Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentleman: I would like to begin today by telling you about an American named Chris Stevens. 主席先生、秘书长先生、各位代表、女士们先生们：今天，我想先讲述一个美国人的故事，他名叫克里斯·史蒂文斯。
Chris was born in a town called Grass Valley, California, the son of a lawyer and a musician. As a young man, Chris joined the Peace Corps, and taught English in Morocco. And he came to love and respect the people of North Africa and the Middle East. He would carry that commitment throughout his life. As a diplomat, he worked from Egypt to Syria, from Saudi Arabia to Libya. He was known for walking the streets of the cities where he worked -- tasting the local food, meeting as many people as he could, speaking Arabic, listening with a broad smile. 克里斯出生在加利福尼亚州一个叫草谷的小镇，父亲是律师，母亲是音乐家。年轻时，克里斯加入了和平队，在摩洛哥教英语。他逐渐爱上了北非和中东人民，并对他们产生了深厚的敬意。这份承诺伴随了他的一生。作为外交官，他的足迹从埃及到叙利亚，从沙特阿拉伯到利比亚。他以走遍工作所在城市的街道而闻名——品尝当地美食，尽可能多地结识当地人，说阿拉伯语，带着爽朗的笑容倾听。
Chris went to Benghazi in the early days of the Libyan revolution, arriving on a cargo ship. As America's representative, he helped the Libyan people as they coped with violent conflict, cared for the wounded, and crafted a vision for the future in which the rights of all Libyans would be respected. And after the revolution, he supported the birth of a new democracy, as Libyans held elections, and built new institutions, and began to move forward after decades of dictatorship. 克里斯在利比亚革命初期前往班加西，乘货船抵达。作为美国的代表，他帮助利比亚人民应对暴力冲突、照顾伤员，并为他们描绘了一个尊重所有利比亚人权利的未来愿景。革命结束后，他支持了一个新生民主的诞生，见证了利比亚人举行选举、建立新机构，并在数十年的独裁统治后开始向前迈进。
Chris Stevens loved his work. He took pride in the country he served, and he saw dignity in the people that he met. And two weeks ago, he traveled to Benghazi to review plans to establish a new cultural center and modernize a hospital. That's when America's compound came under attack. Along with three of his colleagues, Chris was killed in the city that he helped to save. He was 52 years old. 克里斯·史蒂文斯热爱他的工作。他为自己所服务的国家感到自豪，他在所遇见的人们身上看到了尊严。两周前，他前往班加西审查建立一个新文化中心和现代化一家医院的计划。就在那时，美国的外交驻地遭到袭击。克里斯与他的三名同事一同在这座他曾帮助拯救的城市中遇害。他年仅52岁。
I tell you this story because Chris Stevens embodied the best of America. Like his fellow Foreign Service officers, he built bridges across oceans and cultures, and was deeply invested in the international cooperation that the United Nations represents. He acted with humility, but he also stood up for a set of principles -- a belief that individuals should be free to determine their own destiny, and live with liberty, dignity, justice, and opportunity. 我讲这个故事，是因为克里斯·史蒂文斯体现了美国最优秀的一面。像他的外交官同事们一样，他在海洋与文化之间架起桥梁，深深致力于联合国所代表的国际合作。他行事谦逊，但也坚守一套原则——相信个人应有权自由决定自己的命运，享有自由、尊严、正义和机会。
The attacks on the civilians in Benghazi were attacks on America. We are grateful for the assistance we received from the Libyan government and from the Libyan people. There should be no doubt that we will be relentless in tracking down the killers and bringing them to justice. And I also appreciate that in recent days, the leaders of other countries in the region -- including Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen -- have taken steps to secure our diplomatic facilities, and called for calm. And so have religious authorities around the globe. 对班加西平民的袭击就是对美国的袭击。我们感谢利比亚政府和利比亚人民给予的援助。毫无疑问，我们将毫不松懈地追捕凶手并将其绳之以法。我也感谢近来该地区其他国家领导人——包括埃及、突尼斯和也门——采取措施保护我们的外交设施并呼吁冷静。全球各地的宗教权威人士也是如此。
But understand, the attacks of the last two weeks are not simply an assault on America. They are also an assault on the very ideals upon which the United Nations was founded -- the notion that people can resolve their differences peacefully; that diplomacy can take the place of war; that in an interdependent world, all of us have a stake in working towards greater opportunity and security for our citizens. 但请理解，过去两周的袭击不仅仅是对美国的侵犯。它们也是对联合国成立所依据的核心理想的侵犯——即人们可以和平解决分歧的理念；外交可以取代战争；在一个相互依存的世界中，我们所有人都有共同的利益，致力于为我们的人民创造更多机会和安全。
