Thank you so much. Good afternoon. Bon après-midi. And guten tag. It is a great honor for me to be here in Europe, to be here in Strasbourg. I want to make just a few acknowledgements. I want to thank the President of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, for being such a terrific friend. I want to thank his wife, Madam Sarkozy. They just hosted us at the palace and could not have been more gracious. 非常感谢大家。下午好。Bon après-midi。Guten tag。能够来到欧洲，来到斯特拉斯堡，我深感荣幸。我想简单致谢几位。我要感谢法国总统尼古拉·萨科齐，他是如此出色的一位朋友。我要感谢他的夫人萨科齐女士。他们刚刚在宫殿里款待了我们，热情周到至极。
I want to thank the Charge d'Affaires, Mark Pekala, and his wife, Maria, who were helping to organize us; Vincent Carver, who's the Counsel General in Strasbourg. And I want to thank the Mayor of Strasbourg, Roland Ries, for his hospitality. 我要感谢代办马克·佩卡拉及其夫人玛丽亚，他们协助组织了此次活动；还要感谢驻斯特拉斯堡总领事文森特·卡弗。我要感谢斯特拉斯堡市长罗兰·里斯的热情款待。
It is wonderful to be here with all of you and to have an opportunity not only to speak to you but also to take some questions. You know, oftentimes during these foreign trips you see everything from behind a window, and what we thought was important was for me to have an opportunity to not only speak with you but also to hear from you, because that's ultimately how we can learn about each other. But before I take some questions, I hope you don't mind me making a few remarks about my country and yours; the relationship between the United States and the relationship between Europe. 能与各位在此相聚，不仅有机会向你们发表讲话，还能回答一些问题，我感到非常高兴。大家知道，在出访外国期间，我们常常只能透过车窗看到一切，而我们认为重要的是，我不仅要有机会与你们对话，也要倾听你们的声音，因为这终究是我们彼此了解的途径。但在回答问题之前，我希望各位不介意我就贵国与我国、美国与欧洲之间的关系发表几点看法。
Strasbourg has been known throughout history as a city at the crossroads. Over thousands of years, you straddled many kingdoms and many cultures. Two rivers are joined here. Two religions have flourished in your churches. Three languages comprise an ancient oath that bears the city's name. You served as a center of industry and commerce, a seat of government and education, where Goethe studied and Pasteur taught and Gutenberg imagined his printing press. 斯特拉斯堡在历史上一直以十字路口之城著称。数千年来，你们横跨诸多王国与文化。两条河流在此交汇。两种宗教在你们的教堂中繁荣发展。三种语言构成了以这座城市命名的一项古老誓言。你们曾是工业与商业中心、政府与教育中心，歌德在此求学，巴斯德在此执教，古腾堡在此构想出他的印刷机。
So it's fitting because we find ourselves at a crossroads as well -- all of us -- for we've arrived at a moment where each nation and every citizen must choose at last how we respond to a world that has grown smaller and more connected than at any time in its existence. 因此，我们同样身处十字路口，这恰如其分——我们所有人——因为我们已到达这样一个时刻：每个国家、每位公民都必须做出抉择，如何应对一个比以往任何时候都更小、更紧密相连的世界。
We've known for a long time that the revolutions in communications and technology that took place in the 20th century would hold out enormous promise for the 21st century -- the promise of broader prosperity and mobility; of new breakthroughs and discoveries that could help us lead richer and fuller lives. But the same forces that have brought us closer together have also given rise to new dangers that threaten to tear our world apart -- dangers that cannot be contained by the nearest border or the furthest ocean. 我们早就知道，20世纪发生的通信与技术革命将为21世纪带来巨大希望——更广泛繁荣与流动性的希望；新的突破与发现，能够帮助我们过上更丰富、更充实的生活。但将我们聚拢在一起的同样力量，也催生了威胁要撕裂我们世界的新危险——这些危险无法被最近的边界或最远的大洋所阻挡。
Even with the Cold War now over, the spread of nuclear weapons or the theft of nuclear material could lead to the extermination of any city on the planet. And this weekend in Prague, I will lay out an agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. 即便冷战已经结束，核武器的扩散或核材料的失窃仍可能导致地球上任何一座城市被毁灭。本周末在布拉格，我将提出一项议程，以寻求实现无核武器世界的目标。
We also know that the pollution from cars in Boston or from factories in Beijing are melting the ice caps in the Arctic, and that that will disrupt weather patterns everywhere. The terrorists who struck in London, in New York, plotted in distant caves and simple apartments much closer to your home. And the reckless speculation of bankers that has new fueled a global economic downturn that's inflicting pain on workers and families is happening everywhere all across the globe. 我们也知道，波士顿汽车的尾气或北京工厂的排放正在融化北极冰盖，这将扰乱各地的气候模式。在伦敦、纽约发动袭击的恐怖分子，是在遥远的洞穴和离你们家园更近的简陋公寓中策划的。银行家们的鲁莽投机已引发了一场全球经济衰退，使各地的工人和家庭饱受痛苦，这种情况遍布全球。
The economic crisis has proven the fact of our interdependence in the most visible way yet. Not more than a generation ago, it would have been difficult to imagine that the inability of somebody to pay for a house in Florida could contribute to the failure of the banking system in Iceland. Today what's difficult to imagine is that we did not act sooner to shape our future. 经济危机以最直观的方式证明了我们相互依存的事实。就在一代人之前，很难想象有人无法支付佛罗里达的一套房款，竟会导致冰岛银行体系的崩溃。如今难以想象的是，我们竟没有更早采取行动来塑造我们的未来。
Now, there's plenty of blame to go around for what has happened, and the United States certainly shares its -- shares blame for what has happened. But every nation bears responsibility for what lies ahead, especially now, for whether it's the recession or climate change, or terrorism, or drug trafficking, poverty, or the proliferation of nuclear weapons, we have learned that without a doubt there's no quarter of the globe that can wall itself off from the threats of the 21st century. 对于已经发生的一切，责任无处不在，美国当然也应当承担自己的责任。但每个国家都要为未来承担责任，尤其是现在，无论是经济衰退还是气候变化，是恐怖主义、毒品走私、贫困，还是核武器扩散，我们无疑已经认识到，地球上没有任何一个角落能够将自己与21世纪的威胁隔绝开来。
The one way forward -- the only way forward -- is through a common and persistent effort to combat fear and want wherever they exist. That is the challenge of our time -- and we can not fail to meet it, together. 前进的唯一途径——唯一的途径——是通过共同而持久的努力，在任何存在恐惧与匮乏的地方与之斗争。这是我们时代的挑战——我们不能无法共同应对这一挑战。
Now, we take for granted the peace of a Europe that's united, but for centuries Strasbourg has been attacked and occupied and claimed by the warring nations of this continent. Now, today in this city, the presence of the European Parliament and the Council of Europe stand as symbols of a Europe that is united peaceful and free. 如今，我们将一个统一的欧洲所享有的和平视为理所当然，但数个世纪以来，斯特拉斯堡一直被本大陆交战各国攻击、占领和争夺。而今天，在这座城市，欧洲议会和欧洲理事会的存在，象征着欧洲的统一、和平与自由。
Now, we take this peace and prosperity for granted, but this destination was not easily reached, nor was it predestined. The buildings that are now living monuments to European unity were not drawn from simple blueprints. They were born out of the blood of the first half of the 20th century and the resolve of the second. Men and women had to have the imagination to see a better future, and the courage to reach for it. Europeans and Americans had to have the sense of common purpose to join one another, and the patience and the persistence to see a long twilight struggle through. 如今，我们将这种和平与繁荣视为理所当然，但这一目标的实现并非易事，也非命中注定。那些如今成为欧洲统一丰碑的建筑，并非出自简单的蓝图。它们诞生于20世纪前半叶的鲜血和后半叶的决心。男男女女必须有想象力去预见更美好的未来，并有勇气去追求它。欧洲人和美国人必须有共同目标的意识，彼此携手，并有耐心和毅力将一场漫长的艰苦斗争坚持到底。
