The Mexican-American and the Church(墨西哥裔美国人与教会)

演讲内容

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演讲背景:1968年3月,美国农场工人运动领袖塞萨尔·查韦斯在加州萨克拉门托举行的第二届墨西哥裔美国人年度大会上发表了题为《墨西哥裔美国人与教会》的演讲。当时,德拉诺农场工人罢工已持续31个月,查韦斯在演讲中深刻分析了教会在社会正义运动中的角色。他指出教会作为强大的道德和精神力量,应当服务于穷人,而不是被富人控制。演讲呼吁教会积极参与社会变革,为农场工人争取公正待遇,并批评了教会中存在的脱离人民群众的现象。这场演讲成为美国劳工运动史上的重要文献。

The place to begin is with our own experience with the Church in the strike that has gone on for thirty-one months in Delano. For in Delano the Church has been involved with the poor in a unique way that should stand as a symbol to other communities. Of course, when we refer to the Church we should define the word a little. We mean the whole Church, the Church as an ecumenical body spread around the world, and not just its particular form in a parish in a local community. 我们应该从我们自己与教会在德拉诺长达三十一个月的罢工中的经历开始。因为在德拉诺,教会以一种独特的方式与穷人合作,这应该成为其他社区的榜样。当然,当我们提到教会时,我们应该稍微定义一下这个词。我们指的是整个教会,作为一个普世团体遍布世界的教会,而不仅仅是它在当地社区教区中的特定形式。

The Church we are talking about is a tremendously powerful institution in our society, and in the world. That Church is one form of the Presence of God on Earth, and so naturally it is powerful. It is powerful by definition. It is a powerful moral and spiritual force which cannot be ignored by any movement. 我们所谈论的教会是我们社会乃至世界上一个极其强大的机构。那个教会是上帝在地球上存在的一种形式,因此自然是强大的。它天生就是强大的。它是一种强大的道德和精神力量,任何运动都不能忽视。

Furthermore, it is an organization with tremendous wealth. Since the Church is to be servant to the poor, it is our fault if that wealth is not channeled to help the poor in our world. In a small way we have been able, in the Delano strike, to work together with the Church in such a way as to bring some of its moral and economic power to bear on those who want to maintain the status quo, keeping farm workers in virtual enslavement. In brief, here is what happened in Delano. 此外,它是一个拥有巨大财富的组织。既然教会应该服务于穷人,如果这些财富没有被引导来帮助我们世界上的穷人,那就是我们的过错。在德拉诺罢工中,我们以一种小方式与教会合作,使其部分道德和经济力量对那些想要维持现状、将农场工人置于实际上的奴役状态的人产生影响。简而言之,德拉诺发生了这样的事情。

Some years ago, when some of us were working with the Community Service Organization, we began to realize the powerful effect which the Church can have on the conscience of the opposition. In scattered instances, in San Jose, Sacramento, Oakland, Los Angeles and other places, priests would speak out loudly and clearly against specific instances of oppression, and in some cases, stand with the people who were being hurt. Furthermore, a small group of priests, Frs. McDonald, McCollough, Duggan and others, began to pinpoint attention on the terrible situation of the farm workers in our state. 几年前,当我们中的一些人在社区服务组织工作时,我们开始意识到教会对反对者良心的强大影响。在圣何塞、萨克拉门托、奥克兰、洛杉矶和其他地方的一些零散案例中,牧师们会大声清晰地反对特定的压迫行为,在某些情况下,与受伤害的人们站在一起。此外,一小群牧师——麦克唐纳神父、麦科洛神父、杜根神父和其他人——开始将注意力集中在我们州农场工人的可怕处境上。

