President Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my old colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who has earned his degree through many years of attending night law school, while I am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen: 安德森校长、各位教职员、各位董事、各位贵宾、我的老同事参议员鲍勃·伯德——他通过多年来上夜校法学院取得了学位，而我则将在接下来的30分钟内取得我的学位——各位贵宾、女士们、先生们：
It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914. This is a young and growing university, but it has already fulfilled Bishop Hurst's enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a city devoted to the making of history and to the conduct of the public's business. 我怀着极大的自豪参加美利坚大学的这一典礼。这所大学由卫理公会教会赞助，由约翰·弗莱彻·赫斯特主教创办，并于1914年由伍德罗·威尔逊总统主持开校。这是一所年轻而不断成长的大学，但它已经实现了赫斯特主教那开明的期望——在一座致力于创造历史、处理公共事务的城市里开展历史与公共事务的研究。
By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the Methodists of this area and the Nation deserve the Nation's thanks, and I commend all those who are today graduating. 通过为所有渴望求知的人——不论其肤色或信仰——赞助这所高等学府，本地区及全国的卫理公会信徒值得国家的感谢，我也向今天所有毕业的同学表示祝贺。
Professor Woodrow Wilson once said that every man sent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time, and I am confident that the men and women who carry the honor of graduating from this institution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support. 伍德罗·威尔逊教授曾说，每一个从大学毕业的人都应既是他那个时代的人，也是他那个国家的人。我相信，从这所学府毕业的男女校友，将继续用他们的生命和才华，给予公众服务与公众支持以高度的奉献。
"There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university," wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities -- and his words are equally true today. He did not refer to towers or to campuses. He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, he said, "a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see." "世间很少有比大学更美好的事物，"约翰·梅斯菲尔德在礼赞英国大学时如此写道——他的话至今同样真切。他指的并非塔楼或校园。他所赞叹的是大学那壮丽的美，因为他说，大学是"一个憎恶无知者可努力求知的地方，一个洞察真理者可努力使他人看见的地方。"
I have, therefore, chosen this time and place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth too rarely perceived. And that is the most important topic on earth: peace. What kind of peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. 因此，我特意选择此时此地来讨论一个无知常常充斥、真理鲜被察觉的题目。这是世上最重要的题目：和平。我指的是什么样的和平，我们追求的又是什么样的和平？不是由美国战争武器强加于世界的"美国和平"。不是坟墓的和平，也不是奴隶的安全。
I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children -- not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time. 我所讲的是真正的和平——使人在世上的生活值得一过的那种和平，使人和国家能够成长、怀抱希望、为子孙建设更美好人生的那种和平——不仅仅是美国人的和平，而是所有男女的和平；不仅仅是我们这个时代的和平，而是所有时代的和平。
I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age where great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War. 我之所以谈论和平，是因为战争有了新的面貌。在一个大国能够维持庞大且相对不受摧毁的核力量、且不诉诸这些力量便拒绝投降的时代，全面战争毫无意义。在一个单件核武器所含爆炸力几乎相当于二战中盟军全部空投爆炸力十倍的时代，全面战争毫无意义。
It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn. 在一个核交火所产生的致命毒物会随风、水、土壤、种子飘散到地球最遥远的角落、并波及尚未出生的世代的时代，全面战争毫无意义。
Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need them is essential to the keeping of peace. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles -- which can only destroy and never create -- is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace. 今天，每年花费数十亿美元购买武器——以确保我们永远不需要使用它们——对于维护和平是必要的。然而，仅仅囤积这类只能毁灭而不能创造的闲置武库，肯定不是保证和平的唯一手段，更不是最有效的手段。
