up or knock down anything and everybody. 罗斯福政府的问题在于，当他们的计划和主义失败时——这些都是我告诉他们不要做、投票反对的事情——他们认为攻击我们这些一开始就警告他们这些混乱的事情和高尚的实验行不通的人会有帮助。罗斯福政府已经随心所欲两年了。他们被允许建立或推翻任何东西和任何人。
There was one difference between [Herbert] Hoover and Roosevelt. Hoover could not get the Congress to carry out the schemes he wanted to try. We managed to lick him on a roll call in the United States Senate time after time. But, different with Mr. Roosevelt. He got his plans through Congress. But on cold analysis they were found to be the same things Hoover tried to pass and failed. 胡佛和罗斯福之间有一个区别。胡佛无法让国会执行他想尝试的计划。我们在美国参议院一次又一次以投票击败了他。但是罗斯福先生不同。他让他的计划在国会获得通过。但冷静分析后发现，这些计划与胡佛试图通过却失败的计划完全相同。
The kitchen cabinet that sat in to advise Hoover was not different from the kitchen cabinet which advised Roosevelt. Many of the persons are the same. Many of those in Roosevelt's kitchen cabinet are of the same men or set of men who furnished employees to sit in the kitchen cabinet to advise Hoover. 为胡佛提供建议的厨房内阁与为罗斯福提供建议的厨房内阁没有什么不同。许多人都是相同的。罗斯福厨房内阁中的许多人正是那些为胡佛的厨房内阁提供雇员的人或那一群人。
Maybe you see a little change in the man waiting on the tables, but back in the kitchen the same set of cooks are fixing up the victuals for us that cooked up the mess under Hoover. 也许你看到餐桌上的服务员有点变化，但厨房后面还是同一批厨师在为我们准备饭菜——就是在胡佛时期炮制出那堆烂摊子的那群人。
Why, do you think this Roosevelt's plan for plowing up cotton, corn, and wheat; and for pouring milk in the river, and for destroying and burying hogs and cattle by the millions, all while people starve and go naked -- do you think those plans were the original ideas of this Roosevelt administration? If you do, you are wrong. The whole idea of that kind of thing first came from Hoover's administration. Don't you remember when Mr. Hoover proposed to plow up every fourth row of cotton? We laughed him into scorn. 你认为罗斯福这个犁毁棉花、玉米和小麦；把牛奶倒入河中；成百万地销毁和掩埋猪和牛的计划——而与此同时人们却在挨饿、衣不蔽体——你认为这些计划是罗斯福政府的原创想法吗？如果你这么认为，那你就错了。这类事情的整个想法首先来自胡佛政府。你不记得胡佛先生提议犁掉每四行棉花中的一行吗？我们嘲笑他，使他蒙羞。
President Roosevelt flayed him for proposing such a thing in the speech which he made from the steps of the capitol in Topeka, Kans. 罗斯福总统在堪萨斯州托皮卡州议会大厦台阶上发表的演讲中严厉谴责了他提出这样的事情。
And so we beat Mr. Hoover on his plan. But when Mr. Roosevelt started on his plan, it was not to plow up every fourth row of cotton as Hoover tried to do. Roosevelt's plan was to plow up every third row of cotton, just one-twelfth more cotton to be plowed up than Hoover proposed. Roosevelt succeeded in his plan. 所以我们在他的计划上击败了胡佛先生。但当罗斯福先生开始实施他的计划时，他不像胡佛那样提议犁掉每四行棉花中的一行。罗斯福的计划是犁掉每三行棉花中的一行，比胡佛提议的多犁掉十二分之一的棉花。罗斯福成功实施了他的计划。
So it has been that while millions have starved and gone naked; so it has been that while babies have cried and died for milk; so it has been that while people have begged for meat and bread, Mr. Roosevelt's administration has sailed merrily along, plowing under and destroying the things to eat and to wear, with tear-dimmed eyes and hungry souls made to chant for this new deal so that even their starvation dole is not taken away, and meanwhile the food and clothes craved by their bodies and souls go for destruction and ruin. 因此，当数百万人挨饿、衣不蔽体时；当婴儿哭喊着因缺奶而死去时；当人们乞求肉和面包时，罗斯福政府却愉快地航行着，犁毁和销毁食物和衣物，让泪眼朦胧、饥肠辘辘的人们为这个新政歌唱，这样他们的救济金就不会被夺走，与此同时他们身体和灵魂渴望的食物和衣服却被摧毁和破坏。
What is it? Is it government? Maybe so. It looks more like St. Vitus dance. 这是什么？这是政府吗？也许是。看起来更像圣维图斯舞蹈症。
Now, since they sallied forth with General Johnson to start the war on me, let us take a look at this NRA that they opened up around here two years ago. They had parades and Fascist signs just as Hitler, and Mussolini. They started the dictatorship here to regiment business and labor much more than anyone did in Germany or Italy. The only difference was in the sign. Italy's sign of the Fascist was a black shirt. Germany's sign of the Fascist was a swastika. So in America they sidetracked the Stars and Stripes, and the sign of the Blue Eagle was used instead. 现在，既然他们带着约翰逊将军向我开战，让我们看看他们两年前在这里推行的NRA。他们有游行和法西斯标志，就像希特勒和墨索里尼一样。他们在这里开始独裁统治，对商业和劳工进行比德国或意大利任何人都更严格的管制。唯一的区别在于标志。意大利法西斯的标志是黑衫。德国法西斯的标志是卐字。所以在美国，他们把星条旗搁置一边，改用蓝鹰标志。
And they proceeded with the NRA. Everything from a peanut stand to a power house had to have a separate book of rules and laws to regulate what they did. If a peanut stand started to parch a sack of goobers for sale, they had to be careful to go through the rule book. One slip and he went to jail. A little fellow who pressed a pair of pants went to jail because he charged 5 cents under the price set in the rule book. 然后他们继续推行NRA。从花生摊到发电厂，一切都必须有单独的规则和法律手册来规范他们的行为。如果花生摊开始烘烤一袋花生出售，他们必须小心地查阅规则手册。一个失误，他就会进监狱。一个熨裤子的小家伙进了监狱，因为他收取的价格比规则手册中规定的价格低了5美分。
So they wrote their NRA rule book, codes, laws, etc. They got up over 900 of them. One would be as thick as an unabridged dictionary and as confusing as a study of the stars. It would take 40 lawyers to tell a shoe-shine stand how to operate and be certain he didn't go to jail. 所以他们编写了NRA规则手册、法规、法律等。他们编写了900多个。其中一本会像一本未删节的词典一样厚，像研究星星一样令人困惑。需要40名律师才能告诉一个擦鞋摊如何经营并确保他不会进监狱。
Some people came to me for advice, as a lawyer, on how to run business. I took several days and then couldn't understand it myself. The only thing I could tell them was that it couldn't be much worse in jail than it was out of jail with that kind of thing going on in the country, and so to go on and do the best they could. 有些人作为律师来找我咨询如何经营生意。我花了几天时间，然后自己也无法理解。我唯一能告诉他们的是，在那种情况下，监狱里可能并不比监狱外糟糕多少，所以继续下去，尽他们所能。
The whole thing of Mr. Roosevelt, as run under General Johnson, became such a national scandal that Roosevelt had to let Johnson slide out as the scapegoat. Let them call for an NRA parade tomorrow and you couldn't get enough people to form a funeral march. 在约翰逊将军领导下运作的罗斯福先生的整个事情变成了如此大的全国丑闻，以至于罗斯福不得不让约翰逊作为替罪羊溜走。让他们明天召集NRA游行，你找不到足够的人组成一支送葬队伍。