It was 61 years ago this April that a Marshall Plan to rebuild Europe helped to deliver hope to a continent that had been decimated by war. Amid the ashes and the rubble that surrounded so many cities like this one, America joined with you in an unprecedented effort that secured a lasting prosperity not just in Europe, but around the world -- on both sides of the Atlantic. 正是在61年前的4月，一项重建欧洲的马歇尔计划帮助为一个被战争蹂躏的大陆带来了希望。在环绕着许多像斯特拉斯堡这样的城市的废墟与瓦砾中，美国与你们一道，以前所未有的努力确保了持久的繁荣——不仅在欧洲，而且遍及全世界——遍及大西洋两岸。
One year later, exactly 60 years ago tomorrow, we ensured our shared security when 12 of our nations signed a treaty in Washington that spelled out a simple agreement: An attack on one would be viewed as an attack on all. Without firing a single shot, this Alliance would prevent the Iron Curtain from descending on the free nations of Western Europe. It would lead eventually to the crumbling of a wall in Berlin and the end of the Communist threat. 一年后，恰好是60年前的明天，当12个我国在华盛顿签署了一项条约，阐明了一个简单的协议：对一国的攻击将被视为对全体的攻击，我们由此确保了共同安全。这支联盟不费一枪一弹，就阻止了铁幕降临到西欧自由国家头上。它最终导致了柏林一堵墙的倒塌和共产主义威胁的终结。
Two decades later, with 28 member nations that stretched from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, NATO remains the strongest alliance that the world has ever known. 二十年后，拥有28个成员国、从波罗的海延伸到地中海的北约，仍然是世界有史以来最强大的联盟。
At the crossroads where we stand today, this shared history gives us hope -- but it must not give us rest. This generation cannot stand still. We cannot be content merely to celebrate the achievements of the 20th century, or enjoy the comforts of the 21st century; we must learn from the past to build on its success. We must renew our institutions, our alliances. We must seek the solutions to the challenges of this young century. 在我们今天所处的十字路口，这段共同历史给了我们希望——但它不能让我们安于现状。这一代人不能停滞不前。我们不能仅仅满足于庆祝20世纪的成就，或享受21世纪的舒适；我们必须从过去学习，在其成功基础上再创辉煌。我们必须更新我们的机构和联盟。我们必须寻求解决这个年轻世纪所面临挑战的方案。
This is our generation. This is our time. And I am confident that we can meet any challenge as long as we are together. 这是我们的时代。这是我们的时刻。我相信，只要我们团结一致，就能应对任何挑战。
Such an effort is never easy. It's always harder to forge true partnerships and sturdy alliances than to act alone, or to wait for the action of somebody else. It's more difficult to break down walls of division than to simply allow our differences to build and our resentments to fester. So we must be honest with ourselves. In recent years we've allowed our Alliance to drift. I know that there have been honest disagreements over policy, but we also know that there's something more that has crept into our relationship. 这样的努力从来都不容易。缔结真正的伙伴关系和稳固的联盟，总是比单独行动或等待他人行动更难。打破隔阂之墙，比任由分歧加深和怨恨发酵更难。因此，我们必须对自己坦诚。近年来，我们任由联盟关系漂移。我知道在政策上存在诚实的分歧，但我们也知道，我们的关系中已悄然滋生了某种更深层的东西。
In America, there's a failure to appreciate Europe's leading role in the world. Instead of celebrating your dynamic union and seeking to partner with you to meet common challenges, there have been times where America has shown arrogance and been dismissive, even derisive. 在美国，人们未能充分认识欧洲在世界上的主导作用。美国非但没有为你们充满活力的联盟感到欣喜并寻求与你们合作以应对共同挑战，反而有时表现出傲慢、轻蔑甚至嘲弄。
But in Europe, there is an anti-Americanism that is at once casual but can also be insidious. Instead of recognizing the good that America so often does in the world, there have been times where Europeans choose to blame America for much of what's bad. 但在欧洲，也存在一种反美情绪，它既漫不经心，又可能暗藏祸心。欧洲人非但没有承认美国在世界上的诸多善举，反而有时选择将许多坏事归咎于美国。
On both sides of the Atlantic, these attitudes have become all too common. They are not wise. They do not represent the truth. They threaten to widen the divide across the Atlantic and leave us both more isolated. They fail to acknowledge the fundamental truth that America cannot confront the challenges of this century alone, but that Europe cannot confront them without America. 在大西洋两岸，这些态度已变得过于普遍。它们是不明智的。它们不代表真相。它们威胁要扩大跨大西洋的鸿沟，使我们双方都更加孤立。它们未能承认一个基本事实：美国无法独自应对本世纪的挑战，但欧洲没有美国也无法应对。
So I've come to Europe this week to renew our partnership, one in which America listens and learns from our friends and allies, but where our friends and allies bear their share of the burden. Together, we must forge common solutions to our common problems. 因此，我本周来到欧洲，是为了重振我们的伙伴关系——在这一伙伴关系中，美国倾听并向朋友和盟友学习，而我们的朋友和盟友也承担起他们应尽的负担。我们必须共同为共同的问题找到共同的解决方案。
So let me say this as clearly as I can: America is changing, but it cannot be America alone that changes. We are confronting the greatest economic crisis since World War II. The only way to confront this unprecedented crisis is through unprecedented coordination. 因此，让我尽可能清楚地说：美国正在改变，但不能仅仅由美国一家改变。我们正面临着二战以来最严重的经济危机。应对这一前所未有的危机，唯一途径就是通过前所未有的协调。
Over the last few days, I believe that we have begun that effort. The G20 summit in London was a success of nations coming together, working out their differences, and moving boldly forward. All of us are moving aggressively to restore growth and lending. All of us have agreed to the most substantial overhaul of our international financial system in a generation. No one is exempt. No more will the world's financial players be able to make risky bets at the expense of ordinary people. Those days are over. 在过去几天里，我相信我们已开始了这一努力。伦敦G20峰会是各国团结一致、化解分歧、大胆前进的成功典范。我们所有人都在积极行动，以恢复增长和信贷。我们所有人都已同意对我们这一代的国际金融体系进行最实质性的改革。没有人可以例外。世界的金融玩家再也不能以牺牲普通人利益为代价进行冒险押注。那样的日子一去不复返了。
We are ushering a new era of responsibility, and that is something we should all be proud of. 我们正在开启一个责任的新时代，这是我们所有人都应引以为豪的。
As we take these steps, we also affirm that we must not erect new barriers to commerce; that trade wars have no victors. We can't give up on open markets, even as we work to ensure that trade is both free and fair. We cannot forget how many millions that trade has lifted out of poverty and into the middle class. We can't forget that part of the freedom that our nations stood for throughout the Cold War was the opportunity that comes from free enterprise and individual liberty. 在采取这些步骤的同时，我们也申明不得设置新的贸易壁垒；贸易战没有赢家。我们不能放弃开放市场，同时也要努力确保贸易既自由又公平。我们不能忘记贸易已使数以百万计的人摆脱贫困、步入中产阶级。我们不能忘记，在冷战期间我国所捍卫的自由中，有一部分是来自自由企业和个人自由的机会。
I know it can be tempting to turn inward, and I understand how many people and nations have been left behind by the global economy. And that's why the United States is leading an effort to reach out to people around the world who are suffering, to provide them immediate assistance and to extend support for food security that will help them lift themselves out of poverty. 我知道，转向内向是很有诱惑力的，我也理解有多少人和国家被全球经济甩在了后面。正因如此，美国正在牵头一项努力，向世界各地受苦受难的人们伸出援手，为他们提供即时援助，并扩展对粮食安全的支持，帮助他们摆脱贫困。
All of us must join together in this effort, not just because it is right, but because by providing assistance to those countries most in need, we will provide new markets, we will drive the growth of the future that lifts all of us up. So it's not just charity; it's a matter of understanding that our fates are tied together -- not just the fate of Europe and America, but the fate of the entire world. 我们所有人都必须参与这一努力，不仅因为这是正确的，更因为通过援助那些最需要的国家，我们将开拓新的市场，推动未来的增长，使我们所有人受益。因此，这不仅是慈善；更是一种理解——我们的命运紧密相连——不仅是欧洲和美国的命运，而是整个世界的命运。
