Thank you very much. It's a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by our appearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the United States. I just can't make it, 'cause I wasn't born in the United States. That's the only thing holding me back. 非常感谢。能来到西部的白人知识分子聚居地，我感到非常荣幸。在开始之前，我们想做几件事。首先，基于这样一个事实：SNCC通过其主席阐述的纲领，已经能够在佐治亚州、阿拉巴马州、马里兰州赢得选举，并且通过我们在这里的出现，将在1968年加利福尼亚州赢得选举，我将竞选美国总统。我只是没法参选，因为我不是在美国出生的。那是唯一阻碍我的事情。
We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we're not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That's a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. 我们想说，这是一个学生会议，应该在校园里举行，我们永远不要被卷入关于黑人权力问题的意淫中。那是那些自称记者的广告人的功能。
Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, "All criticism is a[n] autobiography." Dig yourself. Okay. 对于我的记者朋友们、我自己任命的白人批评者们，我两天前读了萧伯纳先生的话，遇到了一句我认为对你们非常贴切的名言。他说："所有的批评都是一部自传。"好好想想吧。
The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree with Camus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn himself. Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. 哲学家加缪和萨特提出了一个问题：人能否谴责自己？黑人存在主义哲学家、实用主义者弗朗茨·法农回答了这个问题。他说人不能。加缪和萨特的观点不一样。我们在SNCC中倾向于同意加缪和萨特的观点，即一个人不能谴责自己。如果他要谴责自己，他就必须对自己实施惩罚。
An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught and incarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed, or that they were only following orders. 一个例子就是纳粹。任何囚犯——任何在被抓获和监禁后承认自己犯了罪、杀了许许多多他杀的人的纳粹囚犯，都自杀了。唯一能活下来的是那些从不承认自己对人民犯了罪的人——也就是说，那些认为犹太人不是人、应该被杀的人，或者那些只是服从命令的人。
On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that's where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves. 在更直接的层面上，内沙巴县（密西西比州）的官员和人口——白人人口——那就是费城所在的地方——不能——不能谴责治安官雷尼、他的副手和另外14个杀了三个人的人。他们不能，因为他们选举雷尼先生正是为了让他做他所做的事情；如果他们谴责他，那就是谴责他们自己。
In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You stand condemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. 从更宏观的角度来看，SNCC说美国白人不能谴责自己。既然我们是自由主义者，我们已经做到了：你们被审判了。现在，从这个答案中产生了许多关于你们如何谴责自己的问题。
Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they're built upon racism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they're not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? 在我看来，这个国家中运作的机构显然是种族主义的，它们建立在种族主义之上。那么问题来了：这个国家的黑人将如何前进？那些说自己不是这些机构一部分的白人又将如何开始行动？我们又该如何开始清除社会中那些让我们能够像人一样生活的障碍？
How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black. 我们如何才能开始建立让人们能够彼此作为人来交往的机构呢？这个国家从未做到这一点，尤其是在涉及白人或黑人的问题上。
Now, several people have been upset because we've said that integration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a "thalidomide drug of integration," and that some negroes have been walking down a dream street talking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem. 现在，有几个人因为我们说过的话而感到不安。我们说，由黑人发起的融合是无关紧要的，事实上，它是白人至上主义的一个借口，一个阴险的借口。现在我们坚持认为，在过去六年左右的时间里，这个国家一直在给我们喂一种"融合的安眠药"，一些黑人一直在沿着梦想的街道走，谈论坐在白人旁边；而那并不能解决问题。
When we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy. 当我们去密西西比时，我们不是去坐在罗斯·巴尼特旁边；我们不是去坐在吉姆·克拉克旁边；我们是去把他们从我们的道路上赶走；人们应该明白这一点；我们从来不是在争取融合的权利，我们是在反对白人至上主义。
Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what this country does. It enslaves black people after they're born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone. 现在，为了理解白人至上主义，我们必须摒弃白人能给予任何人自由的谬误观念。没有人能给予任何人自由。一个人天生就是自由的。你可以在一个人出生后奴役他，这实际上就是这个国家所做的。它在黑人出生后奴役他们，所以白人唯一能做的就是停止剥夺黑人的自由；也就是说，他们必须停止剥夺自由。他们从不给予任何人自由。
Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black. I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn't know that. 现在我们想把这推到它的逻辑延伸，这样我们就能理解它在新的民权法案方面的相关性。我坚持认为，这个国家的每一项民权法案都是为白人通过的，不是为黑人。例如，我是黑人。我知道这一点。我也知道，当我是黑人的时候，我是一个人，因此我有权进入任何公共场所。白人不知道这一点。
Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, "He's a human being; don't stop him." That bill was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time. 每次我试图进入一个地方，他们都阻止我。所以一些人不得不写一个法案来告诉那个白人："他是一个人；不要阻止他。"那个法案是为那个白人写的，不是为我。我一直都知道。我一直都知道。
I knew that I could vote and that that wasn't a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed, beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, "When a black man comes to vote, don't bother him." 我知道我可以投票，那不是一种特权；那是我的权利。每次我尝试投票，我都被枪击、杀害或监禁、殴打或经济剥削。所以有人不得不为白人写一个法案，告诉他们："当一个黑人来投票时，不要打扰他。"
That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live. 那个法案也是为白人写的，不是为黑人；所以当你谈论开放住房时，我知道我可以住在任何我想住的地方。是这个国家的白人不让我住在我想住的地方。你们需要一项民权法案，不是我需要。我知道我可以住在我想住的地方。
So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn't because of Black Power, isn't because of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; it's not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill. 因此，未能通过民权法案的原因不是因为黑人权力，不是因为学生非暴力协调委员会；也不是因为主要城市中发生的叛乱。这是因为白人无法在他们自己的社区内处理他们自己的问题。这就是民权法案失败的原因。
And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. 从更宏观的角度来看，我们必须问：黑人将如何前进？我们该做什么？但更重要的问题是：作为多数的白人——以及负责让民主运作的人——如何让民主运作？到目前为止，他们悲惨地失败了。
They have never made democracy work, be it inside the United States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemn the country for what it's done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world. 他们从未让民主运作过，无论是在美国、越南、南非、菲律宾、南美还是波多黎各。无论美国走到哪里，她都未能让民主运作；所以从更宏观的角度来看，我们不仅要谴责这个国家在国内所做的一切，还要谴责它在国外所做的一切。我们看到这个国家试图统治世界，必须有人站出来开始阐明：这个国家不是上帝，不能统治世界。
Now, then, before we move on we ought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how they run rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn't go bare-breasted any more because they got excited. 现在，在我们继续之前，我们应该阐述一下白人至上主义的态度，无论是有意识的还是潜意识的，以及它们今天如何在社会中猖獗。例如，传教士被派往非洲。他们带着黑人天生低等的态度去。事实上，传教士到达非洲后做的第一件事，你知道的，就是让我们遮住我们的身体，因为他们说这让他们兴奋。我们不能再袒胸露乳了，因为他们会兴奋。
Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. 现在，当传教士来教化我们（因为我们未开化）、教育我们（因为我们没文化）、给我们一些读写知识（因为我们是文盲）时，他们收取了代价。传教士带着圣经来，我们有土地。当他们离开时，他们有了土地，我们还有圣经。
And that has been the rationalization for Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized. 这就是西方文明在世界各地移动、偷窃、掠夺和蹂躏其路径上的每个人的合理化解释。他们的一个合理化解释是，世界其他地方都是未开化的，而他们实际上是文明的。他们是未开化的。