It was under this NRA and the other funny alphabetical combinations which followed it that we ran the whole country into a mares nest. The Farleys and Johnsons combed the land with agents, inspectors, supervisors, detectives, secretaries, assistants, etc., all armed with the power to arrest and send to jail whomever they found not living up to some rule in one of these 900 catalogs. One man whose case reached the Supreme Court of the United States was turned loose because they couldn't even find the rule he was supposed to have violated in a search throughout the United States. 正是在这个NRA和随后的其他滑稽的字母组合下，我们把整个国家搞得一团糟。法利们和约翰逊们用特工、检查员、监督员、侦探、秘书、助理等梳遍全国，所有人都有权逮捕并送进监狱任何他们发现不符合这些900本目录中某项规则的人。一个案件到达美国最高法院的人被释放了，因为他们在整个美国搜索都找不到他被指控违反的规则。
And now it is with PWA's, CWA's, NRA's, AAA's, J-UG's, G-IN's, and every other flimsy combination that the country finds its affairs and business tangled to where no one can recognize it. More men are now out of work than ever; the debt of the United States has gone up another $10 billion. There is starvation; there is homelessness; there is misery on every hand and corner. 现在，正是PWA、CWA、NRA、AAA以及每一个脆弱的组合，让国家发现其事务和商业混乱到无人能认的地步。现在失业人数比以往任何时候都多；美国的债务又增加了100亿美元。到处都有饥饿、无家可归和痛苦。
But mind you, in the meantime, Mr. Roosevelt has had his way. He is one man that can't blame any of his troubles on HUEY LONG. He has had his way. Down in my part of the country if any man has the measles he blames that on me; but there is one man that can't blame anything on anybody but himself, and that is Mr. Franklin De-La-No Roosevelt. 但请注意，与此同时，罗斯福先生已经随心所欲了。他是一个不能把任何麻烦归咎于休伊·朗的人。他已经随心所欲了。在我所在的地区，如果有人得了麻疹，他会归咎于我；但有一个人不能把任何事情归咎于任何人，只能归咎于他自己，那就是富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福先生。
And now, on top of that, they order war on me because nearly 4 years ago I told Hoover's crowd it wouldn't do and because 3 years ago I told Roosevelt and his crowd it wouldn't do. In other words, they are in a rage at HUEY LONG because I have said, "I told you so." 现在，除此之外，他们命令向我开战，因为将近4年前我告诉胡佛的那群人这行不通，3年前我告诉罗斯福和他的那群人这行不通。换句话说，他们对休伊·朗大发雷霆，因为我说了"我早就告诉过你"。
I am not overstating the conditions now prevailing in this country. In their own words they have confessed all I now say or ever have said. Mr. Roosevelt and even Mrs. Roosevelt have bewailed the fact that food, clothes, and shelter have not been provided for the people. Even Gen. Hugh S. Johnson said in his speech of Monday night that there are 80 million people in America who are badly hurt or wrecked by this depression. Mr. Harry Hopkins, who runs the relief work, says the dole roll has risen now to 22,375,000 persons, the highest it has ever been. 我没有夸大这个国家现在普遍存在的状况。用他们自己的话说，他们已经承认了我现在所说的或曾经说过的一切。罗斯福先生甚至罗斯福夫人都哀叹没有为人民提供食物、衣服和住所的事实。就连休·S·约翰逊将军在周一晚上的演讲中也说，美国有8000万人受到这场大萧条的严重伤害或破坏。负责救济工作的哈里·霍普金斯先生说，救济名单现在已经增加到2237.5万人，这是有史以来最高的。
And now, what is there for the Roosevelt crowd to do but to admit the facts and admit further that they are now on their third year, making matters worse instead of better all the time? No one is to blame, except them, for what is going on because they have had their way. And if they couldn't change the thing in over two years, now bogged down worse than ever, how could anyone expect any good of them hereafter? God save us two more years of the disaster we have had under that gang. 现在，罗斯福那群人除了承认事实并进一步承认他们现在已经进入第三年，一直在使事情变得更糟而不是更好之外，还能做什么？正在发生的事情除了他们之外没有人应该受到指责，因为他们已经随心所欲了。如果他们在两年多的时间里都无法改变现状，现在陷入了比以往任何时候都更严重的困境，谁还能指望他们以后会有任何好处？上帝保佑我们不要再遭受那伙人带来的灾难两年了。
Now, my friends, when this condition of distress and suffering among so many millions of our people began to develop in the Hoover administration, we knew then what the trouble was and what we would have to do to correct it. I was the first man to say publicly -- but Mr. Roosevelt followed in my tracks a few months later and said the same thing. We said that all of our trouble and woe was due to the fact that too few of our people owned too much of our wealth. 现在，我的朋友们，当胡佛政府时期我国数百万人民中这种痛苦和苦难的状况开始发展时，我们当时就知道问题所在以及我们必须做些什么来纠正它。我是第一个公开说的人——但罗斯福先生几个月后跟随我的脚步说了同样的话。我们说，我们所有的麻烦和苦难都是因为我们国家太少的人拥有太多的财富。
We said that in our land, with too much to eat, and too much to wear, and too many houses to live in, too many automobiles to be sold, that the only trouble was that the people suffered in the land of abundance because too few controlled the money and the wealth and too many did not have money with which to buy the things they needed for life and comfort. 我们说，在我们这片土地上，食物太多，衣服太多，房子太多，汽车太多卖不出去，唯一的问题是人们在富足的土地上受苦，因为太少的人控制着金钱和财富，太多的人没有钱购买他们生活和舒适所需的东西。
So I said to the people of the United States in my speeches which I delivered in the United States Senate in the early part of 1932 that the only way by which we could restore our people to reasonable life and comfort was to limit the size of the big man's fortune and guarantee some minimum to the fortune and comfort of the little man's family. 所以我在1932年初在美国参议院发表的演讲中对美国人民说，我们能够使我们的人民恢复合理生活和舒适的唯一途径是限制大人物的财富规模，并保证小人物家庭的财富和舒适有一定的最低限度。
I said then, as I have said since, that it was inhuman to have food rotting, cotton and wool going to waste, houses empty, and at the same time to have millions of our people starving, naked, and homeless because they could not buy the things which other men had and for which they had no use whatever. 我当时说，现在也说，让食物腐烂、棉花和羊毛浪费、房屋空置，同时让数百万人民挨饿、赤身裸体和无家可归，因为他们无法购买其他人拥有但根本不需要的东西，这是不人道的。