At about that same time, we began to run into the California Migrant Ministry in the camps and field. They were about the only ones there, and a lot of us were very suspicious, since we were Catholics and they were Protestants. However, they had developed a very clear conception of the Church. It was called to serve, to be at the mercy of the poor, and not to try to use them. After a while this made a lot of sense to us, and we began to find ourselves working side by side with them. In fact, it forced us to raise the question why our Church was not doing the same. 大约在同一时间,我们开始在营地和田间遇到加州移民部。他们几乎是唯一在那里的人,我们很多人都非常怀疑,因为我们是天主教徒,而他们是新教徒。然而,他们对教会有着非常清晰的概念。教会被召唤去服务,去怜悯穷人,而不是试图利用他们。过了一段时间,这对我们来说非常有意义,我们开始发现自己与他们并肩工作。事实上,这迫使我们提出一个问题:为什么我们自己的教会没有这样做。

We would ask, why do the Protestants come out here and help the people, demand nothing, and give all their time to serving farm workers, while our own parish priests stay in their churches, where only a few people come, and usually feel uncomfortable? It was not until some of us moved to Delano and began working to build the National Farm Workers Association that we really saw how far removed from the people the parish Church was. 我们会问,为什么新教徒来到这里帮助人们,不要求任何回报,把所有时间都花在为农场工人服务上,而我们自己的教区牧师却待在教堂里,只有少数人来,而且通常感到不舒服?直到我们中的一些人搬到德拉诺并开始努力建立全国农场工人协会,我们才真正看到教区教会与人民之间的距离有多远。

In fact, we could not get any help at all from the priests of Delano. When the strike began, they told us we could not even use the Churches auditorium for the meetings. The farm workers money helped build that auditorium! But the Protestants were there again, in the form of the California Migrant Ministry, and they began to help in little ways, here and there. 事实上,我们根本无法从德拉诺的牧师那里得到任何帮助。罢工开始时,他们告诉我们,我们甚至不能使用教堂的礼堂举行会议。农场工人的钱帮助建造了那个礼堂!但新教徒又出现了,以加州移民部的形式,他们开始到处提供一些小帮助。

When the strike started in 1965, most of our friends forsook us for a while. They ran-or were just too busy to help. But the California Migrant Ministry held a meeting with its staff and decided that the strike was a matter of life or death for farm workers everywhere, and that even if it meant the end of the Migrant Ministry they would turn over their resources to the strikers. The political pressure on the Protestant Churches was tremendous and the Migrant Ministry lost a lot of money. 1965年罢工开始时,我们的大多数朋友暂时抛弃了我们。他们跑了——或者只是太忙而无法帮助。但加州移民部与工作人员举行了会议,决定罢工对各地的农场工人来说是生死攸关的问题,即使这意味着移民部的终结,他们也会将资源交给罢工者。新教教会面临的政治压力巨大,移民部损失了大量资金。

But they stuck it out, and they began to point the way to the rest of the Church. In fact, when 30 of the strikers were arrested for shouting Huelga, 11 ministers went to jail with them. They were in Delano that day at the request of Chris Hartmire, director of the California Migrant Ministry. 但他们坚持了下来,并开始为教会的其他部分指明方向。事实上,当30名罢工者因喊"罢工"(Huelga)被捕时,11名牧师与他们一起入狱。那天他们应加州移民部主任克里斯·哈特迈尔的请求来到德拉诺。

Then the workers began to raise the question: why ministers? Why not priests? What does the Bishop say? But the Bishop said nothing. But slowly the pressure of the people grew and grew, until finally we have in Delano a priest sent by the new Bishop, Timothy Manning, who is there to help minister to the needs of farm workers. His name is Father Mark Day and he is the Union's chaplain. Finally, our own Catholic Church has decided to recognize that we have our own peculiar needs, just as the growers have theirs. 然后工人们开始提出问题:为什么是牧师?为什么不是神父?主教怎么说?但主教什么也没说。但慢慢地,人民的压力越来越大,直到最后,新主教蒂莫西·曼宁派了一位神父到德拉诺,他在那里帮助满足农场工人的需求。他的名字是马克·戴神父,他是工会的牧师。最终,我们自己的天主教会决定承认我们有自己独特的需求,就像种植者有他们的需求一样。