And as we restore our common prosperity, we must stand up for our common security. As we meet here today, NATO has still embarked on its first mission overseas in Afghanistan, and my Administration has just completed a review of our policy in that region. 在恢复共同繁荣的同时，我们必须捍卫共同安全。就在我们今天齐聚于此之际，北约仍在阿富汗执行其首次海外任务，我国政府刚刚完成了对该地区政策的评估。
Now, I understand that this war has been long. Our allies have already contributed greatly to this endeavor. You've sent your sons and daughters to fight alongside ours, and we honor and respect their service and sacrifice. 我理解这场战争已经持续了很长时间。我们的盟友已为此作出了巨大贡献。你们派你们的子女与我们的子女并肩作战，我们尊重并敬仰他们的奉献与牺牲。
And I also know that there's some who have asked questions about why are we still in Afghanistan? What does this mean? What's its purpose? Understand we would not deploy our own troops if this mission was not indispensable to our common security. As President, I can tell you there's no decision more difficult, there's no duty more painful, than signing a letter to the family of somebody who has died in war. 我也知道，有些人提出了疑问：我们为什么还在阿富汗？这意味着什么？其目的何在？请理解，如果这一使命对我们的共同安全不是不可或缺的，我们就不会派遣自己的军队。作为总统，我可以告诉你们，没有比签署一封给阵亡将士家属的慰问信更艰难的决定，也没有比这更痛苦的职责。
So I understand that there is doubt about this war in Europe. There's doubt at times even in the United States. But know this: The United States of America did not choose to fight a war in Afghanistan. We were attacked by an al Qaeda network that killed thousands on American soil, including French and Germans. Along the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan, those terrorists are still plotting today. And they're -- if there is another al Qaeda attack, it is just as likely, if not more, that it will be here in Europe in a European city. 因此，我理解欧洲对这场战争存在疑虑。甚至在美国本土，有时也会出现疑虑。但请明白：美利坚合众国并非主动选择在阿富汗开战。我们遭到了基地组织网络的袭击，他们在美国领土上杀害了数千人，其中包括法国人和德国人。在阿富汗和巴基斯坦边境，那些恐怖分子至今仍在策划阴谋。如果基地组织再次发动袭击，它同样有可能——甚至更有可能——发生在欧洲的一座城市。
So I've made a commitment to Afghanistan, and I've asked our NATO partners for more civilian and military support and assistance. We do this with a clear purpose: to root out the terrorists who threaten all of us, to train the Afghan people to sustain their own security and to help them advance their own opportunity, and to quicken the day when our troops come home. 因此，我对阿富汗作出了承诺，并已请求北约伙伴提供更多文职和军事支持与协助。我们这样做有着明确的目的：铲除威胁我们所有人的恐怖分子，训练阿富汗人民维持自身安全，帮助他们推进自身机遇，并加速我们军队回国的日子。
We have no interest in occupying Afghanistan. We have more than enough to do in rebuilding America. But this is a mission that tests whether nations can come together in common purpose on behalf of our common security. That's what we did together in the 20th century. And now we need an alliance that is even stronger than when it brought down a mighty wall in Berlin. 我们对占领阿富汗没有兴趣。我们在重建美国方面已经有足够多的事情要做。但这是一项考验各国能否为共同安全而团结一致的使命。这正是我们在20世纪共同做到的。如今，我们需要一支比推倒柏林墙时更加强大的联盟。
That's why we applaud France's decision to expand and deepen its participation in NATO, just as we support a strong European defense. That's why we welcome Croatia and Albania into the fold. And that is why we must ensure that NATO is equipped and capable of facing down the threats and challenges of this new age. This is one of our central tasks. 正因如此，我们赞赏法国扩大和深化参与北约的决定，正如我们支持强大的欧洲防务一样。正因如此，我们欢迎克罗地亚和阿尔巴尼亚加入联盟。也正因如此，我们必须确保北约有能力应对这个新时代的威胁与挑战。这是我们的核心任务之一。
And we also know that in the 21st century, security is more complex than military power. This is the generation that must also stop the spread of the pollution that is slowly killing our planet, from shrinking coastlines and devastating storms to widespread misery and famine and drought. The effects of climate change are now in plain sight. 我们也知道，在21世纪，安全比军事力量更为复杂。这一代人还必须阻止正在慢慢扼杀我们星球的污染蔓延，从不断退缩的海岸线、毁灭性的风暴，到广泛的苦难、饥荒和干旱。气候变化的影响如今已清晰可见。
Europe has acted with a seriousness of purpose that this challenge demands. And in the last few months I'm proud to say that America has begun to take unprecedented steps to transform the way that we use energy. We appointed a special envoy to help us lead a global effort to reduce the carbon that we send in the atmosphere. 欧洲以这一挑战所需的严肃态度采取了行动。在过去几个月里，我自豪地说，美国已开始采取前所未有的步骤，改变我们使用能源的方式。我们任命了一位特使，帮助我们领导一项减少向大气中排放碳的全球努力。
But we all know that time is running out. And that means that America must do more. Europe must do more. China and India must do more. Rolling back the tide of a warming planet is a responsibility that we have to ourselves, to our children, and all of those who will inherit God's creation long after we are gone. So let us meet that responsibility together. I am confident that we can meet it. But we have to begin today. 但我们都知道时间已经不多了。这意味着美国必须做得更多。欧洲必须做得更多。中国和印度必须做得更多。遏制全球变暖的浪潮，是我们对自己、对我们的孩子、以及对所有在我们离去很久之后将继承上帝所造之物的人们的责任。因此，让我们共同承担这一责任。我相信我们能够做到。但我们必须从今天开始。
And let us resolve that when future generations look back on ours, they will be able to say that we did our part to make this world more peaceful. 让我们下定决心，当后代回望我们这一代时，他们能够说，我们尽了自己的一份力量，使这个世界更加和平。
It's perhaps the most difficult work of all to resolve age-old conflicts, to heal ancient hatreds, to dissolve the lines of suspicion between religions and cultures, and people who may not look like us, or have the same faith that we do, or come from the same place. But just because it's difficult does not make the work any less important. It does not absolve us from trying. 化解古老的冲突、弥合亘古的仇恨、消除宗教与文化之间、以及与那些外貌、信仰或出身与我们不同的人们之间的猜疑隔阂，这或许是最为艰难的工作。但正因为困难，并不意味着这项工作就不重要。它不能免除我们尝试的责任。
And to that end, America will sustain our effort to forge and secure a lasting peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians. I've sent a clear message to the leaders and peoples of Iran that while we have real differences, we also have mutual interests, and we seek new engagement based on mutual respect. And it is in that spirit that America and Europe must reach out to the vast majority of Muslims in our nations and in all nations. We seek only hope of peace and partnership, and the opportunity of a better life. 为此，美国将坚持努力，促成以色列人与巴勒斯坦人之间达成持久和平。我已向伊朗领导人和人民发出明确信息：尽管我们存在真实分歧，但也有共同利益，我们寻求在相互尊重基础上的新接触。正是本着这种精神，美国和欧洲必须向我们各国和所有国家中绝大多数的穆斯林伸出援手。我们只寻求和平与伙伴关系的希望，以及更美好生活的机遇。
We cannot simply solve these conflicts militarily. We have to open our minds and we have to open our hearts to the differences among us and the commonalities between us. With every threat that we face, a new day is possible. We can't get there alone. As it was in the darkest days after World War II, when a continent lay in ruins and an atomic cloud had settled over the world, we must make the journey together. 我们不能仅仅用军事手段解决这些冲突。我们必须敞开思想，敞开心灵，面对我们之间的差异和我们之间的共同点。面对我们遭遇的每一次威胁，新的一天都有可能到来。我们无法独自抵达那里。正如二战后最黑暗的日子里，当欧洲大陆沦为废墟、原子弹的阴云笼罩世界之时，我们必须共同前行。