So we convinced Mr. Franklin Delano Roosevelt that it was necessary that he announce and promise to the American people that in the event he were elected President of the United States he would pull down the size of the big man's fortune and guarantee something to every family -- enough to do away with all poverty and to give employment to those who were able to work and education to the children born into the world. 所以我们说服富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福先生，他有必要向美国人民宣布并承诺，如果他当选美国总统，他将降低大人物的财富规模，并向每个家庭保证一些东西——足以消除所有贫困，为有能力工作的人提供就业机会，并为出生到这个世界的儿童提供教育。
Mr. Roosevelt made those promises; he made them before he was nominated in the Chicago convention. He made them again before he was elected in November, and he went so far as to remake those promises after he was inaugurated President of the United States. And I thought for a day or two after he took the oath as President, that maybe he was going through with his promises. 罗斯福先生做出了这些承诺；他在芝加哥大会提名之前做出了这些承诺。他在11月当选之前再次做出了这些承诺，他甚至在就任美国总统后又重新做出了这些承诺。在他宣誓就职总统后的一两天里，我以为他也许会兑现他的承诺。
No heart was ever so saddened; no person's ambition was ever so blighted, as was mine when I came to the realization that the President of the United States was not going to undertake what he had said he would do, and what I know to be necessary if the people of America were ever saved from calamity and misery. 当我意识到美国总统不会去做他说过要做的事情，也不会去做我知道如果美国人民要从灾难和苦难中得救就必须做的事情时，我的心从未如此悲伤；我的抱负从未如此破灭。
So now, my friends, I come to that point where I must in a few sentences describe to you just what was the cause of our trouble which became so serious in 1929, and which has been worse ever since. The wealth in the United States was three times as much in 1910 as it was in 1890, and yet the masses of our people owned less in 1910 than they did in 1890. 所以现在，我的朋友们，我必须用几句话向你们描述我们在1929年变得如此严重、此后一直更糟的麻烦的原因是什么。美国的财富在1910年是1890年的三倍，但我国人民大众在1910年拥有的财富比1890年更少。
In the year 1916 the condition had become so bad that a committee provided for by the Congress of the United States reported that 2 percent of the people in the United States owned 60 percent of the wealth in the country, and that 65 percent of the people owned less than 5 percent of the wealth. This report showed, however, that there was a middle class -- some 33 percent of the people -- who owned 35 percent of the wealth. 1916年，情况变得如此糟糕，以至于美国国会设立的一个委员会报告说，美国2%的人拥有该国60%的财富，65%的人拥有不到5%的财富。然而，这份报告显示，有一个中产阶级——约33%的人——拥有35%的财富。
This report went on to say that the trouble with the American people at that time was that too much of the wealth was in the hands of too few of the people, and recommended that something be done to correct the evil condition then existing. 这份报告接着说，当时美国人民的问题是太多的财富掌握在太少的人手中，并建议采取措施纠正当时存在的恶劣状况。
It was at about the same time that many of our publications began to deplore the fact that so few people owned so much and that so many people owned so little. Among those commenting upon that situation was the Saturday Evening Post, which, in an issue of September 23, 1916, said: 大约在同一时间，我们的许多出版物开始哀叹如此少的人拥有如此多的财富，如此多的人拥有如此少的财富这一事实。《星期六晚邮报》就是评论这种情况的出版物之一，它在1916年9月23日的一期中说：
Along one statistical line you can figure out a Nation bustling with wealth; along another a bloated plutocracy comprising 1 percent of the population lording it over a starving horde with only a thin margin of merely well-to-do in between. 沿着一条统计线，你可以计算出一个财富繁荣的国家；沿着另一条线，一个臃肿的富豪阶级——占人口1%——统治着一群挨饿的人，中间只有一小部分仅仅富裕的人。
And it was, as the Saturday Evening Post and the committee appointed by Congress said, it was a deplorable thing back in 1916, when it was found that 2 percent of the people owned twice as much as all of the remainder of the people put together, and that 65 percent of all of our people owned practically nothing. 正如《星期六晚邮报》和国会任命的委员会所说，早在1916年，当发现2%的人拥有的财富是其余所有人加起来的两倍，65%的人几乎一无所有时，这是一件可悲的事情。
But what did we do to correct that condition? Instead of moving to take these big fortunes from the top and spreading them among the suffering people at the bottom, the financial masters of America moved in to take complete charge of the Government for fear our lawmakers might do something along that line. 但我们做了什么来纠正这种状况？我们没有从顶层拿走这些巨额财富并分配给底层受苦的人民，而是美国的金融巨头们介入并完全控制了政府，因为他们担心我们的立法者可能会沿着这条线做些什么。
And as a result, 14 years after the report of 1916, the Federal Trade Commission made a study to see how the wealth of this land was distributed, and did they find it still as bad as it was in 1916? They found it worse! They found that 1 percent of the people owned about 59 percent of the wealth, which was almost twice as bad as what was said to be an intolerable condition in 1916, when 2 percent of the people owned 60 percent of the wealth. 结果，在1916年报告发布14年后，联邦贸易委员会进行了一项研究，看看这片土地的财富是如何分配的，他们发现它仍然像1916年那样糟糕吗？他们发现更糟了！他们发现1%的人拥有约59%的财富，这几乎是1916年被认为无法容忍的状况的两倍——当时2%的人拥有60%的财富。
And as a result of foreclosures, failures, and bankruptcies, which began to happen prior to and in the year of 1929, before the campaign of 1932, and at this late date, it is the estimate of all conservative statisticians that 75 percent of the people in the United States don't own anything, that is, not enough to pay their debts, and that 4 percent of the people, or maybe less than 4 percent of the people, own from 85 to 90 percent of all our wealth in the United States. 由于1929年之前和1929年发生的取消赎回权、破产和倒闭，在1932年竞选之前，以及在这个后期，所有保守统计学家估计，美国75%的人一无所有，也就是说，不足以偿还他们的债务，4%的人，或者可能不到4%的人，拥有美国所有财富的85%到90%。
Remember, in 1916 there was a middle class -- 33 percent of the people -- who owned 35 percent of the wealth. That middle class is practically gone today. It no longer exists. They have dropped into the ranks of the poor. The thriving man of independent business standing is fast fading. The corner grocery store is becoming a thing of the past. Concentrated chain-merchandise and banking systems have laid waste to all middle opportunity. 记住，1916年有一个中产阶级——33%的人——拥有35%的财富。今天这个中产阶级实际上已经消失了。它不再存在。他们已经落入了穷人的行列。独立经营的成功人士正在迅速消失。街角杂货店正在成为过去。集中的连锁商品和银行系统已经摧毁了所有中间机会。