And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call "modern-day Peace Corps missionaries," and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, 'cause they don't want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: 'cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period. 这种情况今天仍在继续，因为我们今天所谓的"现代和平队传教士"来到我们的贫民区，他们通过"启智计划"、"提升计划"、"自力更生计划"和"向上突破计划"把我们纳入白人社会，因为他们不想面对真正的问题：一个人贫穷的原因只有一个——他没有钱——就这样。如果你想消除贫困，你就得给人们钱——就这样。
And you ought not to tell me about people who don't work, and you can't give people money without working, 'cause if that were true, you'd have to start stopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. 不要告诉我有些人不工作，你不能不给人工作就给钱，因为如果真是这样，你就必须开始阻止洛克菲勒、鲍比·肯尼迪、林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊、伯德夫人、整个标准石油公司、海湾公司，以及所有其他人，可能还包括这所大学的大量董事会成员。
So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it's Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate? That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate. 所以问题很清楚：不是一个人能不能工作的问题；问题是谁有权力？谁有权使他或她的行为合法化？就是这样。在这个国家，权力掌握在白人手中，他们使自己的行为合法化。因此，现在轮到黑人使我们的行为合法化了。
Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word "Black Power" -- and let them address themselves to that. 现在我们正在这个国家进行一场心理斗争，那就是黑人是否有权使用他们想用的词语，而不需要白人批准；我们坚持认为，不管他们喜欢与否，我们都将使用"黑人权力"这个词——让他们自己去面对吧。
But that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We're tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they're forced to defend their position before they move. It's time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That's white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us. 但我们不会等待白人批准黑人权力。我们已经厌倦了等待；每次黑人在这个国家行动时，他们都被迫在行动前为自己的立场辩护。现在是那些应该为自己立场辩护的人来做的时候了。那就是白人。他们应该开始为自己为什么压迫和剥削我们进行辩护。
Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one was automatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it's a downright lie. 现在很清楚，当这个国家开始实行奴隶制时，一个人被选为奴隶的原因只有一个——因为他的肤色。如果一个人是黑人，他就自动被视为低等人、非人类，因此适合做奴隶；所以，我们是否被个人压迫的问题是毫无意义的，这完全是谎言。
We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not because we are lazy, not because we're apathetic, not because we're stupid, not because we smell, not because we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black. 我们作为一个群体被压迫，因为我们是黑人，不是因为我们懒惰，不是因为我们冷漠，不是因为我们愚蠢，不是因为我们有体味，不是因为我们吃西瓜、节奏感好。我们被压迫，因为我们是黑人。
And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: "You do what I tell you to do and then we'll let you sit at the table with us." 为了摆脱这种压迫，一个人必须运用他所拥有的群体权力，而不是这个国家设定的个人权力标准来接纳一个人。这在这个国家被称为"融合"："你按照我告诉你的做，然后我们让你和我们一起坐在桌子旁。"
And that we are saying that we have to be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there's going to be any integration, it's going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let's talk about that. If you believe in integration, then we're going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood. 而我们要说的是，我们必须反对这种做法。我们现在必须制定标准，如果要有任何融合的话，它将是双向的。如果你相信融合，你可以来瓦茨居住。你可以把你的孩子送到贫民区学校。让我们谈谈这个。如果你相信融合，那我们就开始接纳一些白人住在我们的社区。
So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man's ability to want to move in there by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. 所以很清楚，问题不是融合或隔离的问题。融合是一个人自己想搬到那里的能力。如果有人想住在白人社区，而他是黑人，那是他的选择。这应该是他的权利。这不是因为白人不让他住。
So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it's a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC. 反之亦然：如果一个黑人想住在贫民区，那应该是他的权利。黑人会让他住。这就是区别。当这个国家开始试图批评SNCC阐述的纲领时，它在这个问题上犯了许多逻辑错误。
Now we maintain that we cannot be afford to be concerned about 6 percent of the children in this country, black children, who you allow to come into white schools. We have 94 percent who still live in shacks. We are going to be concerned about those 94 percent. You ought to be concerned about them too. 现在我们坚持认为，我们不能关注这个国家6%的黑人孩子——那些你允许进入白人学校的孩子。我们有94%的黑人孩子仍然住在棚屋里。我们要关注那94%的孩子。你们也应该关注他们。
The question is, Are we willing to be concerned about those 94 percent? Are we willing to be concerned about the black people who will never get to Berkeley, who will never get to Harvard, and cannot get an education, so you'll never get a chance to rub shoulders with them and say, "Well, he's almost as good as we are; he's not like the others"? 问题是，我们是否愿意关注那94%的孩子？我们是否愿意关注那些永远不会进入伯克利、永远不会进入哈佛、无法接受教育的黑人，这样你就永远没有机会与他们擦肩而过，然后说："嗯，他几乎和我们一样好；他不像其他人"？
The question is, How can white society begin to move to see black people as human beings? I am black, therefore I am; not that I am black and I must go to college to prove myself. I am black, therefore I am. And don't deprive me of anything and say to me that you must go to college before you gain access to X, Y, and Z. It is only a rationalization for one's oppression. 问题是，白人社会如何开始将黑人视为人类？我是黑人，因此我存在；不是我是黑人，我必须上大学来证明自己。我是黑人，因此我存在。不要剥夺我任何东西，然后对我说你必须上大学才能获得X、Y和Z的使用权。这只是对你压迫的合理化。
The political parties in this country do not meet the needs of people on a day-to-day basis. The question is, How can we build new political institutions that will become the political expressions of people on a day-to-day basis? 这个国家的政党没有满足人们的日常需求。问题是，我们如何建立能成为人们日常政治表达的新政治机构？
The question is, How can you build political institutions that will begin to meet the needs of Oakland, California? And the needs of Oakland, California, is not 1,000 policemen with submachine guns. They don't need that. They need that least of all. 问题是，你如何建立能开始满足加利福尼亚州奥克兰市需求的政治机构？奥克兰需要的不是1000个带冲锋枪的警察。他们不需要那个。他们最不需要的就是那个。
The question is, How can we build institutions where those people can begin to function on a day-to-day basis, where they can get decent jobs, where they can get decent houses, and where they can begin to participate in the policy and major decisions that affect their lives? That's what they need, not Gestapo troops, because this is not 1942, and if you play like Nazis, we playing back with you this time around. Get hip to that. 问题是，我们如何建立机构，让那些人能在其中开始日常运作，在那里他们能找到体面的工作，体面的住房，并能开始参与影响他们生活的政策和重大决策？那才是他们需要的，而不是盖世太保式的部队，因为这不是1942年，如果你玩纳粹的那一套，我们这次会奉陪到底。放明白点。