We know that transformational change is possible. We know this because of three reasons: First, because, for all our differences, there are certain values that bind us together and reveal our common humanity: the universal longing to live a life free from fear, and free from want; a life marked by dignity and respect and simple justice. 我们知道，变革性的改变是可能的。我们知道这一点，有三个原因：首先，尽管我们存在分歧，但某些价值观将我们联系在一起，揭示了我们共同的人性：对免于恐惧、免于匮乏生活的普遍渴望；一种以尊严、尊重和朴素正义为标志的生活。
Our two republics were founded in service of these ideals. In America, it is written into our founding documents as "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." In France: "Liberté" -- absolutely -- "egalité, fraternité." Our moral authority is derived from the fact that generations of our citizens have fought and bled to uphold these values in our nations and others. 我们两个共和国都是在服务于这些理想的基础上建立的。在美国，它被写入我们的建国文献，即"生命、自由和追求幸福"。在法国，则是"自由"——当然——"平等、博爱"。我们的道德权威来自于这样的事实：一代又一代公民在我们国家和其他国家为捍卫这些价值观而战斗流血。
And that's why we can never sacrifice them for expedience's sake. That's why I've ordered the closing of the detention center in Guantanamo Bay. That's why I can stand here today and say without equivocation or exception that the United States of America does not and will not torture. 正因如此，我们绝不能为权宜之计而牺牲它们。正因如此，我已下令关闭关塔那摩湾拘留中心。正因如此，我今天能站在这里，毫无含糊、毫无例外地说，美利坚合众国不施行、也不会施行酷刑。
The second way that we can turn challenge into opportunity is through our persistence in the face of difficulty. In an age of instant gratification, it's tempting to believe that every problem can and should be solved in the span of a week. When these problems aren't solved, we conclude that our efforts to solve them must have been in vain. But that's not how progress is made. Progress is slow. It comes in fits and starts, because we try and we fail and then we try something else. And when there are setbacks and disappointments we keep going. 我们能将挑战转化为机遇的第二种途径，是在困难面前坚持不懈。在一个追求即时满足的时代，人们很容易相信每个问题都能够在短短一周内得到解决。当这些问题未被解决时，我们就得出结论，认为我们解决问题的努力一定徒劳无功。但进步并非如此产生。进步是缓慢的。它断断续续地到来，因为我们尝试、失败，然后再尝试其他方法。当遭遇挫折和失望时，我们继续前行。
We hold firm to our core values, and we hold firm to our faith in one another. 我们坚守我们的核心价值观，我们坚守对彼此的信念。
The third reason we know that we can change this world is because of men and women like the young people who are here today. Each time we find ourselves at a crossroads, paralyzed by worn debates and stale thinking, the old ways of doing things, a new generation rises up and shows the way forward. As Robert Kennedy once told a crowd of students in South Africa, "It is a revolutionary world that we live in, and thus, it is young people who must take the lead." Because young people are unburdened by the biases or prejudices of the past. That is a great privilege of youth. 我们知道自己能够改变这个世界的第三个原因，是因为像今天在场的年轻人这样的男男女女。每当我们身处十字路口，被陈旧的辩论和僵化的思维、被旧有的行事方式所困时，新一代人就会崛起并指明前进的方向。正如罗伯特·肯尼迪曾在南非对一群学生所说："我们生活在一个革命性的世界里，因此，必须由年轻人来带头。"因为年轻人不受过去偏见或成见的束缚。这是青春的一大特权。
But it's also a tremendous responsibility because it is you who must ultimately decide what we do with this incredible moment in history. 但这同样是一项巨大的责任，因为最终必须由你们来决定，我们如何对待这个历史性的非凡时刻。
We just emerged from an era marked by irresponsibility, and it would be easy to choose the path of selfishness or apathy, of blame or division. But that is a danger that we cannot afford. The challenges are too great. It is a revolutionary world that we live in, and history shows us that we can do improbable, sometimes impossible things. We stand here in a city that used to stand at the center of European conflict; only now it is the center of European union. We did that together. Now we must not give up on one another. We must renew this relationship for a new generation, in a new century. 我们刚刚从一个以不负责任为标志的时代走出，很容易选择自私或冷漠、指责或分裂的道路。但那是我们无法承受的危险。挑战太过严峻。我们生活在一个革命性的世界里，历史向我们表明，我们能够做到看似不太可能、有时甚至是不可思议的事情。我们站在这座城市，它曾经是欧洲冲突的中心；如今它却是欧洲联盟的中心。这是我们共同做到的。现在我们绝不能放弃彼此。我们必须在新世纪为新一代人更新这一关系。
We must hold firm to our common values, hold firm to our faith in one another. Together, I'm confident that we can achieve the promise of a new day. 我们必须坚守我们的共同价值观，坚守对彼此的信念。我相信，只要团结一致，我们就能够实现新一天的承诺。
Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you very much. 非常感谢。谢谢。非常感谢。
Please, everybody have a seat. So the way this works -- do we have microphones in the audience? Yes? So just raise your hand if you want a question, and I will call on you. I think we have some translators. If you want to speak French and German, my French and German are terrible. But we have people who speak very good French and very good German who will translate your question, and translate my answer. And I will try to get as many questions as I can get in, in the remaining 20 minutes or so that we have. 请各位就坐。那么，是这样的——观众席里有麦克风吗？有吗？想提问的请举手，我会点你。我想我们有一些翻译。如果你想用法语或德语发言，我的法语和德语很糟糕。但我们有能讲流利法语和德语的人，他们会翻译你的问题，也会翻译我的回答。在我们剩下的20分钟左右时间里，我会尽可能多地回答问题。
And I will start with this young lady right here. Yes, you, right there. Please introduce yourself. 我就从这位年轻女士开始。对，就是你。请自我介绍一下。
QUESTION: [Inaudible] 提问：[听不清]
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Hold on, I can't hear you yet. Can -- Can...we increase the sound on the mic? Let's try again. 奥巴马总统：等一下，我还听不到你。能不能……能不能把麦克风的声音调大一点？我们再来一次。
QUESTION: Hi, Mr. President. My name is Nicole Martensen [phonetic] . I'm originally from San Francisco, but I'm currently living -- living in Germany. 提问：总统先生您好。我叫妮可·马滕森（音译）。我原籍旧金山，但目前我住在——住在德国。
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Oh, I called -- now, I just want to say I did not call on the American on purpose. So -- 奥巴马总统：哦，我点了——现在，我只想说明一下，我并不是故意点这位美国人的。所以——
QUESTION: Sorry, I'm technically half German, if that makes anyone feel better. I know, or I believe I understand that the infamous "hundred day mark" is coming -- a measure which no one probably wants to be judged by, because who wants their entire life judged by the first hundred days of your job? I would ask you, Mr. President, if we could look forward and envision the future, and I would like to know what you envision your legacy or the legacy of your Administration to be when your presidency is over. 提问：抱歉，从技术上说我也有一半德国血统，如果这能让大家心里好受些的话。我知道，或者说我相信我了解，那个臭名昭著的"百日标记"就要到了——这是一种大概谁也不想用来衡量自己的标尺，因为谁愿意自己的一生被工作的头一百天来评判呢？总统先生，我想请您展望未来，构想一下未来，我想知道，当您的总统任期结束时，您设想您本人或您本届政府的政治遗产会是什么。
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, after only two months, that's kind of a big question. But here's what I would like to see. And, look, you aim high knowing that you'll make mistakes and sometimes you'll fall short. 奥巴马总统：嗯，才过了两个月，这个问题问得有点大。但下面就是我希望看到的。而且，要知道，目标要定得高，明知自己会犯错，有时会力不从心。
Number one, my first task is to restore the economy of the United States, but, in concert with other nations, to restore global economic growth. That's my number one task, because we are going through the worst crisis since the 1930s. 第一，我的首要任务是恢复美国经济，但同时也要与其他国家协同，恢复全球经济增长。这是我的头号任务，因为我们正在经历自20世纪30年代以来最严重的危机。