That "thin margin of merely well-to-do in between" which the Saturday Evening Post mentioned on September 23, 1916, has dwindled to practically no margin of well-to-do in between. Those suffering on the bottom and the few lords of finance on the top are nearly all that are left. 《星期六晚邮报》在1916年9月23日提到的"中间仅仅富裕的薄利阶层"已经减少到几乎没有中间富裕阶层。剩下的几乎只有底层受苦的人和顶层少数金融大亨。
It became apparent that the billionaires and multimillionaires even began to squeeze out the common millionaires, closing in and taking their properties and wrecking their businesses. And so we arrived (and are still there) at the place that in abundant America where we have everything for which a human heart can pray, the hundreds of millions -- or, as General Johnson says, the 80 million -- of our people are crying in misery for the want of the things which they need for life, notwithstanding the fact that the country has had and can have more than the entire human race can consume. 很明显，亿万富翁和千万富翁甚至开始排挤普通的百万富翁，收编并夺取他们的财产，摧毁他们的企业。所以我们到达了（并且仍然在那里）这样一个地步：在富足的美国，我们拥有人类心灵所能祈求的一切，但数亿——或者像约翰逊将军所说的8000万——人民却在苦难中哭泣，渴望得到生活所需，尽管这个国家已经拥有并且可以拥有超过整个人类所能消费的东西。
The 125 million people of America have seated themselves at the barbecue table to consume the products which have been guaranteed to them by their Lord and Creator. There is provided by the Almighty what it takes for them all to eat; yea, more. There is provided more than what is needed for all to eat. But the financial masters of America have taken off the barbecue table 90 percent of the food placed thereon by God, through the labors of mankind, even before the feast begins, and there is left on that table to be eaten by 125 million people less than should be there for 10 million of them. 美国的1.25亿人已经坐在烧烤桌旁，享用他们的上帝和创造者保证给他们的产品。全能的上帝提供了他们所有人吃的东西；是的，更多。提供的超过了所有人需要吃的东西。但美国的金融巨头们在盛宴开始之前就从上帝通过人类劳动放在桌子上的食物中拿走了90%，桌子上留给1.25亿人吃的东西甚至不到应该给1000万人的东西。
What has become of the remainder of those things placed on the table by the Lord for the use of us all? They are in the hands of the Morgans, the Rockefellers, the Mellons, the Baruches, the Bakers, the Astors, and the Vanderbilts -- 600 families at the most either possessing or controlling the entire 90 percent of all that is in America. 上帝放在桌子上供我们所有人使用的其余东西变成了什么？它们掌握在摩根家族、洛克菲勒家族、梅隆家族、巴鲁克家族、贝克家族、阿斯特家族和范德比尔特家族手中——最多600个家庭拥有或控制着美国所有财富的整个90%。
They cannot eat the food, they cannot wear the clothes, so they destroy it. They have it rotted; they plow it up; they pour it into the rivers; they bring destruction through the acts of mankind to let humanity suffer; to let humanity go naked; to let humanity go homeless, so that nothing may occur that will do harm to their vanity and to their greed. Like the dog in the manger, they command a wagon load of hay, which the dog would not allow the cow to eat, though he could not eat it himself. 他们不能吃这些食物，他们不能穿这些衣服，所以他们销毁它们。他们让食物腐烂；他们把食物犁掉；他们把食物倒入河流；他们通过人类的行为带来破坏，让人类受苦；让人类赤身裸体；让人类无家可归，这样就不会发生任何损害他们虚荣心和贪婪的事情。就像马槽里的狗一样，它们霸占着一车干草，狗自己不能吃，却不让牛吃。
So now, ladies and gentlemen, we come to that plan of mine for which I have been so roundly denounced and condemned by such men as Mr. Farley, Mr. Robinson, and Gen. Hugh S. Johnson, and other spellers and speakers and spoilers of the Roosevelt administration. It is for the redistribution of wealth and for guaranteeing comforts and conveniences to all humanity out of this abundance in our country. 所以现在，女士们，先生们，我们来到了我的计划面前，法利先生、罗宾逊先生、休·S·约翰逊将军以及罗斯福政府的其他拼写者、演讲者和掠夺者们对我进行了如此严厉的谴责。这是为了财富再分配，并保证我国所有人类从这种富足中获得舒适和便利。
I hope none will be horror-stricken when they hear me say that we must limit the size of the big man's fortune in order to guarantee a minimum of fortune, life and comfort to the little man; but, if you are, think first that such is the declaration on which Roosevelt rode into the nomination and election of President. While my urgings are declared by some to be the average of a madman, and by such men as General Johnson as insincere bait of a pied piper, if you will listen to me you will find that it is restating the laws handed down by God to man; 我希望没有人听到我说我们必须限制大人物的财富规模以保证小人物的最低财富、生活和舒适时会感到震惊；但如果你感到震惊，请首先想想这正是罗斯福赢得总统提名和选举所依据的声明。虽然我的主张被一些人宣布为疯子的言论，被约翰逊将军这样的人称为花衣魔笛手不真诚的诱饵，但如果你愿意听我说，你会发现这是重申上帝传给人类的法律。
You will find that it was the exact provision of the contract and law of the Pilgrim Fathers who landed at Plymouth in 1620. 你会发现这是1620年在普利茅斯登陆的清教徒先辈们契约和法律的确切条款。
Here's what the Pilgrim Fathers said in the contract with the early settlers in the year 1620. I read you article 5 from that contract: 这是清教徒先辈们在1620年与早期定居者的契约中所说的。我给你们读那份契约的第5条：
5: That at ye end of ye 7. years, ye capital & profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods, and chattels, be equally divided betwixt ye adventurers, and planters; which done, every man shall be free from other of them of any debt or detriment concerning this adventure. 5：在七年结束时，资本和利润，即房屋、土地、货物和动产，应在冒险者和种植者之间平等分配；分配完成后，每个人应免除其他人关于此次冒险的任何债务或损害。
So the Pilgrim Fathers wrote into the covenant to do just exactly what the Bible said to do, that they should have an equal division of the wealth every seven years. I don't go that far; I merely advocate that no man be allowed to become so big that he makes paupers out of a million other people. 所以清教徒先辈们在契约中写明要做圣经所说的事情，即每七年平等分配财富。我没有走那么远；我只是主张不允许任何人变得如此富有，以至于让一百万人沦为乞丐。