The question then is, How can white people move to start making the major institutions that they have in this country function the way it is supposed to function? That is the real question. 问题是，白人如何开始让他们在这个国家拥有的主要机构按照它们应该运作的方式运作？那才是真正的问题。
And can white people move inside their own community and start tearing down racism where in fact it does exist? Where it exists. It is you who live in Cicero and stop us from living there. It is white people who stop us from moving into Grenada. It is white people who make sure that we live in the ghettos of this country. it is white institutions that do that. They must change. 白人能否在他们自己的社区内开始拆除确实存在的种族主义？它确实存在。是你们住在西塞罗，阻止我们住在那里。是白人阻止我们搬到格林纳达。是白人确保我们住在这个国家的贫民区。是白人机构在做这些事。它们必须改变。
In order for America to really live on a basic principle of human relationships, a new society must be born. Racism must die, and the economic exploitation of this country of non-white peoples around the world must also die -- must also die. 为了让美国真正按照人际关系的基本原则生活，一个新社会必须诞生。种族主义必须死亡，这个国家对非白人的经济剥削也必须死亡——也必须死亡。
Now there are several programs that we have in the South, most in poor white communities. We're trying to organize poor whites on a base where they can begin to move around the question of economic exploitation and political disfranchisement. We know -- we've heard the theory several times -- but few people are willing to go into there. 现在我们在南方有几个项目，大多数在贫穷的白人社区。我们正试图在经济剥削和政治剥夺选举权的基础上组织贫穷的白人。我们知道——我们已经听过这个理论好几次了——但很少有人愿意去那里。
The question is, Can the white activist not try to be a Pepsi generation who comes alive in the black community, but can he be a man who's willing to move into the white community and start organizing where the organization is needed? Can he do that? 问题是，白人活动家能否不试图成为在黑人社区中活跃的"百事一代"，而是成为一个愿意进入白人社区、在需要组织的地方开始组织的人？他能做到吗？
The question is, Can the white society or the white activist disassociate himself with two clowns who waste time parrying with each other rather than talking about the problems that are facing people in this state? Can you dissociate yourself with those clowns and start to build new institutions that will eliminate all idiots like them. 问题是，白人社会或白人活动家能否与两个互相浪费时间打嘴仗的小丑脱离关系，而不是谈论这个州人民面临的问题？你能与那些小丑脱离关系，开始建立能消除所有像他们一样的白痴的新机构吗？
And the question is, If we are going to do that when and where do we start, and how do we start? We maintain that we must start doing that inside the white community. Our own personal position politically is that we don't think the Democratic Party represents the needs of black people. We know it don't. 问题是，如果我们要在何时何地开始，以及如何开始？我们坚持认为，我们必须在白人社区内部开始。我们自己的政治立场是，我们认为民主党不代表黑人的需求。我们知道它不代表。
And that if, in fact, white people really believe that, the question is, if they're going to move inside that structure, how are they going to organize around a concept of whiteness based on true brotherhood and based on stopping exploitation, economic exploitation, so that there will be a coalition base for black people to hook up with? You cannot form a coalition based on national sentiment. That is not a coalition. 如果白人真的相信这一点，问题是，如果他们要在那个结构内行动，他们将如何围绕基于真正兄弟情谊、基于制止剥削（经济剥削）的白人概念来组织，以便为黑人建立一个可以联合的联盟基础？你不能基于国家感情来建立联盟。那不是联盟。
If you need a coalition to redress itself to real changes in this country, white people must start building those institutions inside the white community. And that is the real question, I think, facing the white activists today. Can they, in fact, begin to move into and tear down the institutions which have put us all in a trick bag that we've been into for the last hundred years? 如果你需要联盟来纠正这个国家的真正变革，白人必须在白人社区内部开始建立那些机构。我认为，这就是白人活动家今天面临的真正问题。他们能否真的开始进入并拆除那些把我们所有人都置于困境的机构——我们在过去一百年里一直处于这种困境。
I don't think that we should follow what many people say that we should fight to be leaders of tomorrow. Frederick Douglass said that the youth should fight to be leaders today. And God knows we need to be leaders today, 'cause the men who run this country are sick, are sick. 我不认为我们应该听从许多人的话，说我们应该争取成为明天的领袖。弗雷德里克·道格拉斯说，青年应该争取成为今天的领袖。天知道我们今天需要成为领袖，因为管理这个国家的人生病了，病得很重。
So that can we on a larger sense begin now, today, to start building those institutions and to fight to articulate our position, to fight to be able to control our universities -- We need to be able to do that -- and to fight to control the basic institutions which perpetuate racism by destroying them and building new ones? That's the real question that face us today, and it is a dilemma because most of us do not know how to work, and that the excuse that most white activists find is to run into the black community. 所以我们能不能在更大的意义上，从现在、从今天开始建立那些机构，努力阐明我们的立场，努力能够控制我们的大学——我们需要能够做到这一点——并努力控制那些使种族主义永久化的基本机构，通过摧毁它们并建立新的？这就是今天摆在我们面前的真正问题，这是一个困境，因为我们大多数人不知道如何工作，而大多数白人活动家找到的借口就是跑进黑人社区。
Now we maintain that we cannot have white people working in the black community, and we mean it on a psychological ground. The fact is that all black people often question whether or not they are equal to whites, because every time they start to do something, white people are around showing them how to do it. 现在我们坚持认为，我们不能让白人在黑人社区工作，我们是基于心理原因这么说的。事实是，所有黑人经常质疑他们是否与白人平等，因为每次他们开始做事时，白人就在旁边教他们如何做。
If we are going to eliminate that for the generation that comes after us, then black people must be seen in positions of power, doing and articulating for themselves, for themselves. 如果我们要为我们的后代消除这种情况，那么黑人必须被视为掌权的人，为自己做事，为自己表达。
That is not to say that one is a reverse racist; it is to say that one is moving in a healthy ground; it is to say what the philosopher Sartre says: One is becoming an "antiracist racist." And this country can't understand that. Maybe it's because it's all caught up in racism. But I think what you have in SNCC is an anti-racist racism. We are against racists. 这并不是说一个人是逆向种族主义者；而是说一个人是在健康的基础上行动的；而是说哲学家萨特所说的：一个人正在成为一个"反种族主义的种族主义者"。这个国家无法理解这一点。也许是因为它完全陷入了种族主义。但我认为，你在SNCC看到的是一种反种族主义的种族主义。我们反对种族主义者。
Now if everybody who is white see themself as a racist and then see us against him, they're speaking from their own guilt position, not ours, not ours. 现在，如果每个白人都把自己看作是种族主义者，然后看到我们反对他，他们就是从自己的内疚立场说话，不是从我们的立场，不是从我们的立场。