If we are serious about upholding these ideals, it will not be enough to put more guards in front of an embassy, or to put out statements of regret and wait for the outrage to pass. If we are serious about these ideals, we must speak honestly about the deeper causes of the crisis -- because we face a choice between the forces that would drive us apart and the hopes that we hold in common. 如果我们认真维护这些理想，仅仅在大使馆前增加卫兵，或发表遗憾声明然后等待愤怒平息是不够的。如果我们认真对待这些理想，我们必须诚实地讨论危机的更深层原因——因为我们面临着将我们分裂的力量与我们共同持有的希望之间的抉择。
Today, we must reaffirm that our future will be determined by people like Chris Stevens -- and not by his killers. Today, we must declare that this violence and intolerance has no place among our United Nations. 今天，我们必须重申，我们的未来将由克里斯·史蒂文斯这样的人来决定，而不是由杀害他的凶手来决定。今天，我们必须宣告，暴力和不容忍在我们的联合国中没有容身之地。
It has been less than two years since a vendor in Tunisia set himself on fire to protest the oppressive corruption in his country, and sparked what became known as the Arab Spring. And since then, the world has been captivated by the transformation that's taken place, and the United States has supported the forces of change. 距突尼斯一个小贩为抗议本国令人窒息的腐败而自焚引发所谓的阿拉伯之春，至今不到两年。此后，全世界被所发生的变革深深吸引，美国也支持了变革的力量。
We were inspired by the Tunisian protests that toppled a dictator, because we recognized our own beliefs in the aspiration of men and women who took to the streets. 我们受到突尼斯抗议推翻独裁者的鼓舞，因为我们从走上街头的人们身上看到了我们自己的信念。
We insisted on change in Egypt, because our support for democracy ultimately put us on the side of the people. 我们坚持埃及的变革，因为我们对民主的支持最终让我们站在了人民一边。
We supported a transition of leadership in Yemen, because the interests of the people were no longer being served by a corrupt status quo. 我们支持也门的权力过渡，因为腐败的现状已不再服务于人民的利益。
We intervened in Libya alongside a broad coalition, and with the mandate of the United Nations Security Council, because we had the ability to stop the slaughter of innocents, and because we believed that the aspirations of the people were more powerful than a tyrant. 我们与广泛联盟一同干预利比亚，并获得联合国安理会的授权，因为我们有能力阻止对无辜者的屠杀，因为我们相信人民的愿望比暴君更加强大。
And as we meet here, we again declare that the regime of Bashar al-Assad must come to an end so that the suffering of the Syrian people can stop and a new dawn can begin. 在我们在此开会之际，我们再次宣布巴沙尔·阿萨德政权必须终结，以便叙利亚人民的苦难可以停止，新的黎明可以开始。
We have taken these positions because we believe that freedom and self-determination are not unique to one culture. These are not simply American values or Western values -- they are universal values. And even as there will be huge challenges to come with a transition to democracy, I am convinced that ultimately government of the people, by the people, and for the people is more likely to bring about the stability, prosperity, and individual opportunity that serve as a basis for peace in our world. 我们采取这些立场，是因为我们相信自由和自决并非某一文化所独有。这些不仅是美国价值观或西方价值观——它们是普世价值观。尽管向民主过渡将面临巨大挑战，我坚信，最终民有、民治、民享的政府更有可能带来稳定、繁荣和个人机会，为世界和平奠定基础。
So let us remember that this is a season of progress. For the first time in decades, Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans voted for new leaders in elections that were credible, competitive, and fair. This democratic spirit has not been restricted to the Arab world. 因此，让我们记住这是一个进步的季节。几十年来首次，突尼斯人、埃及人和利比亚人在可信、竞争和公平的选举中投票选举新领导人。这种民主精神并未局限于阿拉伯世界。
Over the past year, we've seen peaceful transitions of power in Malawi and Senegal, and a new President in Somalia. In Burma, a President has freed political prisoners and opened a closed society, a courageous dissident has been elected to parliament, and people look forward to further reform. Around the globe, people are making their voices heard, insisting on their innate dignity, and the right to determine their future. 过去一年，我们看到了马拉维和塞内加尔的和平权力交接，索马里有了新总统。在缅甸，一位总统释放了政治犯，开放了一个封闭的社会，一位勇敢的异见人士当选为议员，人民期待着进一步的改革。在全球各地，人们发出自己的声音，坚持与生俱来的尊严，以及决定自己未来的权利。