You will find that it is the cornerstone on which nearly every religion since the beginning of man has been founded. You will find that it was urged by Bacon, Milton, and Shakespeare in England, by Socrates, Plato, Theognis, and other wisest of men in Greece, by Pope Pius XI in the Vatican, by the world's greatest inventor, Marconi in Italy, by Daniel Webster, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Abraham Lincoln, Andrew Jackson, William Jennings Bryan, and Theodore Roosevelt in the United States, as well as by nearly all of the thousands of great men whose names are yet mentioned in history. 你会发现这是人类有史以来几乎每一种宗教所依据的基石。你会发现这是英国的培根、弥尔顿和莎士比亚所主张的，是希腊的苏格拉底、柏拉图、泰奥格尼斯和其他最智慧的人所主张的，是梵蒂冈的教皇庇护十一世所主张的，是意大利世界最伟大的发明家马可尼所主张的，是美国的丹尼尔·韦伯斯特、拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生、亚伯拉罕·林肯、安德鲁·杰克逊、威廉·詹宁斯·布赖恩和西奥多·罗斯福所主张的，以及历史上仍被提及的几乎所有成千上万的伟人所主张的。
The principle was not only the mainspring of Roosevelt's nomination and election, but in the closing speech of Herbert Hoover at Madison Square Garden in November 1932, even Hoover said: 这一原则不仅是罗斯福提名和选举的主要动力，而且在赫伯特·胡佛1932年11月在麦迪逊广场花园的闭幕演讲中，甚至胡佛也说：
My conception of America is a land where men and women may walk in ordered liberty, where they may enjoy the advantages of wealth, not concentrated in the hands of a few but diffused through the lives of all. 我对美国的构想是一个男人和女人可以在有序的自由中行走的土地，在那里他们可以享受财富的好处，不是集中在少数人手中，而是分散在所有人的生活中。
And so now I come to give you again that plan, taken from these leaders of all times and from the Bible, for the sponsoring of which I am labeled America's menace, madman, pied piper, and demagogue. 所以现在我再次向你们提出这个计划，取自这些历代领袖和圣经，因为支持这个计划，我被贴上了美国威胁、疯子、花衣魔笛手和煽动者的标签。
I propose: 我提议：
First: That every big fortune shall be cut down immediately by a capital levy tax to where no one will own more than a few million dollars, as a matter of fact, to where no one can very long own a fortune in excess of about three to four millions of dollars. I propose that the surplus of all the big fortunes, above the few millions to any one person at the most, shall go into the United States ownership. 第一：通过资本税立即削减每一笔巨额财富，使没有人拥有超过几百万美元，事实上，使没有人能长期拥有超过大约三四百万美元的财富。我提议所有巨额财富的盈余——超过任何一个人最多几百万美元的部分——应归美国所有。
How would we get all these surplus fortunes into the United States Treasury? Not hard to do. We would not do it by making everyone sell what he owned; no. We would send everyone a questionnaire. On that he would list the properties he owns, lands and houses, stocks and bonds, factories and patents, and so on. Every man would place his appraisal on his property, which the Government would review and maybe change on some items. On that appraisal the big fortune holder would say out of what property he would retain the few millions allowed to him, the balance to go to the United States. 我们如何将所有这些盈余财富纳入美国财政部？不难做到。我们不会通过让每个人出售他所拥有的东西来做到这一点；不会。我们会向每个人发送一份问卷。在问卷上，他会列出他拥有的财产，土地和房屋、股票和债券、工厂和专利等等。每个人会对他的财产进行估价，政府会审查并可能对某些项目进行更改。根据这个估价，拥有巨额财富的人会说他将保留允许给他的几百万美元的哪些财产，其余的归美国所有。
Say Mr. Henry Ford should allow that he owned all the stock of the Ford Motor Co., worth, say, $2 billion; he could claim, say $4 million of the Ford stock, but $1,996,000,000 would go to the United States. Say the Rockefeller fortune was listed at $10 billion in oil stocks, bank stocks, money, and stores. Each Rockefeller could say whether he wanted his limit in either the money, oil, or bank stocks, but about nine billion and eight hundred million would go to the Government. 假设亨利·福特先生承认他拥有福特汽车公司的所有股票，价值约20亿美元；他可以要求保留约400万美元的福特股票，但19.96亿美元将归美国所有。假设洛克菲勒财富在石油股票、银行股票、货币和商店中被列为100亿美元。每个洛克菲勒可以选择他的限额是在货币、石油还是银行股票中，但约98亿美元将归政府所有。
And so, in this way, the Government of the United States would come into the possession of about two-fifths of its wealth, which on normal values would be worth, say, $165 billion. 因此，通过这种方式，美国政府将获得其财富的大约五分之二，按正常价值计算，价值约1650亿美元。
Then we would turn to the inventories of the 25 million families of America. All those who showed properties and money clear of debts that were above $5,000 and up to the limit of a few millions would not be touched. 然后我们将转向美国2500万个家庭的清单。所有那些显示财产和无债务的钱超过5000美元且不超过几百万美元限额的家庭将不会受到影响。
But those showing less than $5,000 to the family free of debt would be added to, so that every family would start life again with homestead possessions of at least a home and the comforts needed for a home, including such things as a radio and an automobile. These things would go to every family as a homestead, not to be sold either for debts or taxes or even by consent of the owner except by the consent of the court or Government, and then only on condition that the court hold it to be spent for the purpose of buying another home and comforts thereof. 但那些显示家庭无债务财产少于5000美元的家庭将得到补充，使每个家庭重新开始生活时拥有至少一个家以及家庭所需的舒适设施，包括收音机和汽车等物品。这些东西将作为家园给予每个家庭，不得因债务或税款出售，甚至不得经所有者同意出售，除非经法院或政府同意，并且只有在法院认为将用于购买另一个家园及其舒适设施的情况下才可出售。
Such would mean that the $165 billion or more taken from big fortunes would have about $100 billion of it used to provide all with the comforts of home and living. The Government might have to issue warrants for claim and location, or even currency to be retired from such property as was claimed, but all that is a detail not impractical to get these homes into the hands of the people. 这意味着从巨额财富中获取的1650亿美元或更多将有约1000亿美元用于为所有人提供家庭和生活的舒适设施。政府可能需要发行索赔和定位令，甚至货币，从被索赔的财产中收回，但所有这些都是将这些家园交到人民手中并非不切实际的细节。
So America would start again with millionaires, but no multi-millionaires or billionaires; with some poor, but none too poor to be denied the comforts of life. America, however, would still have maybe a $65 billion balance from these big fortunes not yet used to set up the poor people. What would we do with that? Wait a moment. I am coming to that, too. 所以美国将重新开始，有百万富翁，但没有千万富翁或亿万富翁；有一些穷人，但没有人穷到被剥夺生活舒适的地步。然而，美国仍可能有大约650亿美元的余额来自这些巨额财富，尚未用于安置穷人。我们将如何处理这笔钱？等一下。我也要谈到这一点。