Now then, the question is, How can we move to begin to change what's going on in this country. I maintain, as we have in SNCC, that the war in Vietnam is an illegal and immoral war. And the question is, What can we do to stop that war? What can we do to stop the people who, in the name of our country, are killing babies, women, and children? What can we do to stop that? 问题是，我们如何开始改变这个国家正在发生的事情。我像SNCC一样坚持认为，越南战争是一场非法的、不道德的战争。问题是，我们能做什么来阻止那场战争？我们能做什么来阻止那些以我们国家的名义杀害婴儿、妇女和儿童的人？我们能做什么来阻止那一切？
And I maintain that we do not have the power in our hands to change that institution, to begin to recreate it, so that they learn to leave the Vietnamese people alone, and that the only power we have is the power to say, "Hell no!" to the draft. 我坚持认为，我们手中没有权力去改变那个机构，去开始重建它，让它学会离开越南人民 alone，我们唯一的权力就是对征兵说"地狱不！"的权力。
We have to say to ourselves that there is a higher law than the law of a racist named McNamara. There is a higher law than the law of a fool named Rusk. And there's a higher law than the law of a buffoon named Johnson. It's the law of each of us. It is the law of each of us saying that we will not allow them to make us hired killers. We will stand pat. We will not kill anybody that they say kill. 我们必须对自己说，有一个比一个叫麦克纳马拉的种族主义者的法律更高的法律。有一个比一个叫腊斯克的傻瓜的法律更高的法律。有一个比一个叫约翰逊的小丑的法律更高的法律。这是我们每个人的法律。这是我们每个人的法律。这是我们每个人说的法律：我们不会让他们把我们变成雇佣杀手。我们将坚持立场。我们不会杀任何人，除非他们说杀。
And if we decide to kill, we're going to decide who we going to kill. And this country will only be able to stop the war in Vietnam when the young men who are made to fight it begin to say, "Hell, no, we ain't going." 如果我们决定杀人，我们将决定我们要杀谁。这个国家只有在被征召入伍的年轻人开始说"地狱不，我们不去"的时候，才能停止越南战争。
Now then, there's a failure because the Peace Movement has been unable to get off the college campuses where everybody has a 2S and not going to get drafted anyway. And the question is, How can you move out of that into the white ghettos of this country and begin to articulate a position for those white students who do not want to go. We cannot do that. 现在，和平运动之所以失败，是因为它无法摆脱大学校园——在那里每个人都有2S延期，无论如何不会被征召。问题是，你如何走出校园，进入这个国家的白人贫民区，为那些不想去的白人学生阐明一个立场。我们做不到那一点。
It is something -- sometimes ironic that many of the peace groups have beginning to call us violent and say they can no longer support us, and we are in fact the most militant organization [for] peace or civil rights or human rights against the war in Vietnam in this country today. There isn't one organization that has begun to meet our stance on the war in Vietnam, 'cause we not only say we are against the war in Vietnam; we are against the draft. We are against the draft. 有时候具有讽刺意味的是，许多和平团体开始称我们为暴力分子，说他们不再支持我们，而我们实际上是这个国家今天最激进的和平或民权或人权组织，反对越南战争。没有一个组织在越南战争问题上开始达到我们的立场，因为我们不仅说我们反对越南战争；我们还反对征兵。我们反对征兵。
No man has the right to take a man for two years and train him to be a killer. A man should decide what he wants to do with his life. 没有人有权把一个人带走两年，训练他成为一个杀手。一个人应该决定他想用自己的生命做什么。
So the question then is it becomes crystal clear for black people because we can easily say that anyone fighting in the war in Vietnam is nothing but a black mercenary, and that's all he is. Any time a black man leaves the country where he can't vote to supposedly deliver the vote for somebody else, he's a black mercenary. 所以问题对黑人来说就变得非常清楚了，因为我们可以很容易地说，任何在越南战争中作战的人只不过是一个黑人雇佣兵，就是这样。任何时候一个黑人离开这个他不能投票的国家，去假定为其他人递送选票，他就是一个黑人雇佣兵。
Any time a black man leaves this country, gets shot in Vietnam on foreign ground, and returns home and you won't give him a burial in his own homeland, he's a black mercenary, a black mercenary. 任何时候一个黑人离开这个国家，在越南的外国土地上被枪击，然后回到家乡，而你不愿意在他自己的祖国给他一个像样的葬礼，他就是一个黑人雇佣兵，一个黑人雇佣兵。
And that even if I were to believe the lies of Johnson, if I were to believe his lies that we're fighting to give democracy to the people in Vietnam, as a black man living in this country I wouldn't fight to give this to anybody. I wouldn't give it to anybody. 即使我要相信约翰逊的谎言，如果我要相信他的谎言，说我们在战斗是为了给越南人民带来民主，作为一个生活在这个国家的黑人，我也不会为此与任何人战斗。我不会为此与任何人战斗。
So that we have to use our bodies and our minds in the only way that we see fit. We must begin like the philosopher Camus to come alive by saying "No!" That is the only act in which we begin to come alive, and we have to say "No!" to many, many things in this country. 所以我们必须以我们认为合适的唯一方式使用我们的身体和思想。我们必须像哲学家加缪一样，通过说"不！"来开始获得新生。这是我们开始获得新生的唯一行为，我们必须对这个国家中许许多多的事情说"不！"。
This country is a nation of thieves. It has stole everything it has, beginning with black people, beginning with black people. And that the question is, How can we move to start changing this country from what it is -- a nation of thieves. This country cannot justify any longer its existence. We have become the policeman of the world. 这个国家是一个小偷的国度。它偷走了它拥有的一切，从黑人开始，从黑人开始。问题是，我们如何开始改变这个国家——一个小偷的国度。这个国家再也不能证明它的存在是正当的了。我们已经成为世界警察。
The marines are at our disposal to always bring democracy, and if the Vietnamese don't want democracy, well dammit, "We'll just wipe them the hell out, 'cause they don't deserve to live if they won't have our way of life." 海军陆战队随时待命，总是带来民主，如果越南人不想要民主，那么该死的，"我们就把他们彻底消灭，因为如果他们不愿意接受我们的生活方式，他们就不配活下去。"
There is then in a larger sense, What do you do on your university campus? Do you raise questions about the hundred black students who were kicked off campus a couple of weeks ago? Eight hundred? Eight hundred? And how does that question begin to move? 从更宏观的角度来看，你们在大学校园里做什么？你们是否提出关于几周前被赶出校园的一百名黑人学生的问题？八百人？八百人？那个问题是如何开始引起关注的？
Do you begin to relate to people outside of the ivory tower and university wall? Do you think you're capable of building those human relationships, as the country now stands? You're fooling yourself. It is impossible for white and black people to talk about building a relationship based on humanity when the country is the way it is, when the institutions are clearly against us. 你们是否开始与象牙塔和大学墙外的人建立联系？你们认为你们能在国家目前的状况下建立那些人际关系吗？你们在骗自己。当这个国家是现在这个样子，当机构显然反对我们的时候，白人和黑人谈论建立基于人性的关系是不可能的。