And yet the turmoil of recent weeks reminds us that the path to democracy does not end with the casting of a ballot. Nelson Mandela once said: "To be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others." 然而最近几周的动荡提醒我们，通往民主的道路并非在投票后便告结束。纳尔逊·曼德拉曾说过：「真正的自由不仅是挣脱自身的枷锁，而是以尊重和增进他人自由的方式生活。」
True democracy demands that citizens cannot be thrown in jail because of what they believe, and that businesses can be opened without paying a bribe. It depends on the freedom of citizens to speak their minds and assemble without fear, and on the rule of law and due process that guarantees the rights of all people. 真正的民主要求公民不会因为信仰而被投入监狱，企业无需行贿即可开业。它依赖于公民自由表达意见和无惧集会的权利，依赖于保障所有人权利的法治和正当程序。
In other words, true democracy -- real freedom -- is hard work. Those in power have to resist the temptation to crack down on dissidents. In hard economic times, countries must be tempted -- may be tempted to rally the people around perceived enemies, at home and abroad, rather than focusing on the painstaking work of reform. 换言之，真正的民主——真正的自由——是艰苦的努力。掌权者必须抵制压制异见人士的诱惑。在经济困难时期，各国可能受到诱惑——将民众围绕假想的敌人团结起来，无论是国内的还是国外的，而不是专注于艰苦的改革工作。
Moreover, there will always be those that reject human progress -- dictators who cling to power, corrupt interests that depend on the status quo, and extremists who fan the flames of hate and division. From Northern Ireland to South Asia, from Africa to the Americas, from the Balkans to the Pacific Rim, we've witnessed convulsions that can accompany transitions to a new political order. 此外，总会有人拒绝人类的进步——紧抓权力的独裁者、依赖现状的腐败利益集团，以及煽动仇恨和分裂的极端分子。从北爱尔兰到南亚，从非洲到美洲，从巴尔干到太平洋沿岸，我们都见证了向新政治秩序过渡时可能伴随的动荡。
At time, the conflicts arise along the fault lines of race or tribe. And often they arise from the difficulties of reconciling tradition and faith with the diversity and interdependence of the modern world. In every country, there are those who find different religious beliefs threatening; in every culture, those who love freedom for themselves must ask themselves how much they're willing to tolerate freedom for others. 有时，冲突沿着种族或部落的断层线爆发。而往往，它们源于传统和信仰与现代世界的多样性和相互依存之间的调和困难。在每个国家，都有人觉得不同的宗教信仰具有威胁性；在每种文化中，热爱自由的人必须扪心自问，他们愿意给予他人多少自由。
That is what we saw play out in the last two weeks, as a crude and disgusting video sparked outrage throughout the Muslim world. Now, I have made it clear that the United States government had nothing to do with this video, and I believe its message must be rejected by all who respect our common humanity. 这就是过去两周我们所看到的，一段粗劣而令人作呕的视频在穆斯林世界引发了愤怒。我已明确表示，美国政府与此视频毫无关系，我认为其传达的信息应被所有尊重我们共同人性的人所拒绝。
It is an insult not only to Muslims, but to America as well -- for as the city outside these walls makes clear, we are a country that has welcomed people of every race and every faith. We are home to Muslims who worship across our country. We not only respect the freedom of religion, we have laws that protect individuals from being harmed because of how they look or what they believe. We understand why people take offense to this video because millions of our citizens are among them. 这不仅是对穆斯林的侮辱，也是对美国的侮辱——因为正如这些围墙外的城市所证明的，我们是一个欢迎各种种族和信仰的国家。我们有在全国各地礼拜的穆斯林。我们不仅尊重宗教自由，还有法律保护个人不因外貌或信仰而受到伤害。我们理解人们为何对这段视频感到愤怒，因为我们数百万的公民也身在其中。
I know there are some who ask why we don't just ban such a video. And the answer is enshrined in our laws: Our Constitution protects the right to practice free speech. 我知道有人问，为什么我们不直接禁止这样的视频。答案已铭刻在我们的法律中：我们的宪法保护言论自由的权利。
Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense. Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian, and yet we do not ban blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs. As President of our country and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that people are going to call me awful things every day -- and I will always defend their right to do so. 在美国，无数出版物都会冒犯他人。和我一样，大多数美国人是基督徒，但我们不会禁止对我们最神圣信仰的亵渎。作为国家总统和军队统帅，我接受人们每天会说我的坏话——而我将永远捍卫他们这样做的权利。
Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people to express their views, even views that we profoundly disagree with. We do not do so because we support hateful speech, but because our founders understood that without such protections, the capacity of each individual to express their own views and practice their own faith may be threatened. We do so because in a diverse society, efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence critics and oppress minorities. 美国人曾世界各地奋战和牺牲，以保护所有人表达观点的权利，即使是我们深不赞同的观点。我们这样做不是因为支持仇恨言论，而是因为我们的建国者明白，没有这样的保护，每个人表达自己观点和践行自己信仰的能力可能受到威胁。我们这样做是因为在多元社会中，限制言论的努力很快就会成为压制批评者和压迫少数群体的工具。
We do so because given the power of faith in our lives, and the passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech is not repression; it is more speech -- the voices of tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect. 我们这样做是因为，鉴于信仰在我们生活中的力量以及宗教差异可能引发的激情，对抗仇恨言论最有力的武器不是压制，而是更多的言论——宽容的声音团结起来反对偏见和亵渎，弘扬理解和相互尊重的价值观。
Now, I know that not all countries in this body share this particular understanding of the protection of free speech. We recognize that. But in 2012, at a time when anyone with a cell phone can spread offensive views around the world with the click of a button, the notion that we can control the flow of information is obsolete. The question, then, is how do we respond? 我知道，并非这个机构中的所有国家都认同对言论自由的这种特定理解。我们承认这一点。但在2012年，当任何人都可以用手机一键将冒犯性的观点传播到世界各地时，认为我们可以控制信息流动的观念已经过时。那么问题来了，我们该如何应对？
And on this we must agree: There is no speech that justifies mindless violence. There are no words that excuse the killing of innocents. There's no video that justifies an attack on an embassy. There's no slander that provides an excuse for people to burn a restaurant in Lebanon, or destroy a school in Tunis, or cause death and destruction in Pakistan. 在这一点上我们必须达成共识：没有任何言论可以为无理性的暴力辩护。没有任何言辞可以为杀害无辜者开脱。没有任何视频可以为攻击大使馆正名。没有任何诽谤可以为人们在黎巴嫩焚烧餐厅、在突尼斯摧毁学校或在巴基斯坦制造死亡和破坏提供借口。
In this modern world with modern technologies, for us to respond in that way to hateful speech empowers any individual who engages in such speech to create chaos around the world. We empower the worst of us if that's how we respond. 在这个拥有现代技术的现代世界中，如果我们以那种方式回应仇恨言论，就等于赋予了任何发表此类言论的人在全世界制造混乱的能力。如果我们的回应方式如此，我们就是在赋予最恶劣的人力量。
More broadly, the events of the last two weeks also speak to the need for all of us to honestly address the tensions between the West and the Arab world that is moving towards democracy. 更广泛地说，过去两周的事件也说明，我们所有人都需要诚实面对西方与正走向民主的阿拉伯世界之间的紧张关系。
Now, let me be clear: Just as we cannot solve every problem in the world, the United States has not and will not seek to dictate the outcome of democratic transitions abroad. We do not expect other nations to agree with us on every issue. 让我明确表示：正如我们无法解决世界上每一个问题一样，美国没有也不会试图主导海外民主过渡的结果。我们不期望其他国家在每个问题上与我们一致。
Nor do we assume that the violence of the past weeks or the hateful speech by some individuals represent the views of the overwhelming majority of Muslims, any more than the views of the people who produced this video represents those of Americans. However, I do believe that it is the obligation of all leaders in all countries to speak out forcefully against violence and extremism. 我们也不认为过去几周的暴力或某些个人的仇恨言论代表了绝大多数穆斯林的观点，正如制作这段视频的人的观点不代表美国人的观点一样。然而，我确实相信，所有国家的所有领导人都有义务有力地反对暴力和极端主义。