I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary, rational end of rational men. I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task. 因此，我把和平视为理性之人的必然、理性的归宿。我深知，追求和平不如追求战争那般富于戏剧性，追求者的话语常常落在聋耳之上。但我们再没有比这更紧迫的任务。
Some say that it is useless to speak of peace or world law or world disarmament, and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs. 有人说，谈论和平、世界法律或世界裁军都是徒劳，在苏联领导人采取更开明的态度之前都是徒劳。我希望他们这样做。我相信我们可以帮助他们做到。但我也相信，我们必须重新审视自己的态度——作为个人，也作为国家——因为我们的态度与他们的态度同样关键。
And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward, by examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the cold war and towards freedom and peace here at home. 这所学校的每一位毕业生，每一位痛恨战争、希望带来和平的深思熟虑的公民，都应从内心开始，审视自己对和平可能性的态度、对苏联的态度、对冷战进程的态度，以及对国内自由与和平的态度。
First examine our attitude towards peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it is unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control. We need not accept that view. 首先，审视我们对和平本身的态度。我们之中太多人认为和平是不可能的。太多人认为和平是不真实的。但这是一种危险的、失败主义的信念。它会得出战争不可避免、人类注定灭亡、我们被无法掌控的力量所钳制的结论。我们无须接受这种看法。
Our problems are manmade; therefore, they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as he wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again. 人类的问题是人制造的，因此也可以由人来解决。人可以拥有他所希望的胸怀。人类命运的问题没有哪一个超越了人类自身的能力。人的理性与精神常常解决过看似无法解决的问题，我们相信他们能够再次做到。
I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal. 我所指的，并非某些幻想家和狂热者所梦想的那种绝对的、无限的普世和平与善意。我并不否认希望与梦想的价值，但若把这作为我们唯一且即刻的目标，只会招致沮丧与怀疑。
Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions -- on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. 让我们转而关注一种更务实、更可实现的和平——它不建立在人性的突然革命之上，而建立在人类制度的渐进演进之上，建立在一系列符合各方利益的具体行动和有效协议之上。
There is no single, simple key to this peace; no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process -- a way of solving problems. 这种和平没有单一、简单的钥匙；没有可由一两个大国采纳的宏大或神奇的公式。真正的和平必然是许多国家的产物，是许多行动的总和。它必须是动态的而非静态的，随每一代人的新挑战而变化。因为和平是一个过程——一种解决问题的方式。
With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. 在这样的和平之下，仍会有争吵和利益冲突，就像家庭和国家内部一样。世界和平，如同社区和平，并不要求每个人都爱邻如己，只要求他们相互宽容地生活在一起，将争端提交公正而和平的解决。
And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. So let us persevere. 历史告诉我们，国与国之间、人与人之间的仇恨并不会永远持续。无论我们的好恶看起来多么根深蒂固，时间与事件的潮流往往会给国与国、邻与邻之间的关系带来出人意料的变化。所以，让我们坚持不懈。
Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it. 和平不必是行不通的，战争也不必是不可避免的。通过更清晰地界定我们的目标，使其看起来更可驾驭、更不那么遥远，我们就能帮助所有人看见它、从中汲取希望，并不可抗拒地朝它迈进。
And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union. It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write. It is discouraging to read a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page, wholly baseless and incredible claims, 第二，让我们重新审视对苏联的态度。想到他们的领导人可能真的相信其宣传家所写的内容，就令人沮丧。读到最近一本权威的苏联军事战略著作，一页又一页全是毫无根据、难以置信的断言，令人沮丧——
such as the allegation that American imperialist circles are preparing to unleash different types of war, that there is a very real threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union, and that the political aims -- and I quote -- "of the American imperialists are to enslave economically and politically the European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means of aggressive war." 例如声称美国帝国主义集团正准备发动各种类型的战争，声称美国帝国主义分子对苏联发动预防性战争的危险非常真实，并声称——我引用原文——"美国帝国主义者的政治目的是在经济上和政治上奴役欧洲及其他资本主义国家，并通过侵略战争实现世界统治。"