That means that not only do we have to fix the banking system, put common-sense regulations in place to prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again, making sure that we are keeping trade relationships between countries open -- but it also means helping developing countries and poor countries who, through no fault of their own, have been devastated by this crisis, and if we allow them to collapse will ultimately be a drag on our ability to prosper. 这意味着，我们不仅要修复银行体系，制定常识性的监管措施以防止此类危机再次发生，确保各国之间的贸易关系保持开放——而且还要帮助那些因这次危机而遭受重创的发展中国家和贫困国家，他们并无过错，但如果我们任由他们崩溃，最终将拖累我们自身繁荣的能力。
Emerging markets have actually been the drivers of economic growth over the last several years. If we can get millions of Chinese to prosper, that is ultimately good for us. If we can get all the Indians in poverty to suddenly be able to buy a refrigerator or send their children to college, that will raise everybody's living standards, because those will be enormous new markets for all of us. 实际上，新兴市场在过去几年里一直是经济增长的引擎。如果我们能让数以亿计的中国人富裕起来，那最终对我们也有好处。如果我们能让所有处于贫困中的印度人突然买得起冰箱，或供得起孩子上大学，那将提高所有人的生活水平，因为对我们所有人来说，那些都将是巨大的新市场。
So what I want to be able to do is not only fix the immediate crisis, but, working in partnership with other countries, create a path for sustainable, responsible growth. And I think we can do that. There are a lot of people who benefit from globalization, but there are also people who have been harmed by globalization. Globalization in and of itself can be good, but can also be destructive. 因此，我希望能够做到的，不仅是解决眼前的危机，还要与其他国家合作，开创一条可持续、负责任的增长之路。我认为我们能做到这一点。有很多人从全球化中受益，但也有人被全球化所伤害。全球化本身可以是好事，但也可能具有破坏性。
If we create the right framework so that what happened in the banking system can't happen again, then globalization can be good for everybody and lift everybody's living standards up. And by the way, history has shown us that we are most vulnerable to war and conflict when people are desperate economically. And nobody knows that history more than Europe. 如果我们建立正确的框架，使银行体系发生的事情不再重演，那么全球化就能造福所有人，提高所有人的生活水平。顺便说一句，历史表明，当人们经济上陷入绝望时，我们最容易受到战争和冲突的侵袭。这一点没有哪个地方比欧洲更清楚。
So that would be number one. Number two is I would like to be able to say that as a consequence of my work, that we drastically lessened the threat of not only terrorism but also nuclear terrorism. And we can't reduce the threat of a nuclear weapon going off unless those who possess the most nuclear weapons -- the United States and Russia -- take serious steps to actually reduce our stockpiles. 这是第一点。第二点，我希望能说，作为我工作的成果，我们大幅降低了恐怖主义的威胁，尤其是核恐怖主义的威胁。如果不削减核武器，我们就无法降低核武器引爆的威胁——除非拥有最多核武器的国家，即美国和俄罗斯，采取切实步骤真正削减我们的核武库。
So we are going to -- so we want to pursue that vigorously in the years ahead. And I had a excellent meeting with President Medvedev of Russia to get started that process of reducing our nuclear stockpiles, which will then give us greater moral authority to say to Iran, don't develop a nuclear weapon; to say to North Korea, don't proliferate nuclear weapons. 因此我们将——所以我们将在未来几年大力推动此事。我与俄罗斯总统梅德韦杰夫举行了一次很好的会晤，启动了削减我们核武库的进程，这将使我们拥有更大的道德权威去对伊朗说，不要发展核武器；去对朝鲜说，不要扩散核武器。
In my own country, what I think is very important is that we finally get a health care system that is reliable and cost-effective. That's something that -- you know, that's a social safety net that exits in almost all of Europe that doesn't exist in the United States. You have millions of people who work hard every single day, but if they get sick they could potentially lose everything. And in a country as wealthy as ours, that's not acceptable to me. 在我国国内，我认为非常重要的一点是，我们最终要建立一个可靠且具有成本效益的医疗保障体系。这是——你们知道，这是一种几乎存在于所有欧洲国家的社会安全网，但在美国并不存在。你们有数以百万计的人每天辛勤工作，但如果他们生病，就有可能失去一切。在像我们这样富裕的国家里，这对我来说是无法接受的。
So we are going to work hard to make sure that we have a health care system that won't be identical to what you have in Europe -- each country has its own traditions and approaches -- but that provides people quality, affordable, accessible health care. 因此，我们将努力确保拥有一个医疗保障体系——它不会与欧洲的体系完全相同——每个国家都有自己的传统和方法——但它将为人民提供高质量、负担得起、可及的医疗服务。
And then, I would like to see us in the United States take the lead on a new approach to energy -- because none of the developed countries are going to be able to sustain their growth if we don't start using energy differently, and the world cannot survive all countries using energy in the same ways that we use it. 然后，我希望看到美国在能源问题上带头采取一种新方法——因为如果我们不开始以不同的方式使用能源，没有任何发达国家能够维持其增长；而如果所有国家都像我们这样使用能源，世界也无法生存。
I was meeting with the Indian Prime Minister yesterday after the summit -- a very good and wise man, Prime Minister Singh -- and he was talking about how Indian growth rates have gone up 9 percent every year. They need to grow at that pace in order to bring hundreds of millions of people in their country out of abject poverty, desperate poverty. They have to grow at a rapid pace. 昨天峰会之后，我会见了印度总理——他是一位非常贤明的智者，辛格总理——他谈到印度增长率如何达到每年9%。他们需要以这样的速度增长，才能使该国数以亿计的人口摆脱赤贫、绝望的贫困。他们必须以快速的速度增长。
Now, he actually is committed to working towards dealing with the climate change issue, but he made a very simple point, which is a point that I understood before the meeting and all of us should not forget -- and that is that you cannot expect poor countries, or relatively poor countries, to be partners with us on climate change if we are not taking the lead, given that our carbon footprint is many times more than theirs per capita. 现在，他实际上致力于应对气候变化问题，但他提出了一个非常简单的观点，这个观点我在会前就理解了，我们所有人都不应忘记——那就是，你不能指望贫困国家，或相对贫困的国家，在气候变化问题上与我们合作，如果我们不带头的话，因为我们的人均碳足迹是他们的许多倍。
I mean, each one of us in the developed world, I don't care how environmentally conscious you are, how green you are -- I'm sure there are some green folks here -- 我的意思是，我们发达世界的每一个人，不管你多么有环保意识，多么"绿色"——我敢肯定这里就有些"绿色"人士——
QUESTION: Yes! 提问：是的！
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes! I don't care how green you are, you are -- you have a much bigger carbon footprint than the average Indian, or the average person from China. And so we in developed countries then -- it's critical for us to lead by example by becoming more energy efficient, and we also have to harness technology and shared scientific breakthroughs in order to find more sustainable energy patterns. 奥巴马总统：是的！不管你多么"绿色"，你——你的碳足迹比普通的印度人，或普通的中国人要大得多。因此，我们发达国家——以身作则，提高能源效率，至关重要；我们还必须利用技术和共享的科学突破，以找到更可持续的能源模式。
Now, I've got other things that I want to do, but that's a pretty long list. Let me go on to a few more questions. 好了，我还有其他想做的事，但那已经是一份相当长的清单了。让我继续回答几个问题。
All right, now, I know there's some other Americans in the crowd. But do me a favor, Americans, wait till we get back home and I'll do a town hall there -- because I want to hear from my French and German and European friends. All right. And -- wait, wait, wait -- this gentleman right here in the glasses. 好了，现在，我知道人群中还有其他美国人。但帮个忙，各位美国人，等到我们回国后我会举行一次市政厅会议——因为我想听听我的法国、德国和欧洲朋友的意见。好了。还有——等等，等等，等等——这位戴眼镜的先生。
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. President. I'm a student from Heidelberg, Germany, and -- my mother tongue is German, but my French is not good enough, so I ask my question in English. 提问：谢谢您，总统先生。我是来自德国海德堡的学生——我的母语是德语，但我的法语不够好，所以我用英语提问。