It is time to marginalize those who -- even when not directly resorting to violence -- use hatred of America, or the West, or Israel, as the central organizing principle of politics. For that only gives cover, and sometimes makes an excuse, for those who do resort to violence. 现在是时候边缘化那些——即使不直接诉诸暴力——将以反美、反西方或反以作为政治核心组织原则的人了。因为那只会为那些真正诉诸暴力的人提供掩护，有时甚至提供借口。
That brand of politics -- one that pits East against West, and South against North, Muslims against Christians and Hindu and Jews -- can't deliver on the promise of freedom. To the youth, it offers only false hope. Burning an American flag does nothing to provide a child an education. Smashing apart a restaurant does not fill an empty stomach. Attacking an embassy won't create a single job. 那种政治——将东方与西方对立、南方与北方对立、穆斯林与基督徒、印度教徒和犹太人对立——无法兑现自由的承诺。对年轻人而言，它只会提供虚假的希望。焚烧美国国旗不能为孩子提供教育。砸毁餐厅不能填饱肚子。攻击大使馆不会创造一个就业岗位。
That brand of politics only makes it harder to achieve what we must do together: educating our children, and creating the opportunities that they deserve; protecting human rights, and extending democracy's promise. 那种政治只会让我们更难实现我们必须共同完成的目标：教育我们的孩子，创造他们应得的机会；保护人权，延伸民主的承诺。
Understand America will never retreat from the world. We will bring justice to those who harm our citizens and our friends, and we will stand with our allies. We are willing to partner with countries around the world to deepen ties of trade and investment, and science and technology, energy and development -- all efforts that can spark economic growth for all our people and stabilize democratic change. 明白，美国永远不会退出世界舞台。我们将为伤害我们公民和朋友的人带来正义，我们将与盟友站在一起。我们愿意与各国合作，深化贸易和投资、科技、能源和发展方面的联系——所有这些努力都能为所有人点燃经济增长之火并稳定民主变革。
But such efforts depend on a spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect. No government or company, no school or NGO will be confident working in a country where its people are endangered. For partnerships to be effective our citizens must be secure and our efforts must be welcomed. 但这些努力取决于互利和互尊的精神。没有哪个政府或公司、学校或非政府组织会放心在一个其人民处于危险中的国家开展工作。要让合作伙伴关系有效，我们的公民必须有安全感，我们的努力必须受到欢迎。
A politics based only on anger -- one based on dividing the world between "us" and "them" -- not only sets back international cooperation, it ultimately undermines those who tolerate it. All of us have an interest in standing up to these forces. 仅基于愤怒的政治——将世界分为「我们」和「他们」的政治——不仅阻碍了国际合作，最终也会损害那些容忍它的人。我们所有人都有利益去抵抗这些力量。
Let us remember that Muslims have suffered the most at the hands of extremism. On the same day our civilians were killed in Benghazi, a Turkish police officer was murdered in Istanbul only days before his wedding; more than 10 Yemenis were killed in a car bomb in Sana'a; several Afghan children were mourned by their parents just days after they were killed by a suicide bomber in Kabul. 让我们记住，穆斯林在极端主义手中遭受的苦难最多。在我们的平民在班加西遇害的同一天，一名土耳其警察在婚礼前几天在伊斯坦布尔被谋杀；十多名也门人在萨那的汽车炸弹中丧生；几名阿富汗儿童在喀布尔被自杀式炸弹袭击者杀害后数天，他们的父母在哀悼。
The impulse towards intolerance and violence may initially be focused on the West, but over time it cannot be contained. The same impulses toward extremism are used to justify war between Sunni and Shia, between tribes and clans. It leads not to strength and prosperity but to chaos. 不容忍和暴力的冲动最初可能针对西方，但随着时间推移，它无法被遏制。同样的极端主义冲动被用来为逊尼派和什叶派之间、部落和氏族之间的战争辩护。它带来的不是力量和繁荣，而是混乱。
In less than two years, we have seen largely peaceful protests bring more change to Muslim-majority countries than a decade of violence. And extremists understand this. Because they have nothing to offer to improve the lives of people, violence is their only way to stay relevant. They don't build; they only destroy. 不到两年间，我们看到基本上和平的抗议为穆斯林占多数的国家带来了比十年暴力更多的变革。极端分子明白这一点。因为他们无法为改善人民生活提供任何东西，暴力是他们保持相关性的唯一方式。他们不建设，只破坏。