Truly, as it was written long ago: "The wicked flee when no man pursueth." 诚如古语所言："恶人无人追赶亦逃跑。"
Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements, to realize the extent of the gulf between us. But it is also a warning, a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats. 然而，读到这些苏联言论，意识到我们之间的鸿沟之深，是令人悲伤的。但这也是一种警示——警示美国人民不要落入与苏联人相同的陷阱，不要只看到对方扭曲而绝望的形象，不要把冲突视为不可避免、和解视为不可能、沟通视为不过是威胁的交换。
No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage. 没有任何政府或社会制度邪恶到其人民可被认为缺乏美德。作为美国人，我们认为共产主义作为对个人自由与尊严的否定，是令人深恶痛绝的。但我们仍然可以为俄罗斯人民在科学和太空、在经济与工业增长、在文化、在英勇事迹方面所取得的众多成就而致敬。
Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War. 我们两国人民所共有的众多特质中，最强烈的莫过于对战争的共同厌恶。在世界大国中几乎独一无二的是，我们彼此从未交战。而在战争史上，没有哪个国家在二战中遭受的苦难超过苏联。
At least 20 million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and families were burned or sacked. A third of the nation's territory, including two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland -- a loss equivalent to the destruction of this country east of Chicago. 至少有两千万人失去了生命。数以百万计的家庭和家园被焚毁或洗劫。该国三分之一的领土——包括其三分之二的工业基础——化为废墟，这一损失相当于把美国芝加哥以东的一切都夷为平地。
Today, should total war ever break out again -- no matter how -- our two countries will be the primary target. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. 今天，倘若全面战争再次爆发——无论怎样爆发——我们两国都将是首要目标。一个具有讽刺意味但准确的事实是：最强大的两个国家恰恰是最有可能遭到毁灭的两个国家。我们所建设、所努力的一切，将在最初的24小时内被摧毁。
And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combat ignorance, poverty, and disease. 即便在冷战之中——它给包括我国最亲密盟友在内的许多国家带来负担与危险——我们两国也承受着最沉重的负担。因为我们双方都把巨额资金投入到武器之中，而这些资金本可以更好地用于对抗无知、贫困和疾病。
We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begetting counter-weapons. In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. 我们都陷入了恶性而危险的循环：一方的猜忌滋生另一方的猜忌，新武器催生反制武器。简而言之，美国及其盟国与苏联及其盟国，都对公正而真正的和平、对制止军备竞赛有着共同的深切利益。
Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours. And even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest. 符合此目的的协议既符合我国利益，也符合苏联利益。即便是最敌对的国家，也可以被信赖去接受并遵守那些符合其自身利益的条约义务，而且只遵守那些条约义务。
So let us not be blind to our differences, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. For in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's futures. And we are all mortal. 因此，让我们不要对彼此的分歧视而不见，但也让我们把注意力集中到共同利益上，以及那些能够解决分歧的手段上来。如果我们现在不能结束分歧，至少我们可以帮助使这个世界变得安全，让多样性得以存在。因为归根结底，我们最基本的共同纽带是，我们都居住在这个小小的星球上。我们都呼吸着同样的空气。我们都珍视孩子们的未来。我们都是凡人。
Third, let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering we're not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different. 第三，让我们重新审视对冷战的态度，记住我们并非在进行一场辩论、争夺辩论的得分。我们在此不是要分发指责或挥舞审判的指头。我们必须按世界的现状来对待它，而不是按过去18年的历史若有所不同本可能成为的样子。
We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace. 因此，我们必须在寻求和平中坚持不懈，怀着这样一种希望：共产主义阵营内部的建设性变化或许能使目前看似遥不可及的解决方案变得触手可及。我们必须以这样的方式处理我们的事务，使达成真正的和平成为共产主义者的利益所在。
And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy -- or of a collective death-wish for the world. 最重要的是，在捍卫自身重大利益的同时，核大国必须避免让对手陷入要么屈辱退却、要么诉诸核战争的抉择。在核时代采取那种做法，只能证明我们政策的破产——或证明一种集体的世界自毁愿望。
To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint. Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility. 为实现这些目标，美国的武器是非挑衅性的、受到精心控制、旨在威慑、并具备选择性使用能力。我们的军事力量致力于和平，并在自我克制中受训。我们的外交官被指示避免不必要的刺激和纯粹的言辞敌意。