You mentioned in your speech that we are a lucky generation. We live in peace, we live in democracies and free states, and we really -- we are very pleased to have this situation in Europe. But this is not the case all over the world, even not in Europe. Look to Belarus, for example; there's an autocratic regime. 您在演讲中提到，我们这一代人是幸运的一代。我们生活在和平之中，我们生活在民主和自由的国家里，我们确实——我们对欧洲的这种状况感到非常欣慰。但并非全世界都是如此，甚至欧洲也并非全部如此。比如看看白俄罗斯；那里有一个专制政权。
And so my question concerns the many children all over the world that live in poverty, under human rights violation. They have hunger, they have no education, and other problems. So what is your strategy, Mr. President, to solve this problem? 所以我的问题关乎全世界数以百万计生活在贫困之中、遭受人权侵犯的儿童。他们忍饥挨饿，没有受教育的机会，还有其他种种问题。那么，总统先生，您解决这个问题战略是什么？
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, it's an excellent question, and the -- first of all, I think one of the things that we should be very proud of from the G20 summit yesterday was that we made a significant commitment to additional resources through the IMF and other mechanisms to provide assistance to emerging markets and poor countries that, as I said, are bearing the burden of a collapse in the financial system that they had nothing to do with. 奥巴马总统：嗯，这是一个很好的问题。首先，我认为我们应当引以为豪的一件事是，在昨天的G20峰会上，我们作出了重大承诺，通过国际货币基金组织和其他机制向新兴市场和贫困国家提供额外资源援助，正如我所说，这些国家正在承担与他们毫无关系的金融体系崩溃所带来的负担。
The problem is so many of these countries had export-oriented markets, and when the economies contracted in our developing nations, it made them extremely vulnerable. You know, you have a country like Botswana, which is actually a well-managed country that has made enormous progress, but their main revenue generator is diamond sales, and they have literally seen the diamond market collapse -- in part because they couldn't get trade financing, in part because the demand in developed countries has dropped off. So we started to make progress there. 问题在于，这些国家中许多是出口导向型市场，当我们发展中国家的经济萎缩时，它们变得极其脆弱。你们知道，像博茨瓦纳这样的国家，实际上是一个治理良好、取得了巨大进步的国家，但他们的主要收入来源是钻石销售，而他们亲眼目睹了钻石市场崩溃——部分原因是他们无法获得贸易融资，部分原因是发达国家的需求下降了。所以我们已经开始在这方面取得进展。
Our most important task right now is helping them get through this crisis. 我们眼下最重要的任务是帮助他们度过这场危机。
Over the long term, though, we've got to have a strategy that recognizes that the interest of the developed world in feeding the hungry, in educating children, that that's not just charity; it's in our interest. There's not a direct correlation between poverty and violence and conflict and terrorism. But I can tell you that if children have no education whatsoever, if young men are standing idle each and every day, and feel completely detached and completely removed from the modern world, they are more likely, they are more susceptible to ideologies that appeal to violence and destruction. 不过，从长远来看，我们必须有一项战略，认识到发达国家在解决饥饿、教育儿童方面的利益，那不仅是慈善，更关乎我们的利益。贫困与暴力、冲突和恐怖主义之间并没有直接的因果关联。但我可以告诉你们，如果儿童完全没有受过教育，如果年轻人每天无所事事，感到与现代世界完全脱节、完全疏离，他们就更可能、更容易受到诉诸暴力和破坏的意识形态的吸引。
If you have no health facilities whatsoever in countries in Africa, these days a pandemic can get on a plane and be in Strasbourg or New York City or Chicago overnight. So we better think about making sure that there are basic public health facilities and public health infrastructure in those countries, because we can't shield ourselves from these problems. So that means developed countries have to increase aid, but it also means that the countries who are receiving aid have to use it wisely. 如果非洲的一些国家完全没有卫生设施，如今一场传染病可以登上飞机，一夜之间到达斯特拉斯堡、纽约或芝加哥。因此，我们最好认真考虑确保这些国家拥有基本的公共卫生设施和公共卫生基础设施，因为我们无法将自己与这些问题隔绝。这意味着发达国家必须增加援助，但也意味着接受援助的国家必须明智地使用援助。
My father was from Kenya. And when I traveled to Kenya -- I had just been elected to the United States Senate -- everybody was very excited and they greeted me as if I was already a head of state, and there were people waving and lining the streets. I went to speak at a university and I had to be honest, which was, America has an obligation to provide Kenya help on a whole range of issues, but if Kenya doesn't solve its own corruption problem, then Kenya will never grow. It will never be able to provide for its own. 我的父亲来自肯尼亚。当我前往肯尼亚时——我刚刚当选美国参议员——所有人都非常兴奋，他们像迎接国家元首一样迎接我，人们挥手致意，沿街排队。我去一所大学演讲，我必须坦诚地说，美国有义务在一系列问题上为肯尼亚提供帮助，但如果肯尼亚不解决自身的腐败问题，肯尼亚就永远无法发展。它将永远无法自给自足。
And so there's nothing wrong with the developed nations insisting that we will increase our commitments, that we will design our aid programs more effectively, that we will open up our markets to trade from poor countries, but that we will also insist that there is good governance and rule of law, and other critical factors in order to make these countries work. 因此，发达国家坚持增加承诺、更有效地设计援助项目、向贫困国家开放市场，但同时坚持良好的治理、法治以及其他使这些国家能够运转的关键因素，这并无不妥。
We spend so much time talking about democracy -- and obviously we should be promoting democracy everywhere we can. But democracy, a well-functioning society that promotes liberty and equality and fraternity, a well-functioning society does not just depend on going to the ballot box. It also means that you're not going to be shaken down by police because the police aren't getting properly paid. It also means that if you want to start a business, you don't have to pay a bribe. 我们花了大量时间谈论民主——显然，我们应当在所有可能的地方推动民主。但民主，一个促进自由、平等、博爱的、运转良好的社会，并不只是依靠去投票站投票。它还意味着你不会因为警察没有领到应得的薪水而被他们敲诈。它还意味着，如果你想创办一家企业，你不必行贿。
I mean, there are a whole host of other factors that people need to -- need to recognize in building a civil society that allows a country to be successful. And hopefully that will -- that approach will be reflected not just in my Administration's policies but in the policies that are pursued by international agencies around the world. Okay, good. 我的意思是，还有许多其他因素，是人们在建立一个使国家得以成功的公民社会时所需要认识到的。希望这种做法不仅会反映在我本届政府的政策中，也会反映在世界各地国际机构所推行的政策中。好的，很好。
All right, right up -- I've got two of you, so you have to choose one. Which one should I call on? I don't want to -- you're standing right next to each other. Oops. Well, I'm sorry, you know what, he actually called on the -- no, no, no, I was actually pointing down here. I didn't see those two ladies back there. Here you go, this one right here. Go ahead. 好了，正前方——我看到你们有两位，所以你们得选一个。我该点哪一位？我不想——你们就紧挨着站在一起。哎呀。嗯，很抱歉，要知道，他实际上点了——不，不，不，实际上我指的是下面这里。我没有看到后面那两位女士。你来吧，就这位。请讲。
QUESTION: Well, hello, Mr. President. I'm sorry, I'm from Chicago, excuse me. 提问：嗯，您好，总统先生。不好意思，我来自芝加哥，请原谅。
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Are you? 奥巴马总统：是吗？
QUESTION: I'm also a student in the high school -- the international high school -- 提问：我也是高中生——国际学校的高中生——
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, no, I'm sorry, if you're American I can't -- 奥巴马总统：嗯，不，很抱歉，如果你是美国人，我不能——
QUESTION: I'm also French. 提问：我也是法国人。
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Wait, wait, wait, wait, hold on. She said she's also French. What does that mean? 奥巴马总统：等等，等等，等等，等等，等一下。她说她也是法国人。那是什么意思？