But outside of the local diocese, the pressure built up on growers to negotiate was tremendous. Though we were not allowed to have our own priest, the power of the ecumenical body of the Church was tremendous. The work of the Church, for example, in the Schenley, Di Giorgio, Perelly-Minetti strikes was fantastic. They applied pressure-and they mediated. 但在地方教区之外,对种植者施加的谈判压力巨大。虽然我们不被允许有自己的神父,但教会普世团体的力量是巨大的。例如,教会在申利、迪乔治奥、佩雷利-米内蒂罢工中的工作非常出色。他们施加压力——并进行调解。

When poor people get involved in a long conflict, such as a strike, or a civil rights drive, and the pressure increases each day, there is a deep need for spiritual advice. Without it we see families crumble, leadership weaken, and hard workers grow tired. And in such a situation the spiritual advice must be given by a friend, not by the opposition. What sense does it make to go to Mass on Sunday and reach out for spiritual help, and instead get sermons about the wickedness of your cause? That only drives one to question and to despair. 当穷人卷入长期冲突时,如罢工或民权运动,压力每天都在增加,人们深深需要精神指导。没有它,我们看到家庭破裂,领导力削弱,辛勤工作的人变得疲惫。在这种情况下,精神指导必须由朋友给予,而不是由反对者给予。周日去做弥撒寻求精神帮助,却得到关于你事业邪恶的布道,这有什么意义?这只会让人质疑和绝望。

The growers in Delano have their spiritual problems... we do not deny that. They have every right to have priests and ministers who serve their needs. But we have different needs, and so we needed a friendly spiritual guide. And this is true in every community in this state where the poor face tremendous problems. 德拉诺的种植者有他们的精神问题……我们不否认这一点。他们完全有权拥有服务于他们需求的神父和牧师。但我们有不同的需求,所以我们需要一位友好的精神向导。在这个州的每个社区,穷人面临巨大问题的地方,情况都是如此。

But the opposition raises a tremendous howl about this. They don't want us to have our spiritual advisors, friendly to our needs. Why is this? Why indeed except that THERE IS TREMENDOUS SPIRITUAL AND ECONOMIC POWER IN THE CHURCH. The rich know it, and for that reason they choose to keep it from the people. 但反对派对这一点发出了巨大的嚎叫。他们不希望我们有对我们需求友好的精神顾问。为什么会这样?除了教会拥有巨大的精神和经济力量之外,还有什么原因?富人知道这一点,因此他们选择不让人民接触它。

The leadership of the Mexican-American Community must admit that we have fallen far short in our task of helping provide spiritual guidance for our people. We may say, I don't feel any such need. I can get along. But that is a poor excuse for not helping provide such help for others. 墨西哥裔美国人社区的领导层必须承认,我们在帮助为我们的人民提供精神指导的任务上远远不够。我们可能会说,我没有这种需求。我可以应付。但这不是不帮助他人获得这种帮助的借口。

For we can also say, I don't need any welfare help. I can take care of my own problems But we are all willing to fight like hell for welfare aid for those who truly need it, who would starve without it. Likewise we may have gotten an education and not care about scholarship money for ourselves, or our children. But we would, we should, fight like hell to see to it that our state provides aid for any child needing it so that he can get the education he desires. 因为我们也可以说,我不需要任何福利帮助。我可以自己处理我的问题。但我们都愿意拼命为那些真正需要福利援助的人争取,如果没有它他们会挨饿的人。同样,我们可能受过教育,不关心自己或孩子的奖学金。但我们会,我们应该,拼命争取让我们的州为任何需要帮助的孩子提供援助,以便他能获得他所渴望的教育。