Second: We propose that after homes and comforts of homes have been set up for the families of the country, that we shall turn our attention to the children and the youth of the land, providing first for their education and training. We would not have to worry about the problem of child labor, because the very first thing which we would place in front of every child would be not only a comfortable home during his early years but the opportunity for education and training, 第二：我们提议，在为全国家庭建立家园和家庭舒适设施之后，我们应将注意力转向本国的儿童和青年，首先为他们提供教育和培训。我们不必担心童工问题，因为我们将放在每个孩子面前的第一件事不仅是早年舒适的家，还有接受教育和培训的机会，
not only through the grammar school and the high school but through college and to include vocational and professional training for every child. 不仅通过小学和中学，还通过大学，包括为每个孩子提供职业和专业培训。
If necessary, that would include the living cost of that child while he attended college, if one should be too distant for him to live at home and conveniently attend, as would be the case with many of those living in the rural areas. 如有必要，这将包括该儿童在上大学期间的生活费用，如果大学距离太远，他无法住在家里方便上学，这对许多生活在农村地区的人来说就是这种情况。
We now have an educational system, and in States like Louisiana -- and it is the best one -- where school books are furnished free to every child and where transportation by bus is given to every student, however far he may live from a grammar or high school; there is a fairly good assurance of education through grammar and high school for the child whose father and mother have enough at home to feed and clothe them. 我们现在有一个教育系统，在像路易斯安那州这样的州——这是最好的州——教科书免费提供给每个孩子，每个学生都有公共汽车接送，无论他住在离小学或中学多远；对于父母在家有足够食物和衣物的孩子来说，通过小学和中学教育有相当好的保证。
But when it comes to a matter of college education, except in few cases the right to a college education is determined at this day and time by the financial ability of the father and mother to pay for the cost and the expense of a college education. It don't make any difference how brilliant a boy or girl may be, that don't give them the right to a college education in America today. 但说到大学教育，除了少数情况外，接受大学教育的权利在今天是由父母支付大学教育费用的经济能力决定的。无论一个男孩或女孩多么聪明，这都不会给他们在美国今天接受大学教育的权利。
Now, Gen. Hugh Johnson says I am indeed a very smart demagogue, a wise and dangerous menace. But I am one of those who didn't have the opportunity to secure a college education or training. We propose that the right to education and the extent of education shall be determined and gauged not so much by the financial ability of the parents but by the mental ability and energy of a child to absorb the learning at a college. 现在，休·约翰逊将军说我确实是一个非常聪明的煽动者，一个明智而危险的威胁。但我是那些没有机会获得大学教育或培训的人之一。我们提议，教育的权利和教育的程度不应主要由父母的经济能力决定，而应由孩子在大学吸收知识的智力能力和精力决定。
This should appeal to General Johnson, who says I am a smart man, since, had I enjoyed the learning and college training which my plan would provide for others, I might not have fallen into the path of the dangerous menace and demagogue that he has now found me to be. 这应该吸引约翰逊将军，他说我是一个聪明人，因为如果我享受到我的计划将为他人提供的学习和大学培训，我可能不会陷入他现在发现我所处的危险威胁和煽动者的道路。
Remember, we have $65 billion to account for that would lie in the hands of the United States, even after providing home comforts for all families. We will use a large part of it immediately to expand particularly the colleges and universities of this country. You would not know the great institutions like Yale, Harvard, and Louisiana State University. Get ready for a surprise. College enrollments would multiply 1,000 percent. 记住，即使为所有家庭提供了家庭舒适设施，美国手中仍有650亿美元需要说明。我们将立即使用其中很大一部分来特别扩大这个国家的学院和大学。你将认不出像耶鲁大学、哈佛大学和路易斯安那州立大学这样的伟大机构。准备好惊喜吧。大学入学人数将增加1000%。
We would immediately call in the architects and engineers, the idle professors and scholars of learning. We would send out a hurry call because the problem of providing college education for all of the youth would start a fusillade of employment which might suddenly and immediately make it possible for us to shorten the hours of labor, even as we contemplate in the balance of our program. 我们将立即召集建筑师和工程师、闲置的教授和学者。我们将发出紧急呼吁，因为为所有青年提供大学教育的问题将引发一系列就业机会，这可能突然并立即使我们能够缩短劳动时间，正如我们在计划的其余部分中考虑的那样。
And how happy the youth of this land would be tomorrow morning if they knew instantly their right to a home and the comforts of a home and to complete college and professional training and education were assured! I know how happy they would be, because I know how I would have felt had such a message been delivered to my door. 如果这片土地上的青年明天早上立即知道他们拥有一个家、家庭舒适设施以及完成大学和专业培训和教育的权利得到保证，他们会多么高兴！我知道他们会多么高兴，因为我知道如果这样的消息送到我家门口，我会有什么感觉。
I cannot deliver that promise to the youth of this land tonight, but I am doing my part. I am standing the blows; I am hearing the charges hurled at me from the four quarters of the country. It is the same fight which was made against me in Louisiana when I was undertaking to provide the free school books, free busses, university facilities, and things of that kind to educate the youth of that State as best I could. 我今晚无法向这片土地上的青年兑现这个承诺，但我正在尽我的一份力量。我正在承受打击；我正在听到从全国四面八方向我投掷的指控。这与我在路易斯安那州努力提供免费教科书、免费公共汽车、大学设施以及类似事物以尽我所能教育该州青年时所经历的斗争相同。
It is the same blare which I heard when I was undertaking to provide for the sick and the afflicted. When the youth of this land realizes what is meant and what is contemplated the billingsgate and the profanity of all the Farleys and Johnsons in America can't prevent the light of truth from hurling itself in understandable letters against the dark canopy of the sky. 这与我努力为病人和受苦者提供帮助时听到的喧嚣相同。当这片土地上的青年意识到这意味着什么和正在考虑什么时，美国所有法利和约翰逊们的辱骂和亵渎都无法阻止真理之光以可理解的文字投向黑暗的天空。
Now, when we have landed at the place where homes and comforts are provided for all families and complete education and training for all young men and women, the next problem is what about our income to sustain our people thereafter. How shall that be arranged to guarantee all the fair share of what soul and body need to sustain them conveniently. That brings us to our next point. 现在，当我们到达为所有家庭提供家园和舒适设施、为所有青年男女提供完整教育和培训的地步时，下一个问题是我们此后维持人民生活的收入如何安排。如何安排以保证所有人公平分享灵魂和身体维持舒适所需的东西。这就引出了我们的下一点。