We have taken all the myths of this country and we've found them to be nothing but downright lies. This country told us that if we worked hard we would succeed, and if that were true we would own this country lock, stock, and barrel -- lock, stock, and barrel -- lock, stock, and barrel. 我们把这个国家的所有神话都拿过来，发现它们只不过是彻头彻尾的谎言。这个国家告诉我们，如果我们努力工作，我们就会成功，如果这是真的，我们就会完全拥有这个国家——完全拥有——完全拥有。
It is we who have picked the cotton for nothing. It is we who are the maids in the kitchens of liberal white people. It is we who are the janitors, the porters, the elevator men; we who sweep up your college floors. Yes, it is we who are the hardest workers and the lowest paid, and the lowest paid. 是我们无偿地采摘棉花。是我们在自由主义白人的厨房里做女佣。是我们做门卫、搬运工、电梯操作员；是我们打扫你们的大学地板。是的，我们是最努力工作的人，也是报酬最低的人，报酬最低的人。
And that it is nonsensical for people to start talking about human relationships until they're willing to build new institutions. Black people are economically insecure. White liberals are economically secure. Can you begin to build an economic coalition? Are the liberals willing to share their salaries with the economically insecure black people they so much love? 在他们愿意建立新机构之前，人们谈论人际关系是没有意义的。黑人在经济上没有保障。白人自由主义者在经济上有保障。你能开始建立一个经济联盟吗？自由主义者愿意与他们如此热爱的、在经济上没有保障的黑人分享他们的工资吗？
Then if you're not, are you willing to start building new institutions that will provide economic security for black people? That's the question we want to deal with. That's the question we want to deal with. 如果不愿意，你愿意开始建立能为黑人提供经济保障的新机构吗？那就是我们想处理的问题。那就是我们想处理的问题。
We have to seriously examine the histories that we have been told. But we have something more to do than that. American students are perhaps the most politically unsophisticated students in the world, in the world, in the world. Across every country in this world, while we were growing up, students were leading the major revolutions of their countries. We have not been able to do that. They have been politically aware of their existence. In South America our neighbors down below the border have one every 24 hours just to remind us that they're politically aware. 我们必须认真审视我们被告知的历史。但我们还有更多的事情要做。美国学生可能是世界上最不精通政治的学生，在这个世界上，在这个世界上。在我们成长的过程中，在这个世界的每一个国家里，学生都在领导他们国家的重大革命。我们没能做到这一点。他们对自己的存在有政治意识。在南美洲，我们下面的邻国每24小时就有一次，只是为了提醒我们他们有政治意识。
And we have been unable to grasp it because we've always moved in the field of morality and love while people have been politically jiving with our lives. And the question is, How do we now move politically and stop trying to move morally? You can't move morally against a man like Brown and Reagan. You've got to move politically to put them out of business. You've got to move politically. 我们没能理解这一点，因为我们一直在道德和爱的领域中行动，而人们一直在用我们的生命进行政治投机。问题是，我们现在如何在政治上行动，而不是继续试图在道德上行动？你不能在道德上对抗像布朗和里根这样的人。你必须在政治上行动来让他们下台。你必须在政治上行动。
You can't move morally against Lyndon Baines Johnson because he is an immoral man. He doesn't know what it's all about. So you've got to move politically. You've got to move politically. And that we have to begin to develop a political sophistication -- which is not to be a parrot: "The two-party system is the best party in the world." There is a difference between being a parrot and being politically sophisticated. 你不能在道德上对抗林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊，因为他是一个不道德的人。他不知道这一切是怎么回事。所以你必须在政治上行动。你必须在政治上行动。我们必须开始发展政治素养——这不是做一只鹦鹉："两党制是世界上最好的政党。"做鹦鹉和在政治上有素养是有区别的。
We have to raise questions about whether or not we do need new types of political institutions in this country, and we in SNCC maintain that we need them now. We need new political institutions in this country. 我们必须提出问题，我们是否确实需要这个国家的新型政治机构，而我们在SNCC坚持认为我们现在就需要它们。我们现在就需要这个国家的新政治机构。
Any time Lyndon Baines Johnson can head a Party which has in it Bobby Kennedy, Wayne Morse, Eastland, Wallace, and all those other supposed-to-be-liberal cats, there's something wrong with that Party. They're moving politically, not morally. And that if that party refuses to seat black people from Mississippi and goes ahead and seats racists like Eastland and his clique, it is clear to me that they're moving politically, and that one cannot begin to talk morality to people like that. 任何时候林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊能领导一个政党，其中包括鲍比·肯尼迪、韦恩·莫尔斯、伊斯特兰、华莱士和所有其他所谓的自由主义者，那个政党就有问题。他们在政治上行动，不是在道德上。如果那个政党拒绝给密西西比州的黑人代表席位，却继续给像伊斯特兰和他的集团这样的种族主义者安排席位，那对我来说很清楚，他们是在政治上行动，一个人不能开始对那样的人谈论道德。
We must begin to think politically and see if we can have the power to impose and keep the moral values that we hold high. We must question the values of this society, and I maintain that black people are the best people to do that because we have been excluded from that society. And the question is, we ought to think whether or not we want to become a part of that society. That's what we want to do. 我们必须开始从政治角度思考，看看我们是否有能力维持我们所坚持的道德价值观。我们必须质疑这个社会的价值观，我坚持认为黑人是做这件事的最好的人，因为我们被排除在那个社会之外。问题是，我们应该思考我们是否想成为那个社会的一部分。那就是我们想做的。
And that that is precisely what it seems to me that the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee is doing. We are raising questions about this country. I do not want to be a part of the American pie. The American pie means raping South Africa, beating Vietnam, beating South America, raping the Philippines, raping every country you've been in. I don't want any of your blood money. I don't want it -- don't want to be part of that system. And the question is, How do we raise those questions? How do we begin to raise them? 这正是学生非暴力协调委员会在做的事情。我们在质疑这个国家。我不想成为美国馅饼的一部分。美国馅饼意味着蹂躏南非、击败越南、击败南美、蹂躏菲律宾、蹂躏你所到过的每一个国家。我不想要你的血腥钱。我不想要它——不想成为那个系统的一部分。问题是，我们如何提出这些问题？我们如何开始提出它们？