Likewise we can say we don't need the Church. That is our business. But there are hundreds of thousands of our people who desperately need some help from that powerful institution, the Church, and we are foolish not to help them get it. 同样,我们可以说我们不需要教会。那是我们自己的事。但有成千上万的人迫切需要那个强大机构——教会的帮助,我们不帮助他们获得它是愚蠢的。

For example, the Catholic Charities agencies of the Catholic Church has millions of dollars earmarked for the poor. But often the money is spent for food baskets for the needy instead of for effective action to eradicate the causes of poverty. The men and women who administer this money sincerely want to help their brothers. It should be our duty to help direct the attention to the basic needs of the Mexican-Americans in our society... needs which cannot be satisfied with baskets of food, but rather with effective organizing at the grass roots level. 例如,天主教的天主教慈善机构有数百万美元专门用于穷人。但这些钱常常被花在为穷人提供食品篮上,而不是用于根除贫困根源的有效行动。管理这些钱的男女真诚地想帮助他们的兄弟。我们有责任帮助将注意力引导到我们社会中墨西哥裔美国人的基本需求上……这些需求不能用食品篮来满足,而需要通过基层的有效组织来满足。

Therefore, I am calling for Mexican-American groups to stop ignoring this source of power. It is not just our right to appeal to the Church to use its power effectively for the poor, it is our duty to do so. It should be as natural as appealing to government... and we do that often enough. 因此,我呼吁墨西哥裔美国人团体停止忽视这一力量来源。呼吁教会有效地为穷人使用其力量不仅是我们的权利,也是我们的责任。这应该像呼吁政府一样自然……而我们经常这样做。

Furthermore, we should be prepared to come to the defense of that priest, rabbi, minister, or layman of the Church, who out of commitment to truth and justice gets into a tight place with his pastor or bishop. It behooves us to stand with that man and help him see his trial through. It is our duty to see to it that his rights of conscience are respected and that no bishop, pastor or other higher body takes that God-given, human right away. 此外,我们应该准备好为那些出于对真理和正义的承诺而与他的牧师或主教发生冲突的教会神父、拉比、牧师或俗人辩护。我们有责任与那个人站在一起,帮助他度过审判。我们有责任确保他的良心权利得到尊重,没有主教、牧师或其他更高机构剥夺那上帝赋予的人权。

Finally, in a nutshell, what do we want the Church to do? We don't ask for more cathedrals. We don't ask for bigger churches of fine gifts. We ask for its presence with us, beside us, as Christ among us. We ask the Church to sacrifice with the people for social change, for justice, and for love of brother. We don't ask for words. We ask for deeds. We don't ask for paternalism. We ask for servanthood. 最后,简而言之,我们希望教会做什么?我们不要求更多的大教堂。我们不要求更大的教堂或精美的礼物。我们要求它与我们同在,与我们并肩,如同基督与我们同在。我们要求教会与人民一起为社会变革、正义和兄弟之爱做出牺牲。我们不要求言语。我们要求行动。我们不要求家长式作风。我们要求服务精神。

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Cesar Estrada Chavez(塞萨尔·埃斯特拉达·查韦斯)

美国农场工人运动领袖

出生1927国籍美国

塞萨尔·埃斯特拉达·查韦斯(1927-1993)是美国著名的农场工人运动领袖和民权活动家。他出生于亚利桑那州一个墨西哥裔美国家庭,从小经历了农场工人的艰辛生活。查韦斯于1962年创立了全国农场工人协会(后更名为联合农场工人联合会),并领导了长达五年的德拉诺葡萄工人罢工,最终为农场工人争取到了公平的工资和工作条件。他倡导非暴力抗议,包括绝食抗议,并成功推动了加州农业劳工关系法的通过。查韦斯因其为社会正义和劳工权益所做的贡献,被广泛认为是美国历史上最伟大的民权领袖之一。

我们不要求更多的大教堂。我们不要求更大的教堂或精美的礼物。我们要求它与我们同在,与我们并肩,如同基督与我们同在。

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