We propose: 我们提议：
Number 3: We shall shorten the hours of labor by law so much as may be necessary that none will be worked too long and none unemployed. We shall cut the hours of toil to 30 hours per week, maybe less; we may cut the working year to 11 months' work and 1 month's vacation; maybe less. 第三：我们将通过法律缩短劳动时间，使其达到必要的程度，使没有人工作太久，也没有人失业。我们将把劳动时间减少到每周30小时，也许更少；我们可能把工作年限减少到11个月工作和1个月假期；也许更少。
If our great improvement programs show we need more labor than we may have, we will lengthen the hours as convenience requires. At all events, the hours for production will be gauged to meet the market for consumption. We will need all our machinery for many years, because we have much public improvement to do; and, further, the more use that we may make of them, the less toil will be required for all of us to survive in splendor. 如果我们的重大改进计划表明我们需要的劳动力超过我们可能拥有的，我们将根据需要延长工时。无论如何，生产时间将根据消费市场来衡量。我们将在许多年内需要我们所有的机器，因为我们有很多公共改进要做；而且，我们对它们的使用越多，我们所有人维持奢华生活所需的劳动就越少。
Now, a minimum earning would be established for any person with a family to support. It would be such a living which one, already owning a home, could maintain a family in comfort, of not less than $2,500 per year to every family. 现在，将为有家庭需要抚养的任何人确定最低收入。这将是一种已经拥有家园的人能够舒适地维持家庭的生活，每个家庭每年不少于2500美元。
And now by reason of false statements made, particularly by Mr. Arthur Brisbane and Gen. Hugh S. Johnson, I must make answer to show you that there is more than enough in this country and more than enough raised and made every year to do what I propose. 现在，由于特别是亚瑟·布里斯班先生和休·S·约翰逊将军发表的虚假陈述，我必须做出回应，向你们表明这个国家有足够的资源，每年生产和筹集的资源也足够多来做我提议的事情。
Mr. Brisbane says I am proposing to give every person $15,000 for a home and its comforts, and he says that would mean the United States would have to be worth over a trillion dollars. Why make that untrue statement, Mr. Brisbane? You know that is not so. I do not propose any home and comfort of $15,000 to each person -- it is a minimum of $5,000 to every family, which would be less than $125 billion, which is less than one-third of this Nation's wealth in normal times of $400 billion. 布里斯班先生说我提议给每个人15000美元用于家园及其舒适设施，他说这意味着美国必须价值超过1万亿美元。为什么要做出这种不真实的陈述，布里斯班先生？你知道事实并非如此。我没有提议给每个人15000美元的家园和舒适设施——而是每个家庭最低5000美元，这将少于1250亿美元，少于这个国家正常时期4000亿美元财富的三分之一。
General Johnson says that my proposal is for $5,000 guaranteed earning to each family, which he says would cost from four to five hundred millions of dollars per year, which he says is four times more than our whole national income ever has been. Why make such untrue statements, General Johnson? Must you be a false witness to argue your point? I do not propose $5,000 income per year to each family. I propose a minimum of from $2,000 to $2,500 income per year to each family. 约翰逊将军说我的提议是每个家庭5000美元的保证收入，他说这每年将花费4亿到5亿美元，他说这比我们整个国民收入曾经的四倍还要多。为什么要做出这种不真实的陈述，约翰逊将军？你必须做伪证来论证你的观点吗？我没有提议每个家庭每年5000美元的收入。我提议每个家庭每年最低2000到2500美元的收入。
For 25 million families that minimum income per family would require from $50 billion to $60.6 billion. In the prosperous days we have had nearly double that for income some years already, which allowed plenty for the affluent; but with the unheard prosperity we would have, if all our people could buy what they need, our national income would be double what it has ever been. 2500万个家庭的最低收入将需要500亿到606亿美元。在繁荣时期，我们某些年份的收入已经接近这个数字的两倍，这为富裕阶层留下了充足的空间；但如果我们所有的人民都能购买他们需要的东西，我们将拥有前所未有的繁荣，我们的国民收入将是以往任何时候的两倍。
The Wall Street writer and statistician says we could have an income of at least $10,000 to every family in goods if all worked short hours and none were idle. According to him, only one-fourth of the average income would carry out my plan. 华尔街作家和统计学家说，如果所有人都缩短工时，没有人失业，我们每个家庭至少可以有1万美元的商品收入。据他说，只需平均收入的四分之一就能实施我的计划。
And now I come to the remainder of the plan. We propose: 现在我来谈谈计划的其余部分。我们提议：
Number 4: That agricultural production will be cared for in the manner specified in the Bible. We would plow under no crops; we would burn no corn; we would spill no milk into the river; we would shoot no hogs; would slaughter no cattle to be rotted. What we would do is this: 第四：农业生产将按照圣经中规定的方式进行管理。我们不会犁掉任何作物；我们不会烧毁玉米；我们不会把牛奶倒入河流；我们不会射杀猪；不会屠宰牛让它们腐烂。我们将这样做：
We would raise all the cotton that we could raise, all the corn that we could raise, and everything else that we could raise. Let us say, for example, that we raised more cotton than we could use. 我们将种植我们能种植的所有棉花、所有玉米以及我们能种植的所有其他东西。例如，假设我们种植的棉花超过了我们的使用量。
But here again I wish to surprise you when I say that if everyone could buy all the towels, all the sheets, all the bedding, all the clothing, all the carpets, all the window curtains, and all of everything else he reasonably needs; America would consume 20 million bales of cotton per year without having to sell a bale to the foreign countries. The same would be true of the wheat crop, and of the corn crop, and of the meat crop. Whenever everyone could buy the things he desires to eat, there would be no great excess in any of those food supplies. 但我再说一遍，我希望让你们感到惊讶的是，如果每个人都能购买他合理需要的所有毛巾、所有床单、所有床上用品、所有衣服、所有地毯、所有窗帘以及所有其他东西；美国每年将消费2000万包棉花，而不必向外国出售一包。小麦作物、玉米作物和肉类作物也是如此。每当每个人都能购买他想吃的东西时，这些食品供应中就不会有很大的过剩。
But for the sake of the argument, let us say, however, that there would be a surplus. And I hope there will be, because it will do the country good to have a big surplus. Let us take cotton as an example. Let us say that the United States will have a market for 10 million bales of cotton and that we raise 15 million bales of cotton. We will store 5 million bales in warehouses provided by the Government. 但为了论证起见，让我们说会有过剩。我希望会有，因为大量过剩对国家有好处。让我们以棉花为例。假设美国将有1000万包棉花的市场，我们种植1500万包棉花。我们将把500万包储存在政府提供的仓库中。