It is time to leave the call of violence and the politics of division behind. On so many issues, we face a choice between the promise of the future, or the prisons of the past. And we cannot afford to get it wrong. We must seize this moment. And America stands ready to work with all who are willing to embrace a better future. 是时候抛弃暴力的号召和分裂的政治了。在诸多问题上，我们面临着未来承诺与过去牢笼之间的选择。我们不能犯错误。我们必须抓住这一刻。美国随时准备与所有愿意拥抱更好未来的人合作。
The future must not belong to those who target Coptic Christians in Egypt -- it must be claimed by those in Tahrir Square who chanted, "Muslims, Christians, we are one." The future must not belong to those who bully women -- it must be shaped by girls who go to school, and those who stand for a world where our daughters can live their dreams just like our sons. 未来的世界不应属于那些在埃及针对科普特基督徒的人——它应属于那些在解放广场高呼「穆斯林、基督徒，我们是一家人」的人。未来的世界不应属于那些欺凌女性的人——它应由上学的女孩以及那些为一个让女儿和儿子一样实现梦想的世界而奋斗的人来塑造。
The future must not belong to those corrupt few who steal a country's resources -- it must be won by the students and entrepreneurs, the workers and business owners who seek a broader prosperity for all people. Those are the women and men that America stands with; theirs is the vision we will support. 未来的世界不应属于那些盗取国家资源的腐败少数——它应由寻求为所有人创造更广泛繁荣的学生和企业家、工人和企业主来赢得。这些是美国的立场所在之男女；他们的愿景是我们所支持的。
The future must not belong to those who slander the prophet of Islam. But to be credible, those who condemn that slander must also condemn the hate we see in the images of Jesus Christ that are desecrated, or churches that are destroyed, or the Holocaust that is denied. 未来的世界不应属于那些诽谤伊斯兰先知的人。但要有公信力，谴责这种诽谤的人也必须谴责我们看到的那些被亵渎的耶稣基督形象、被摧毁的教堂或被否认的大屠杀。
Let us condemn incitement against Sufi Muslims and Shiite pilgrims. It's time to heed the words of Gandhi: "Intolerance is itself a form of violence and an obstacle to the growth of a true democratic spirit." Together, we must work towards a world where we are strengthened by our differences, and not defined by them. That is what America embodies, that's the vision we will support. 让我们谴责对苏菲派穆斯林和什叶派朝圣者的煽动。是时候聆听甘地的话了：「不容忍本身就是一种暴力，是真正民主精神成长的障碍。」我们必须共同努力，建设一个因差异而更加强大、而非被差异所定义的世界。这就是美国所体现的，这就是我们将支持的愿景。
Among Israelis and Palestinians, the future must not belong to those who turn their backs on a prospect of peace. Let us leave behind those who thrive on conflict, those who reject the right of Israel to exist. The road is hard, but the destination is clear -- a secure, Jewish state of Israel and an independent, prosperous Palestine. Understanding that such a peace must come through a just agreement between the parties, America will walk alongside all who are prepared to make that journey. 在以色列人和巴勒斯坦人之间，未来的世界不应属于那些背对和平前景的人。让我们抛下那些以冲突为生、拒绝以色列生存权的人。道路艰难，但目标明确——一个安全的犹太国家以色列和一个独立、繁荣的巴勒斯坦。理解到这样的和平必须通过各方之间的公正协议来实现，美国将与所有准备踏上这段旅程的人并肩前行。
In Syria, the future must not belong to a dictator who massacres his people. If there is a cause that cries out for protest in the world today, peaceful protest, it is a regime that tortures children and shoots rockets at apartment buildings. And we must remain engaged to assure that what began with citizens demanding their rights does not end in a cycle of sectarian violence. 在叙利亚，未来的世界不应属于屠杀人民的独裁者。如果当今世界上有一个值得抗议的事业——和平抗议——那就是一个酷刑儿童、向公寓楼发射火箭弹的政权。我们必须保持参与，确保始于公民要求权利的运动不会以宗派暴力循环告终。
Together, we must stand with those Syrians who believe in a different vision -- a Syria that is united and inclusive, where children don't need to fear their own government, and all Syrians have a say in how they are governed -- Sunnis and Alawites, Kurds and Christians. That's what America stands for. That is the outcome that we will work for -- with sanctions and consequences for those who persecute, and assistance and support for those who work for this common good. Because we believe that the Syrians who embrace this vision will have the strength and the legitimacy to lead. 我们必须共同支持那些信仰不同愿景的叙利亚人——一个团结和包容的叙利亚，在那里孩子们不必害怕自己的政府，所有叙利亚人都能对如何被治理有发言权——逊尼派和阿拉维派、库尔德人和基督徒。这就是美国所代表的。这就是我们将努力实现的结果——对迫害者实施制裁和后果，为为这一共同利益而努力的人提供援助和支持。因为我们相信，拥抱这一愿景的叙利亚人将拥有领导的力量和合法性。