QUESTION: Double nationality. 提问：双重国籍。
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Dual nationality. What do you think, should we let her ask the question? Okay, go ahead. 奥巴马总统：双重国籍。大家觉得，我们应该让她提问吗？好吧，请讲。
QUESTION: Thank you. Do you think that the economic crisis is an opportunity to restructure our industries in an ecological and sustainable way? And I also was wondering whether the dog was already in the White House or not. 提问：谢谢。您认为经济危机是否是一次以生态和可持续的方式重组我们产业的机会？另外我还想知道，白宫里已经有狗了吗？
PRESIDENT OBAMA: The -- we are getting a dog. This is a very important question in the United States -- what kind of dog we're getting and when we're getting it. It should be there soon. 奥巴马总统：这个——我们要养一只狗。这在美国是一个非常重要的问题——我们会养什么样的狗，什么时候养。它应该很快就会到。
I do think that in crisis there's always opportunity if it's used properly. So, for example, in the United States we decided to pass a large stimulus package to help growth at a time when the private sector was having a very difficult time. 我确实认为，在危机中总蕴藏着机遇，如果能善加利用的话。比如，在美国，我们决定通过一项大规模的经济刺激方案，以在私营部门举步维艰时帮助经济增长。
Now, we could have just spent the money on the same old ways of doing things, but part of what we've decided was, if we're going to be spending a lot of government money anyway, why not spend it to double the amount of renewable energy? Why not spend it on retrofitting existing government buildings so that we drastically reduce their energy consumption? Why not start building high-speed rail? 现在，我们本可以把钱花在老一套的做事方式上，但我们决定的一部分是，如果反正要花大量政府资金，为什么不把这些钱用来让可再生能源的规模翻倍？为什么不用来改造现有的政府大楼，从而大幅降低它们的能源消耗？为什么不开始修建高速铁路？
One thing that, as an American who is proud as anybody of my country, I am always jealous about European trains. And I said to myself, why can't we have -- why can't we have high-speech rail? And so we're investing in that as well. 有一件事，作为一名和其他任何人一样为自己的国家感到自豪的美国人，我总是嫉妒欧洲的火车。我对自己说，为什么我们不能有——为什么我们不能有高速铁路？因此我们也在对此进行投资。
So on the transportation front, on -- with respect to building construction, on a whole range of issues, we are investing in new technologies that will make us more energy efficient. And that is one of the building blocks that's needed in order for us to reduce our carbon footprint and to work with other countries to achieve the climate change goals that I think are going to be so important. 因此，在交通领域，在——在建筑建设方面，在一系列问题上，我们正在投资新技术，使我们更加节能。这是我们需要的基础构件之一，以便我们减少碳足迹，并与其他国家合作实现我认为将极为重要的气候变化目标。
I'm getting the signal that I've only got time for two more questions. Oh! I'm going to ask that young man in the suit -- because he got dressed up today. I know he doesn't usually wear a suit -- yes. Go ahead, go ahead. 我得到信号，我只有时间再回答两个问题了。哦！我要点那位穿西装的年轻人——因为他今天特意打扮了一番。我知道他平时并不穿西装——是的。请讲，请讲。
QUESTION: I just want to know what do you expect from the French and the European countries regarding the war on terror? 提问：我只想知道，在反恐战争方面，您对法国和欧洲国家有什么期望？
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good. That's a good question. Look, I think that over the last seven, eight years, as I said in my speech, a lot of tensions have developed between the United States and Europe. And one of the legacies, I hope, from my Administration is, is that we start bringing our historic alliance back together in a much more effective way. 奥巴马总统：好。这是一个好问题。听着，我认为，在过去七八年间，正如我在演讲中所说，美国和欧洲之间产生了许多紧张关系。我希望我本届政府的政治遗产之一是，我们开始以更有效的方式把我们历史性的联盟重新凝聚起来。
Now, that doesn't mean that we're not going to have honest disagreements. All countries have disagreements between themselves. But I think that we can work much more effectively and cooperatively, and maintain that core trust that we have towards each other. 当然，这并不意味着我们之间不会有坦诚的分歧。所有国家之间都会有分歧。但我认为，我们可以更有效、更合作地开展工作，并维持我们彼此之间的核心信任。
Nowhere have we seen more suspicion than around questions of war and peace and how we respond to terrorism. When 9/11 happened, Europe responded as a true friend would respond to the United States, saying, "We are all Americans." All of us have a stake in ensuring that innocent people who were just going about their business, going to work, suddenly find themselves slaughtered -- all of us have an interest in preventing that kind of vicious, evil act. 我们在任何问题上都没有像在战争与和平、以及我们如何应对恐怖主义的问题上看到那么多的猜疑。9·11事件发生时，欧洲像一个真正的朋友那样回应美国，说："我们都是美国人。"我们所有人都有责任确保，那些只是在做日常事务、去上班的无辜民众不会突然遭到屠杀——我们所有人都有利益防止那种邪恶的暴行。
But after the initial NATO engagement in Afghanistan, we got sidetracked by Iraq, and we have not fully recovered that initial insight that we have a mutual interest in ensuring that organizations like al Qaeda cannot operate. And I think that it is important for Europe to understand that even though I'm now President and George Bush is no longer President, al Qaeda is still a threat, and that we cannot pretend somehow that because Barack Hussein Obama got elected as President, suddenly everything is going to be okay. 但在北约最初介入阿富汗之后，我们被伊拉克分散了精力，我们一直没有完全恢复最初的那种洞见，即我们有共同利益确保基地组织这样的组织无法活动。我认为，欧洲必须明白，尽管我现在是总统，乔治·布什不再是总统，基地组织仍然是一种威胁，我们不能假装因为巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马当选了总统，突然之间一切都会好起来。
It is going to be a very difficult challenge. Al Qaeda is still bent on carrying out terrorist activity. It is -- don't fool yourselves -- because some people say, well, you know, if we changed our policies with respect to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or if we were more respectful towards the Muslim world, suddenly these organizations would stop threatening us. That's just not the case. 这将是一个非常艰难的挑战。基地组织仍执意要进行恐怖活动。确实——不要自欺欺人——因为有人说，嗯，要知道，如果我们改变对巴以冲突的政策，或者如果我们对穆斯林世界更加尊重，这些组织突然就会停止威胁我们。事实并非如此。
It is true that we have to change our behavior in showing the Muslim world greater respect, and changing our language and changing our tone. It is true that we have to work very hard for Israeli-Palestinian peace. But what is also true is that these organizations are willing to kill innocent people because of a twisted, distorted ideology. And we, as democracies and as people who value human life, can't allow those organizations to operate. 确实，我们必须改变自己的行为，向穆斯林世界展示更多的尊重，改变我们的语言和语气。确实，我们必须为巴以和平而努力。但同样确实的是，这些组织愿意因为一种扭曲、畸形的意识形态而杀害无辜民众。而我们作为民主国家，作为珍视人命的人，不能允许这些组织活动。
So here's the bottom line. The United States has reviewed and redesigned its approach to Afghanistan. We believe that we cannot just win militarily. We have to win through development aid. We have to win through increasing the capacity of the Afghan government to provide basic services to its people and to uphold rule of law. We have to work with the Pakistani government so that they are more trusted by their population and have more control so that they can then go -- help us go after these terrorists. We have to encourage diplomacy in the region. 因此，结论就是这样。美国已经审查并重新设计了其阿富汗战略。我们相信，我们不能仅仅靠军事取胜。我们必须通过发展援助来取胜。我们必须通过提升阿富汗政府为其人民提供基本服务和维护法治的能力来取胜。我们必须与巴基斯坦政府合作，使他们更受本国民众信任、拥有更多控制权，从而帮助他们——帮助我们追捕这些恐怖分子。我们必须鼓励该地区的外交。