We have grown up and we are the generation that has found this country to be a world power, that has found this country to be the wealthiest country in the world. We must question how she got her wealth? That's what we're questioning, and whether or not we want this country to continue being the wealthiest country in the world at the price of raping every -- everybody else across the world. That's what we must begin to question. And that because black people are saying we do not now want to become a part of you, we are called reverse racists. Ain't that a gas? 我们长大了，我们这一代人发现这个国家是一个世界强国，发现这个国家是世界上最富有的国家。我们必须质疑她是如何获得财富的？这就是我们在质疑的，以及我们是否希望这个国家继续以蹂躏世界上其他所有国家为代价成为世界上最富有的国家。这就是我们必须开始质疑的。因为黑人说我们现在不想成为你们的一部分，我们被称为逆向种族主义者。这不是很可笑吗？
Now, then, we want to touch on nonviolence because we see that again as the failure of white society to make nonviolence work. I was always surprised at Quakers who came to Alabama and counseled me to be nonviolent, but didn't have the guts to start talking to James Clark to be nonviolent. That is where nonviolence needs to be preached -- to Jim Clark, not to black people. They have already been nonviolent too many years. 现在，我们想谈谈非暴力，因为我们认为这又是白人社会未能让非暴力发挥作用的失败。我总是对来到阿拉巴马州、劝我要非暴力的贵格会教徒感到惊讶，但他们没有勇气开始和詹姆斯·克拉克谈要非暴力。非暴力需要被宣讲的地方是——对吉姆·克拉克，不是对黑人。他们已经非暴力了太多些年。
The question is, Can white people conduct their nonviolent schools in Cicero where they belong to be conducted, not among black people in Mississippi. Can they conduct it among the white people in Grenada? 问题是，白人能否在他们应该在的地方——在西塞罗——举办他们的非暴力学校，而不是在密西西比的黑人中间。他们能在格林纳达的白人中间举办吗？
Six-foot-two men who kick little black children -- can you conduct nonviolent schools there? That is the question that we must raise, not that you conduct nonviolence among black people. Can you name me one black man today who's killed anybody white and is still alive? Even after rebellion, when some black brothers throw some bricks and bottles, ten thousand of them has to pay the crime, 'cause when the white policeman comes in, anybody who's black is arrested, "'cause we all look alike." 身高六英尺二的踢黑人小孩的人——你能在那里举办非暴力学校吗？那是我们必须提出的问题，不是你在黑人中间宣讲非暴力。你能告诉我今天有哪个黑人杀了任何白人还活着吗？即使在叛乱之后，当一些黑人兄弟扔了一些砖头和瓶子，一万黑人中就有十个必须为此付出代价，因为当白人警察进来时，任何黑人都被逮捕，"'因为我们看起来都一样。'"
So that we have to raise those questions. We, the youth of this country, must begin to raise those questions. And we must begin to move to build new institutions that's going to speak to the needs of people who need it. 所以我们必须提出这些问题。我们这个国家的青年必须开始提出这些问题。我们必须开始行动，建立能满足人们需要的新机构。
We are going to have to speak to change the foreign policy of this country. One of the problems with the peace movement is that it's just too caught up in Vietnam, and that if we pulled out the troops from Vietnam this week, next week you'd have to get another peace movement for Santo Domingo. 我们必须发言来改变这个国家的外交政策。和平运动的一个问题是它太纠缠于越南了，如果我们本周从越南撤军，下周你就得为多米尼加共和国争取另一个和平运动。
And the question is, How do you begin to articulate the need to change the foreign policy of this country -- a policy that is decided upon race, a policy on which decisions are made upon getting economic wealth at any price, at any price. 问题是，你如何开始阐明改变这个国家外交政策的必要性——一个基于种族的政策，一个以不惜任何代价获取经济财富为决策基础的政策，不惜任何代价。
Now we articulate that we therefore have to hook up with black people around the world; and that hookup is not only psychological, but becomes very real. If South America today were to rebel, and black people were to shoot the hell out of all the white people there -- as they should, as they should -- then Standard Oil would crumble tomorrow. If South Africa were to go today, Chase Manhattan Bank would crumble tomorrow. If Zimbabwe, which is called Rhodesia by white people, were to go tomorrow, General Electric would cave in on the East Coast. 现在我们阐明，我们因此必须与全世界的黑人联系起来；这种联系不仅在心理上是真实的，而且变得非常具体。如果南美今天反叛了，如果黑人把那里所有的白人都打得落花流水——因为他们应该这样做，他们应该这样做——那么标准石油公司明天就会崩溃。如果南非今天反叛，大通曼哈顿银行明天就会崩溃。如果津巴布韦（白人称之为罗得西亚）明天反叛，通用电气公司明天就会在东海岸崩溃。
The question is, How do we stop those institutions that are so willing to fight against "Communist aggression" but closes their eyes to racist oppression? That is the question that you raise. Can this country do that? 问题是，我们如何阻止那些如此愿意对抗"共产主义侵略"却对种族主义压迫闭眼不见的机构？那就是你提出的问题。这个国家能做到吗？
Now, many people talk about pulling out of Vietnam. What will happen? If we pull out of Vietnam, there will be one less aggressor in there -- we won't be there, we won't be there. And so the question is, How do we articulate those positions? And we cannot begin to articulate them from the same assumptions that the people in the country speak, 'cause they speak from different assumptions than I assume what the youth in this country are talking about. 现在，许多人谈论从越南撤军。会发生什么？如果我们从越南撤军，那里就会少一个侵略者——我们不在那里，我们不在那里。问题是，我们如何阐明这些立场？我们不能从这个国家的人民所使用的相同假设出发来阐明它们，因为他们说话的假设与我所认为的这个国家的青年正在谈论的假设不同。
That we're not talking about a policy or aid or sending Peace Corps people in to teach people how to read and write and build houses while we steal their raw materials from them. Is that what we're talking about? 'Cause that's all we do. 我们谈论的不是一项政策或援助，或派遣和平队人员去教人们如何读写和建造房屋，同时我们从他们那里窃取原材料。那是我们在谈论的吗？因为那就是我们所做的一切。
What underdeveloped countries needs -- information on how to become industrialized, so they can keep their raw materials where they have it, produce them and sell it to this country for the price it's supposed to pay; not that we produce it and sell it back to them for a profit and keep sending our modern day missionaries in, calling them the sons of Kennedy. And that if the youth are going to participate in that program, how do you raise those questions where you begin to control that Peace Corps program? How do you begin to raise them? 不发达国家需要的是——关于如何实现工业化的信息，这样他们就能在自己拥有原材料的地方保留原材料，加工它们并以应该的价格卖给这个国家；而不是我们加工后再卖给他们获利，并不断派遣我们的现代传教士去，称他们为肯尼迪的儿子。如果青年要参与那个项目，你如何在开始控制那个和平队项目的地方提出问题？你如何开始提出这些问题？
How do we raise the questions of poverty? The assumptions of this country is that if someone is poor, they are poor because of their own individual blight, or they weren't born on the right side of town; they had too many children; they went in the army too early; or their father was a drunk, or they didn't care about school, or they made a mistake. That's a lot of nonsense. 我们如何提出贫困问题？这个国家的假设是，如果有人贫穷，他们贫穷是因为他们自己的个人缺陷，或者他们出生在错误的地方；他们孩子太多；他们太早参军；或者他们的父亲是个酒鬼，或者他们不关心学校，或者他们犯了错误。那都是胡说八道。