In Iran, we see where the path of a violent and unaccountable ideology leads. The Iranian people have a remarkable and ancient history, and many Iranians wish to enjoy peace and prosperity alongside their neighbors. But just as it restricts the rights of its own people, the Iranian government continues to prop up a dictator in Damascus and supports terrorist groups abroad. Time and again, it has failed to take the opportunity to demonstrate that its nuclear program is peaceful, and to meet its obligations to the United Nations. 在伊朗，我们看到了暴力和不负责任的意识形态所导致的道路。伊朗人民拥有卓越而古老的历史，许多伊朗人希望与邻国一同享有和平与繁荣。但正如它压制本国人民的权利一样，伊朗政府继续支持大马士革的独裁者，并在国外支持恐怖组织。它一次又一次地未能抓住机会证明其核计划是和平的，也未能履行其对联合国的义务。
So let me be clear. America wants to resolve this issue through diplomacy, and we believe that there is still time and space to do so. But that time is not unlimited. We respect the right of nations to access peaceful nuclear power, but one of the purposes of the United Nations is to see that we harness that power for peace. 让我明确表示。美国希望通过外交途径解决这个问题，我们相信仍有时间和空间这样做。但时间不是无限的。我们尊重各国获取和平核能的权利，但联合国宗旨之一就是确保我们将这种力量用于和平。
And make no mistake, a nuclear-armed Iran is not a challenge that can be contained. It would threaten the elimination of Israel, the security of Gulf nations, and the stability of the global economy. It risks triggering a nuclear-arms race in the region, and the unraveling of the non-proliferation treaty. That's why a coalition of countries is holding the Iranian government accountable. And that's why the United States will do what we must to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. 毫无疑问，拥有核武器的伊朗不是一个可以被遏制的挑战。它将威胁以色列的存亡、海湾国家的安全和全球经济的稳定。它可能引发该地区的核军备竞赛，并导致不扩散条约的瓦解。这就是为什么一个国家联盟正在追究伊朗政府的责任。这就是为什么美国将采取必要措施阻止伊朗获得核武器。
We know from painful experience that the path to security and prosperity does not lie outside the boundaries of international law and respect for human rights. That's why this institution was established from the rubble of conflict. That is why liberty triumphed over tyranny in the Cold War. And that is the lesson of the last two decades as well. 从痛苦的经验中我们知道，安全与繁荣之路不在国际法和尊重人权的边界之外。这就是为什么这一机构从冲突的废墟中建立。这就是自由在冷战中战胜暴政的原因。这也是过去二十年的教训。
History shows that peace and progress come to those who make the right choices. Nations in every part of the world have traveled this difficult path. Europe, the bloodiest battlefield of the 20th century, is united, free and at peace. From Brazil to South Africa, from Turkey to South Korea, from India to Indonesia, people of different races, religions, and traditions have lifted millions out of poverty, while respecting the rights of their citizens and meeting their responsibilities as nations. 历史表明，和平与进步属于做出正确选择的人。世界各国的每一个地区都走过这条艰难的道路。欧洲，这个20世纪最血腥的战场，如今团结、自由且和平。从巴西到南非，从土耳其到韩国，从印度到印度尼西亚，不同种族、宗教和传统的人们让数以百万计的人摆脱了贫困，同时尊重公民权利并履行作为国家的责任。
And it is because of the progress that I've witnessed in my own lifetime, the progress that I've witnessed after nearly four years as President, that I remain ever hopeful about the world that we live in. The war in Iraq is over. American troops have come home. We've begun a transition in Afghanistan, and America and our allies will end our war on schedule in 2014. Al Qaeda has been weakened, and Osama bin Laden is no more. 正是因为我在有生之年所见证的进步，我在担任总统近四年后所见证的进步，让我对我们所生活的世界始终充满希望。伊拉克战争已经结束。美国军队已经回国。我们已开始在阿富汗进行过渡，美国和我们的盟友将在2014年按计划结束战争。基地组织已被削弱，本·拉登已不复存在。