So it can't just be a military strategy and we will be in partnership with Europe on the development side and on the diplomatic side. But there will be a military component to it, and Europe should not simply expect the United States to shoulder that burden alone. We should not because this is a joint problem and it requires joint effort. 因此，这不能仅仅是一项军事战略，我们将在发展方面和外交方面与欧洲结成伙伴关系。但其中会有军事成分，欧洲不应简单地期望美国独自承担这一负担。我们也不应如此，因为这是一个共同的问题，需要共同努力。
One last point I will make. In dealing with terrorism, we can't lose sight of our values and who we are. That's why I closed Guantanamo. That's why I made very clear that we will not engage in certain interrogation practices. I don't believe that there is a contradiction between our security and our values. And when you start sacrificing your values, when you lose yourself, then over the long term that will make you less secure. When we saw what happened in Abu Ghraib, that wasn't good for our security -- that was a recruitment tool for terrorism. 我要说的最后一点是。在应对恐怖主义时，我们不能忘记我们的价值观和我们是谁。正因如此，我关闭了关塔那摩。正因如此，我明确表示，我们不会采用某些审讯手段。我不认为我们的安全与我们的价值观之间存在矛盾。当你开始牺牲自己的价值观，当你迷失自我时，从长远来看，那将使你更不安全。当我们看到阿布格莱布事件时，那对我们的安全没有好处——那是恐怖主义招募的工具。
Humiliating people is never a good strategy to battle terrorism. 羞辱他人从来都不是打击恐怖主义的好策略。
So we are going to conduct our operations in a way that reflect our best selves and make sure that we are proud. And that, in turn, will allow the Europeans, I think, to feel good about our joint efforts, and also not to have excuses not to participate in those joint efforts. All right? 因此，我们将以反映我们最美好一面、并让我们引以为豪的方式来开展我们的行动。而这反过来，我相信，将使欧洲人对我们的共同努力感到满意，也不会再有借口不参与这些共同努力。好吗？
Okay, last question. All right, let me see here. All right, that young lady in the red right there, right there. She had all her friends helping her out. 好了，最后一个问题。好了，让我看看。好了，那边那位穿红衣服的年轻女士，就是她。她所有的朋友都在帮她。
QUESTION: Thank you. Hi, I'm Enis Otto [phonetic] from Heidelberg. And I'm totally European. And first of all, I wanted to tell you that your name in Hungarian means "peach." 提问：谢谢。您好，我是来自海德堡的恩尼斯·奥托（音译）。我完全是欧洲人。首先，我想告诉您，您的名字在匈牙利语里是"桃子"的意思。
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Peach? 奥巴马总统：桃子？
QUESTION: Yes. 提问：是的。
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Oh, okay. Well, how about that. I did not know that. 奥巴马总统：哦，好吧。真有意思。这个我还真不知道。
QUESTION: Yes, now you know it. And we wanted to know if you -- did you ever regret to have run for presidency till now? I mean, well, did you ever ask yourself, am I sure to manage -- yes. 提问：是的，现在您知道了。我们想知道，您——到目前为止，您是否曾经后悔竞选总统？我的意思是，您是否曾问过自己，我是否有把握能够应对——是的。
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes, it's a good question. Michelle definitely asked that question. You know, there are -- there have been times, certainly, during the campaign, and there have been times over the last several months where you feel a lot of weight on your shoulders. There's no doubt about it. 奥巴马总统：是的，这是一个好问题。米歇尔肯定问过这个问题。你们知道，确实——在竞选期间，有过那样的时刻；在过去的几个月里，也有过你感到肩上担子很重的时刻。这是毫无疑问的。
During the campaign, the biggest sacrifice -- the thing that was most difficult was that I was away from my family all the time. In addition to missing -- in addition to being jealous about high-speed rail and the nice trains here, I'm also jealous of the fact that campaigns here only last a few months, whereas in the United States we were running for two years. So I was away from home all the time, and that was very difficult because not only do I have a wonderful wife, but I have two perfect daughters. And so, you know, I missed them a lot. 在竞选期间，最大的牺牲——最艰难的事情是，我总是远离家人。除了思念——除了嫉妒这里的高速铁路和漂亮的火车之外，我还嫉妒这里的竞选只持续几个月，而在美国我们却跑了两年。所以我一直不在家，这非常艰难，因为我不仅有一位出色的妻子，还有两个完美的女儿。所以，你们知道，我非常想念她们。
But the nice thing is now that I'm President, it turns out I have this really nice office in my house called the Oval Office, and so it only takes me a few seconds to get upstairs, and I'm home for dinner every night. 但好在现在我是总统了，原来我在自己家里有一间非常棒的办公室，叫做椭圆形办公室，所以我只需几秒钟就能上楼，而且我每天晚上都回家吃晚饭。
You also lose privacy and autonomy -- or anonymity. You know, it's very frustrating now -- it used to be when I came to Europe, that I could just wander down to a café and sit and have some wine and watch people go by, and go into a little shop, and watch the sun go down. Now I'm in hotel rooms all the time and I have security around me all the time. And so just -- you know, losing that ability to just take a walk, that is something that is frustrating. 你还会失去隐私和自主权——或者说匿名性。你们知道，现在非常令人沮丧——以前我来欧洲时，我可以漫步到一家咖啡馆，坐下来喝杯葡萄酒，看着来来往往的人，走进一家小商店，看日落。现在我总是待在酒店房间里，我身边总是有安保人员。所以，只是——你们知道，失去那种只是散步的能力，是令人沮丧的事情。
But having said all that, I truly believe that there's nothing more noble than public service. Now, that doesn't mean that you have to run for President. You know, you might work for Doctors Without Borders, or you might volunteer for an -- or you might be somebody working for the United Nations, or you might be the mayor of Strasbourg. Right? I mean, they're all -- you might volunteer in your own community. 但话虽如此，我真心相信，没有什么比公共服务更高尚的了。当然，这并不意味着你必须竞选总统。你们知道，你也许会为"无国界医生"工作，或者你会为一个——或者你会成为某个为联合国工作的人，又或者你会成为斯特拉斯堡的市长。对吧？我的意思是，他们都是——你也许会在你自己的社区做志愿者。
But the point is that what I found at a very young age was that if you only think about yourself -- how much money can I make, what can I buy, how nice is my house, what kind of fancy car do I have -- that over the long term I think you get bored. I think your life becomes -- I think if you're only thinking about yourself, your life becomes diminished; and that the way to live a full life is to think about, what can I do for others? How can I be a part of this larger project of making a better world? 但关键是，我在很年轻的时候就发现，如果你只想着自己——我能赚多少钱，我能买什么，我的房子有多漂亮，我有什么样的豪车——从长远来看，我认为你会感到厌倦。我认为你的生活会——我认为如果你只想着自己，你的生活就会变得狭隘；而要过上充实的生活，就要去思考，我能为他人做些什么？我如何能成为这个让世界更美好宏大事业的一部分？
Now, that could be something as simple as making -- as the joy of taking care of your family and watching your children grow and succeed. But I think especially for the young people here, I hope you also consider other ways that you can serve, because the world has so many challenges right now, there's so many opportunities to make a difference, and it would be a tragedy if all of you who are so talented and energetic, if you let that go to waste; if you just stood back and watched the world pass you by. 当然，这可以是一些简单的事情，比如——照顾家人的快乐，看着你的孩子成长和成功。但我认为，尤其对在场的年轻人来说，我希望你们也考虑以其他方式服务，因为当今世界面临着太多的挑战，有太多的机会可以改变世界，如果你们这些如此有才华、精力充沛的人，任由这份才华白白浪费；如果你只是袖手旁观，看着世界从你身边流逝，那将是一个悲剧。
Better to jump in, get involved. And it does mean that sometimes you'll get criticized and sometimes you'll fail and sometimes you'll be disappointed, but you'll have a great adventure, and at the end of your life hopefully you'll be able to look back and say, I made a difference. 最好投身其中，参与进去。这意味着有时你会受到批评，有时你会失败，有时你会失望，但你将拥有伟大的冒险，并在你生命的尽头，希望能够回首往事说，我有所作为。
All right. Thank you, everybody. 好了。谢谢大家。