Poverty is well calculated in this country. It is well calculated, and the reason why the poverty program won't work is because the calculators of poverty are administering it. That's why it won't work. 贫困在这个国家是精心计算出来的。它是精心计算出来的，而贫困计划行不通的原因是因为贫困的计算者在管理它。这就是它行不通的原因。
So how can we, as the youth in the country, move to start tearing those things down? We must move into the white community. We are in the black community. We have developed a movement in the black community. The challenge is that the white activist has failed miserably to develop the movement inside of his community. 那么，作为这个国家的青年，我们如何开始拆除那些东西呢？我们必须进入白人社区。我们在黑人社区。我们在黑人社区发展了一场运动。挑战在于白人活动家悲惨地未能在他的社区内发展运动。
And the question is, Can we find white people who are going to have the courage to go into white communities and start organizing them? Can we find them? Are they here and are they willing to do that? Those are the questions that we must raise for the white activist. 问题是，我们能否找到有勇气进入白人社区并开始组织他们的白人？我们能找到他们吗？他们在这里吗，他们愿意这样做吗？这些是我们必须为白人活动家提出的问题。
And we're never going to get caught up in questions about power. This country knows what power is. It knows it very well. And it knows what Black Power is 'cause it deprived black people of it for 400 years. So it knows what Black Power is. 我们永远不会陷入关于权力的问题。这个国家知道什么是权力。它非常清楚。它知道什么是黑人权力，因为它剥夺了黑人400年的权力。所以它知道什么是黑人权力。
That the question of, Why do black people -- Why do white people in this country associate Black Power with violence? And the question is because of their own inability to deal with "blackness." If we had said "Negro power" nobody would get scared. Everybody would support it. Or if we said power for colored people, everybody'd be for that, but it is the word "black" -- it is the word "black" that bothers people in this country, and that's their problem, not mine -- they're problem, they're problem. 问题是，为什么黑人——为什么这个国家的白人把黑人权力与暴力联系起来？问题是因为他们自己无法处理"黑"这个概念。如果我们说"黑人权力"，没有人会害怕。每个人都会支持它。或者如果我们说有色人种的权力，每个人都会支持，但正是"黑"这个词——正是"黑"这个词让这个国家的人感到不安，那是他们的问题，不是我的问题——他们的问题，他们的问题。
Now there's one modern day lie that we want to attack and then move on very quickly and that is the lie that says anything all black is bad. Now, you're all a college university crowd. You've taken your basic logic course. You know about a major premise and minor premise. So people have been telling me anything all black is bad. Let's make that our major premise. 现在有一个我们想要攻击的现代谎言，然后很快地继续下去，那就是说"一切全黑的都是坏的"这个谎言。现在，你们都是大学人群。你们学过基础逻辑课程。你们知道大前提和小前提。所以人们一直告诉我，一切全黑的都是坏的。让我们把这个作为我们的大前提。
Major premise: Anything all black is bad. Minor premise or particular premise: I am all black. Therefore... I'm never going to be put in that trick bag; I am all black and I'm all good, dig it. Anything all black is not necessarily bad. Anything all black is only bad when you use force to keep whites out. Now that's what white people have done in this country, and they're projecting their same fears and guilt on us, and we won't have it, we won't have it. 大前提：一切全黑的都是坏的。小前提或特殊前提：我全是黑的。因此……我永远不会被置于那个陷阱里；我全是黑的，我全是好的，明白吗？一切全黑的不一定是坏的。一切全黑的只有在你使用武力把白人排除在外时才是坏的。现在那就是白人在这个国家所做的，他们把自己的恐惧和内疚投射到我们身上，我们不会接受，我们不会接受。
Let them handle their own fears and their own guilt. Let them find their own psychologists. We refuse to be the therapy for white society any longer. We have gone mad trying to do it. We have gone stark raving mad trying to do it. 让他们处理他们自己的恐惧和内疚。让他们找自己的心理学家。我们拒绝再做白人社会的治疗。我们为了做到这一点已经发疯了。我们已经为此变得完全疯狂了。
I look at Dr. King on television every single day, and I say to myself: "Now there is a man who's desperately needed in this country. There is a man full of love. There is a man full of mercy. There is a man full of compassion." But every time I see Lyndon on television, I said, "Martin, baby, you got a long way to go." 我每天在电视上看金博士，我对自己说："现在这个国家迫切需要这样一个人。这是一个充满爱的人。这是一个充满怜悯的人。这是一个充满同情心的人。"但每次我在电视上看到林登，我就说："马丁，宝贝，你还有很长的路要走。"
So that the question stands as to what we are willing to do, how we are willing to say "No" to withdraw from that system and begin within our community to start to function and to build new institutions that will speak to our needs. 所以问题在于我们愿意做什么，我们愿意如何说"不"来退出那个系统，并在我们的社区内开始运作，建立能满足我们需要的新机构。
In Lowndes County, we developed something called the Lowndes County Freedom Organization. It is a political party. The Alabama law says that if you have a Party you must have an emblem. We chose for the emblem a black panther, a beautiful black animal which symbolizes the strength and dignity of black people, an animal that never strikes back until he's back so far into the wall, he's got nothing to do but spring out. Yeah. And when he springs he does not stop. 在朗兹县，我们开发了一个叫做朗兹县自由组织的东西。它是一个政党。阿拉巴马州的法律规定，如果你有一个政党，你必须有一个标志。我们选择了一只黑豹作为标志，一只美丽的黑豹，象征着黑人的力量和尊严，一只直到被逼到墙角才反击的动物，它除了跳出来之外什么也做不了。是的。当它跳起来时，它不会停止。
Now there is a Party in Alabama called the Alabama Democratic Party. It is all white. It has as its emblem a white rooster and the words "white supremacy" for the write. 现在在阿拉巴马州有一个叫做阿拉巴马民主党的政党。它全是白人。它有一个白色公鸡的标志，上面写着"白人至上"。
Now the gentlemen of the Press, because they're advertisers, and because most of them are white, and because they're produced by that white institution, never called the Lowndes County Freedom Organization by its name, but rather they call it the Black Panther Party. Our question is, Why don't they call the Alabama Democratic Party the "White Cock Party"? (It's fair to us.....) It is clear to me that that just points out America's problem with sex and color, not our problem, not our problem. And it is now white America that is going to deal with those problems of sex and color. 现在，新闻界的先生们，因为他们是广告商，因为他们大多数是白人，因为他们是由那个白人机构制作的，从不称呼朗兹县自由组织的名字，而是称它为黑豹党。我们的问题是，为什么他们不称阿拉巴马民主党为"白公鸡党"？（这对我们来说很公平……）这清楚地向我表明了美国在性和肤色问题上的问题，不是我们的问题，不是我们的问题。现在是美国白人来处理这些性和肤色问题的时候了。