For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard. And, for our part, we do not need to use threats to prove we are resolute. We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded. We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth. 因为我们可以在不放松警惕的同时寻求缓和紧张局势。而就我们而言，我们不需要用威胁来证明自己的坚定。我们不需要出于害怕信仰被侵蚀而干扰外国广播。我们不愿把我们的制度强加给任何不情愿的人民，但我们愿意并能够与地球上任何民族进行和平竞赛。
Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system -- a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished. 与此同时，我们寻求加强联合国，帮助解决其财务问题，使其成为更有效的和平工具，将其发展成一个真正的世界安全体系——一个能够基于法律解决争端、保障大国与小国安全、并为最终废除军备创造条件的体系。
At the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-Communist world, where many nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weaken Western unity, which invite Communist intervention, or which threaten to erupt into war. Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. 同时，我们寻求在非共产主义世界内部维护和平，那里许多国家——都是我们的朋友——在削弱西方团结、招致共产主义干预或可能爆发战争的问题上存在分歧。我们在西新几内亚、刚果、中东以及印度次大陆的努力，尽管受到两方面的批评，仍坚持不懈、不厌其烦。
We have also tried to set an example for others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and Canada. 我们还努力为他人树立榜样，通过与墨西哥和加拿大等最亲密的邻国调整小而重要的分歧。
Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by alliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests. 谈到其他国家，我希望澄清一点。我们与许多国家结有同盟。这些同盟之所以存在，是因为我们与它们的关切大体重叠。例如，我们对西欧和西柏林的防御承诺丝毫未减，因为我们的重大利益同出一源。
The United States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge. Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace. 美国绝不会以牺牲其他国家和其他民族为代价与苏联做交易，这不仅因为它们是我们的伙伴，也因为它们的利益与我们的利益趋同。然而，我们利益的趋同不仅在于捍卫自由的疆界，也在于追求和平的道路。
It is our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the Soviet Union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. For there can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured. 我们的希望，也是盟国政策的目的，是说服苏联：她也应让每个国家选择自己的未来，只要这种选择不干涉他人的选择。共产主义将其政治和经济制度强加于他人的企图，是当今世界紧张局势的主要根源。因为毫无疑问，如果所有国家都能克制不去干涉他人的自决，和平将得到更大保障。
This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new context for world discussions. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication. One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of others' actions which might occur at a time of crisis. 这将需要做出新的努力以实现世界法律，为世界讨论提供新的语境。这将需要苏联与我们之间增进理解。而增进理解需要增进接触与沟通。朝此方向迈出的一步，是建立莫斯科与华盛顿之间直通线路的拟议安排，以避免在危机时刻双方对彼此行动产生危险的延误、误解和误读。
We have also been talking in Geneva about our first-step measures of arms controls designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war. Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament, designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms. 我们还在日内瓦就旨在限制军备竞赛强度、降低意外战争风险的第一步军备控制措施进行了谈判。然而，我们在日内瓦的长期首要利益是全面彻底裁军，它被设计成分阶段进行，允许平行的政治发展以建立取代军备的和平新制度。
The pursuit of disarmament has been an effort of this Government since the 1920's. It has been urgently sought by the past three administrations. And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue this effort -- to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are. 裁军的追求自20世纪20年代起便是本国政府的努力。过去三届政府都曾迫切地追求过它。无论今天的前景多么黯淡，我们仍打算继续这一努力——继续下去，以便包括我国在内的所有国家都能更好地把握裁军的问题与可能性。
The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms. 这些谈判中唯一终局在望、却又急需重新启动的领域，是一项禁止核试验的条约。这样一项条约，既如此之近又如此之远，它的缔结将遏制军备竞赛在其最危险的领域之一的螺旋式上升。它将使核大国处于更有利的位置，以应对人类在1963年所面临的最大危险之一——核武器的进一步扩散。