If the next year we raise 15 million bales of cotton and only need 10, we will store another 5 million bales of cotton, and the Government will care for that. When we reach the year when we have enough cotton to last for twelve or eighteen months, we will plant no more cotton for that next year. 如果明年我们种植1500万包棉花，只需要1000万包，我们将再储存500万包棉花，政府将负责管理。当我们达到棉花足够维持十二或十八个月的年份时，我们将在下一年不再种植棉花。
The people will have their certificates of the Government which they can cash in for that year for the surplus, or if necessary, the Government can pay for the whole 15 million bales of cotton as it is produced every year; and when the year comes that we will raise no cotton, we will not leave the people idle and with nothing to do. That is the year when, in the cotton States, we will do our public improvement work that needs to be done so badly. 人民将拥有政府的证书，他们可以在那一年兑换盈余，或者如果有必要，政府可以每年支付全部1500万包棉花的费用；当我们不种植棉花的年份到来时，我们不会让人民无所事事。那是棉花州进行迫切需要的公共改进工作的年份。
We will care for the flood-control problems; we will extend the electricity lines into rural areas; we will widen roads and build more roads; and if we have a little time left, some of us can go back and attend a school for a few months and not only learn some of the things we have forgotten but we can learn some things that they have found out about that they didn't know anything about when we were children. 我们将处理防洪问题；我们将把电线延伸到农村地区；我们将拓宽道路并建造更多道路；如果我们还有一点时间，我们中的一些人可以回去上学几个月，不仅学习一些我们忘记的东西，还可以学习一些他们发现的我们小时候不知道的东西。
Now the example of what we would do about cotton is the same policy we would follow about all other crops. This program would necessitate the building of large storage plants, both heated and cold storage, and warehouses in all the counties of America, and that building program alone would take up all the idle people that America has today. 我们对棉花所做的例子也是我们对所有其他作物将遵循的政策。这个计划将需要在美国所有县建造大型储存工厂，包括加热和冷藏设施以及仓库，仅这个建造计划就将占用美国今天所有的闲置人员。
But the money spent would go for good and would prevent any trouble happening in the future. And then there is another good thing. If we would fill these warehouses, then if there were to come a year of famine there would be enough on hand to feed and clothe the people of the Nation. It would be the part of good sense to keep a year or two of stock on hand all the time to provide for an emergency, maybe to provide for war or other calamity. 但花费的钱将用于善事，并将防止未来发生任何麻烦。还有另一个好处。如果我们填满这些仓库，那么如果有一年发生饥荒，手头将有足够的食物来养活和给国家人民穿衣。保持一两年的库存以应对紧急情况，也许是战争或其他灾难，是明智的做法。
I give you the next step in our program: 我向你们介绍我们计划的下一步：
Number 5: We will provide for old-age pensions for those who reach the age of 60 and pay it to all those who have an income of less than $1,000 per year or less than $10,000 in property or money. This would relieve from the ranks of labor those persons who press down the price for the use of their flesh and blood. 第五：我们将为达到60岁的人提供养老金，并支付给所有那些年收入低于1000美元或财产或货币低于10000美元的人。这将使那些压低劳动力价格的人退出劳动力行列。
Now the person who reaches the age of 60 would already have the comforts of home as well as something else guaranteed by reason of the redistribution that had been made of things. They would be given enough more to give them a reasonably comfortable existence in their declining days. 现在，达到60岁的人已经拥有家庭舒适设施以及因财富再分配而保证的其他东西。他们将获得更多的钱，使他们在晚年能够过上相当舒适的生活。
However, such would not come from a sales tax or taxes placed upon the common run of people. It would be supported from the taxes levied on those with big incomes and the yearly tax that would be levied on big fortunes, so that they would always be kept down to a few million dollars to any one person. 然而，这不会来自销售税或向普通民众征收的税款。它将由对高收入者征收的税款和对巨额财富征收的年度税款来支持，这样它们将始终被控制在任何一个人几百万美元的范围内。
Number 6: We propose that the obligations which this country owes to the veterans of its wars, including the soldiers' bonus and to care for those who have been either incapacitated or disabled, would be discharged without stint or unreasonable limit. I have always supported each and every bill that has had to do with the payment of the bonus due to the ex-service men. I have always opposed reducing the allowances which they have been granted. 第六：我们提议，这个国家对其战争退伍军人的义务，包括士兵奖金和照顾那些已经丧失能力或残疾的人，将无限制或无不合理限制地履行。我一直支持每一项与支付退伍军人应得奖金有关的法案。我一直反对减少他们已经获得的津贴。
It is an unfair thing for a country to begin its economy while big fortunes exist by inflicting misery on those who have borne the burden of national defense. 当巨额财富存在时，一个国家通过让那些承担国防负担的人受苦来开始节约是不公平的。
Now, ladies and gentlemen, such is the share-our-wealth movement. What I have here stated to you will be found to be approved by the law of our Divine Maker. You will find it in the Book of Leviticus, from the twenty-fifth to the twenty-seventh chapters. You will find it in the writings of King Solomon. You will find it in the teachings of Christ. You will find it in the words of our great teachers and statesmen of all countries and of all times. If you care to write to me for such proof, I shall be glad to furnish it to you, free of expense, by mail. 现在，女士们，先生们，这就是分享财富运动。我在这里向你们陈述的内容将被发现符合我们神圣创造者的法律。你们会在《利未记》第25章到第27章中找到它。你们会在所罗门王的著作中找到它。你们会在基督的教导中找到它。你们会在我们所有国家和所有时代的伟大教师和政治家的话语中找到它。如果你愿意写信给我索要这样的证据，我将很高兴通过邮件免费提供给你。
Will you not organize a share-our-wealth society in your community tonight or tomorrow to place this plan into law? You need it; your people need it. Write me, wire to me; get into this work with us if you believe we are right. Help to save humanity. Help to save this country. If you wish a copy of this speech or a copy of any other speech I have made, write me and it will be forwarded to you. You can reach me always in Washington, D. C. 你们今晚或明天不在你们的社区组织一个分享财富协会来将这个计划付诸法律吗？你们需要它；你们的人民需要它。写信给我，发电报给我；如果你相信我们是对的，就和我们一起参与这项工作。帮助拯救人类。帮助拯救这个国家。如果你想要这份演讲的副本或我发表的任何其他演讲的副本，写信给我，它将转发给你。你随时可以在华盛顿特区联系到我。
I thank you. 谢谢你们。