If we were to be real and to be honest, we would have to admit -- we would have to admit that most people in this country see things black and white. We have to do that. All of us do. We live in a country that's geared that way. 如果我们要真实和诚实，我们必须承认——我们必须承认这个国家的大多数人看事情非黑即白。我们必须承认这一点。我们所有人都是这样。我们生活在一个以这种方式运作的国家。
White people would have to admit that they are afraid to go into a black ghetto at night. They are afraid. That's a fact. They're afraid because they'd be "beat up," "lynched," "looted," "cut up," etcetera, etcetera. It happens to black people inside the ghetto every day, incidentally, and white people are afraid of that. So you get a man to do it for you -- a policeman. 白人必须承认，他们害怕晚上进入黑人贫民区。他们害怕。这是事实。他们害怕，因为他们会被"打"、"私刑处死"、"抢劫"、"砍"等等。顺便说一下，这些事情每天都在贫民区的黑人身上发生，而白人害怕这些。所以你找一个人来替你做——一个警察。
And now you figure his mentality, when he's afraid of black people. The first time a black man jumps, that white man going to shoot him. He's going to shoot him. So police brutality is going to exist on that level because of the incapability of that white man to see black people come together and to live in the conditions. This country is too hypocritical and that we cannot adjust ourselves to its hypocrisy. 现在你想想他的心态，当他害怕黑人的时候。第一次一个黑人动手，那个白人就会开枪打他。他会开枪打他。所以警察的暴行将在那个层面上存在，因为那个白人无法看到黑人聚集在一起并在那种条件下生活。这个国家太虚伪了，我们无法适应它的虚伪。
The only time I hear people talk about nonviolence is when black people move to defend themselves against white people. Black people cut themselves every night in the ghetto -- Don't anybody talk about nonviolence. Lyndon Baines Johnson is busy bombing the hell of out Vietnam -- Don't nobody talk about nonviolence. White people beat up black people every day -- Don't nobody talk about nonviolence. But as soon as black people start to move, the double standard comes into being. 我唯一一次听到人们谈论非暴力，是在黑人开始为自己抵御白人的时候。黑人每晚在贫民区自残——没有人谈论非暴力。林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊正在轰炸越南——没有人谈论非暴力。白人每天殴打黑人——没有人谈论非暴力。但一旦黑人开始行动，双重标准就开始出现了。
You can't defend yourself. That's what you're saying, 'cause you show me a man who -- who would advocate aggressive violence that would be able to live in this country. Show him to me. The double standards again come into itself. 你不能为自己辩护。那就是你说的，因为你给我看一个人——谁会提倡能在这个国家生活的激进暴力。给我看看。双重标准再次出现。
Isn't it ludicrous and hypocritical for the political chameleon who calls himself a Vice President in this country to -- to stand up before this country and say, "Looting never got anybody anywhere"? Isn't it hypocritical for Lyndon to talk about looting, that you can't accomplish anything by looting and you must accomplish it by the legal ways? What does he know about legality? Ask Ho Chi Minh, he'll tell you. 那个自称副总统的政治变色龙在这个国家面前站起来说"抢劫从来不会让人得到任何东西"，这不是很荒谬和虚伪吗？林登谈论抢劫，说你不能通过抢劫完成任何事情，你必须通过合法的方式完成，这不是很虚伪吗？他对合法性知道什么？问问胡志明，他会告诉你。
So that in conclusion we want to say that number one, it is clear to me that we have to wage a psychological battle on the right for black people to define their own terms, define themselves as they see fit, and organize themselves as they see it. 所以在结论中，我们想说，第一，很清楚，我们必须为黑人争取定义自己术语的权利而进行心理斗争，按照他们认为合适的方式定义自己，按照他们认为合适的方式组织自己。
Now the question is, How is the white community going to begin to allow for that organizing, because once they start to do that, they will also allow for the organizing that they want to do inside their community. It doesn't make a difference, 'cause we're going to organize our way anyway. We're going to do it. 现在的问题是，白人社区将如何开始允许这种组织，因为一旦他们开始这样做，他们也会允许在他们的社区内进行他们想要的组织。这没有区别，因为我们将按照我们的方式组织。我们会做到的。
The question is, How are we going to facilitate those matters, whether it's going to be done with a thousand policemen with submachine guns, or whether or not it's going to be done in a context where it is allowed to be done by white people warding off those policemen. That is the question. 问题是，我们将如何促进这些事情，无论是通过一千个带冲锋枪的警察来完成，还是在一个允许白人通过抵御那些警察来完成的环境中完成。那就是问题所在。
And the question is, How are white people who call themselves activists ready to start move into the white communities on two counts: on building new political institutions to destroy the old ones that we have? And to move around the concept of white youth refusing to go into the army? So that we can start, then, to build a new world. It is ironic to talk about civilization in this country. This country is uncivilized. It needs to be civilized. It needs to be civilized. 问题是，那些自称活动家的白人准备如何开始进入白人社区，从两个方面入手：建立新的政治机构来摧毁我们已有的旧机构？以及围绕白人青年拒绝参军的概念开展行动？这样我们就能开始，然后，建立一个新世界。在这个国家谈论文明是讽刺的。这个国家是不文明的。它需要被文明化。它需要被文明化。
And that we must begin to raise those questions of civilization: What it is? And who do it? And so we must urge you to fight now to be the leaders of today, not tomorrow. We've got to be the leaders of today. This country -- This country is a nation of thieves. It stands on the brink of becoming a nation of murderers. We must stop it. We must stop it. We must stop it. We must stop it. 我们必须开始提出关于文明的问题：它是什么？谁来做？所以我们必须敦促你们现在争取成为今天的领袖，而不是明天的。我们必须成为今天的领袖。这个国家——这个国家是一个小偷的国度。它正处于成为一个杀人犯国度的边缘。我们必须阻止它。我们必须阻止它。我们必须阻止它。我们必须阻止它。
And then, therefore, in a larger sense there's the question of black people. We are on the move for our liberation. We have been tired of trying to prove things to white people. We are tired of trying to explain to white people that we're not going to hurt them. We are concerned with getting the things we want, the things that we have to have to be able to function. 然后，因此，从更宏观的角度来看，有黑人的问题。我们正在为我们的解放而行动。我们已经厌倦了试图向白人证明什么。我们已经厌倦了试图向白人解释我们不会伤害他们。我们关心的是获得我们想要的东西，我们必须拥有的东西，以便能够正常生活。
The question is, Can white people allow for that in this country? The question is, Will white people overcome their racism and allow for that to happen in this country? If that does not happen, brothers and sisters, we have no choice but to say very clearly, "Move over, or we're going to move on over you." 问题是，白人能否在这个国家允许这一切发生？问题是，白人能否克服他们的种族主义，允许这一切在这个国家发生？如果那没有发生，兄弟姐妹们，我们别无选择，只能非常清楚地说："让开，否则我们就从你身上碾过去。"
Thank you. 谢谢。