It would increase our security; it would decrease the prospects of war. Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards. 它将增加我们的安全；它将降低战争的可能性。这个目标无疑重要到足以要求我们坚定不移地追求，既不屈服于放弃整个努力的诱惑，也不屈服于放弃对关键而负责的保障措施的坚持。
I'm taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard. First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking towards early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. 因此，我借此机会就此宣布两项重要决定。第一，赫鲁晓夫主席、麦克米伦首相和我已经商定，不久将在莫斯科开始高级别讨论，以期尽早就一项全面禁止核试验的条约达成协议。
Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history; but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind. Second, to make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on this matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so. We will not be the first to resume. 我们的希望必须以历史的审慎加以调和；但与我们的希望同行的，是全人类的希望。第二，为表明我们在此问题上的诚意与庄严信念，我现在宣布：只要其他国家不进行核试验，美国也不准备在大气层中进行核试验。我们不会率先恢复试验。
Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it. 这样的声明不能替代正式的、具有约束力的条约，但我希望它将有助于我们达成这样一项条约。这样一项条约也不会替代裁军，但我希望它将有助于我们实现裁军。
Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here at home. The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. We must show it in the dedication of our own lives -- as many of you who are graduating today will have an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home. 最后，我的美国同胞们，让我们审视对国内和平与自由的态度。我们自己社会的品质与精神，必须证明并支持我们在海外的努力。我们必须以自身生命的奉献来展示它——今天在座许多即将毕业的同学，将有机会通过在海外和平队或拟议中的国内国家服务队无薪服务来实现这一点。
But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together. In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete. It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government -- local, State, and National -- to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within our authority. 但无论我们身在何处，我们都必须在日常生活中践行那古老的信念：和平与自由相伴而行。在今天我们的许多城市中，和平并不稳固，因为自由尚不完整。各级政府——地方、州和全国——的行政部门，有责任在权限范围内以一切手段为所有公民提供并保护那种自由。
It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever the authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of others and respect the law of the land. 各级立法部门的责任，则在权限目前不够的地方使之充分。而本国之所有地区全体公民的责任，则是尊重他人的权利并尊重国家法律。
All this is not unrelated to world peace. "When a man's ways please the Lord," the Scriptures tell us, "He maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation; the right to breathe air as nature provided it; the right of future generations to a healthy existence? 这一切并非与世界和平无关。《圣经》告诉我们："人的道路若蒙主喜悦，主便使他的仇敌与他和好。"归根结底，和平难道不基本上是一项人权问题吗：不惧怕毁灭地度过一生的权利；呼吸大自然所赐予的空气的权利；后代子孙享有健康存在的权利。
While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion. 在我们捍卫国家利益的同时，也让我们捍卫人类利益。而消除战争与军备显然符合双方利益。任何条约，无论对各方多么有利，无论措辞多么严密，都无法提供绝对的安全以抵御欺骗与规避的风险。
But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement, and it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race. 但只要它在执行上足够有效，并且足够符合其签署者的利益，它就能比一场有增无减、不受控制、无法预测的军备竞赛提供多得多的安全、少得多的风险。
The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has already had enough -- more than enough -- of war and hate and oppression. 举世皆知，美国永远不会发动战争。我们不希望战争。我们现在也不预期战争。这一代美国人已经受够了——受够了战争、仇恨和压迫。
We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Confident and unafraid, we must labor on -- not towards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace. 如果别人愿意，我们将做好准备。我们将保持警惕，努力阻止它。但我们也将在建设一个弱者安全、强者公正的和平世界中尽我们的一份力量。在这项任务面前我们并非无能为力，对其成功也并非绝望。满怀信心、无所畏惧，我们必须继续前行——不是走向毁灭的战略，而是走向和平的战略。