Nations have come together to lock down nuclear materials, and America and Russia are reducing our arsenals. We have seen hard choices made -- from Naypyidaw to Cairo to Abidjan -- to put more power in the hands of citizens. 各国已联合起来锁定核材料，美国和俄罗斯正在削减核武库。我们看到了艰难的抉择——从内比都到开罗到阿比让——将更多权力交到公民手中。
At a time of economic challenge, the world has come together to broaden prosperity. Through the G20, we have partnered with emerging countries to keep the world on the path of recovery. America has pursued a development agenda that fuels growth and breaks dependency, and worked with African leaders to help them feed their nations. 在经济挑战的时期，世界团结起来扩大繁荣。通过二十国集团，我们与新兴国家合作，使世界保持在复苏的道路上。美国推行了促进增长、打破依赖的发展议程，并与非洲领导人合作帮助他们养活本国人民。
New partnerships have been forged to combat corruption and promote government that is open and transparent, and new commitments have been made through the Equal Futures Partnership to ensure that women and girls can fully participate in politics and pursue opportunity. And later today, I will discuss our efforts to combat the scourge of human trafficking. 新的伙伴关系已建立，以打击腐败并促进开放透明的政府，通过平等未来伙伴关系也作出了新的承诺，以确保妇女和女孩能充分参与政治和追求机会。今天晚些时候，我将讨论我们打击人口贩运这一祸害的努力。
All these things give me hope. But what gives me the most hope is not the actions of us, not the actions of leaders -- it is the people that I've seen. The American troops who have risked their lives and sacrificed their limbs for strangers half a world away; the students in Jakarta or Seoul who are eager to use their knowledge to benefit mankind; the faces in a square in Prague or a parliament in Ghana who see democracy giving voice to their aspirations; the young people in the favelas of Rio and the schools of Mumbai whose eyes shine with promise. 所有这些都给了我希望。但给我最多希望的不是我们这些人的行动，不是领导人的行动——而是我所见到的人民。那些为半个世界之外的陌生人冒着生命危险、牺牲四肢的美国军人；在雅加达或首尔渴望用知识造福人类的学生；在布拉格广场或加纳议会中看到民主为他们的愿望发声的面孔；在里约热内卢贫民窟和孟买学校中眼中闪烁着希望的年轻人。
These men, women, and children of every race and every faith remind me that for every angry mob that gets shown on television, there are billions around the world who share similar hopes and dreams. They tell us that there is a common heartbeat to humanity. 这些各种种族和各种信仰的男人、女人和儿童提醒我，电视上每一个愤怒的暴民背后，世界上还有数十亿人怀有相似的希望和梦想。他们告诉我们，人类有一个共同的心跳。
So much attention in our world turns to what divides us. That's what we see on the news. That's what consumes our political debates. But when you strip it all away, people everywhere long for the freedom to determine their destiny; the dignity that comes with work; the comfort that comes with faith; and the justice that exists when governments serve their people -- and not the other way around. 世界上那么多的注意力转向了分裂我们的东西。这就是我们在新闻中看到的。这就是充斥我们政治辩论的内容。但当你剥开一切，各地的人都渴望决定自己命运的自由；工作带来的尊严；信仰带来的慰藉；以及当政府为人民服务而非反过来时存在的正义。
The United States of America will always stand up for these aspirations, for our own people and for people all across the world. That was our founding purpose. That is what our history shows. That is what Chris Stevens worked for throughout his life. 美利坚合众国将始终捍卫这些愿望，为我们自己的人民也为全世界各地的人民。这是我们的立国之本。这是我们的历史所证明的。这是克里斯·史蒂文斯一生所追求的。
And I promise you this: Long after the killers are brought to justice, Chris Stevens's legacy will live on in the lives that he touched -- in the tens of thousands who marched against violence through the streets of Benghazi; in the Libyans who changed their Facebook photo to one of Chris; in the signs that read, simply, "Chris Stevens was a friend to all Libyans." 我向你们保证：在凶手被绳之以法很久之后，克里斯·史蒂文斯的精神遗产将在他所触动的人们生命中延续——在数以万计穿过班加西街头抗议暴力的人中；在把脸书头像换成克里斯照片的利比亚人中；在那些简单的标语上，写着「克里斯·史蒂文斯是所有利比亚人的朋友」。
They should give us hope. They should remind us that so long as we work for it, justice will be done, that history is on our side, and that a rising tide of liberty will never be reversed. 这些应该给我们希望。它们应该提醒我们，只要我们为之努力，正义终将得到伸张，历史站在我们这一边，自由的涨潮永远不会逆转。
Thank you very much. 非常感谢大家。
