Good evening. Goede avond. Bonsoir. Guten abend. Thank you, Laura, for that remarkable introduction. Before she came out she told me not to be nervous. And I can only imagine -- I think her father is in the audience, and I can only imagine how proud he is of her. We're grateful for her work, but she’s also reminding us that our future will be defined by young people like her. 晚上好。荷兰语、法语、德语也向大家道一声晚上好。劳拉，谢谢你那精彩的介绍。上台前，她还告诉我不要紧张。我想她的父亲也在听众席中，可以想象他为她多么骄傲。我们感谢她所做的工作；她也提醒我们，未来将由像她这样的年轻人塑造。
Your Majesties, Mr. Prime Minister, and the people of Belgium -- on behalf of the American people, we are grateful for your friendship. We stand together as inseparable allies, and I thank you for your wonderful hospitality. I have to admit it is easy to love a country famous for chocolate and beer. 各位陛下、首相先生、比利时人民，我代表美国人民感谢你们的友谊。我们是不可分离的盟友，感谢你们的热情款待。我得承认，要喜欢一个以巧克力和啤酒闻名的国家并不难。
Leaders and dignitaries of the European Union; representatives of our NATO Alliance; distinguished guests: We meet here at a moment of testing for Europe and the United States, and for the international order that we have worked for generations to build. 欧盟各位领导人和贵宾、北约盟国的代表、各位来宾：我们今天相聚之时，欧洲、美国，以及我们花了几代人建设的国际秩序，都正面临考验。
Throughout human history, societies have grappled with fundamental questions of how to organize themselves, the proper relationship between the individual and the state, the best means to resolve inevitable conflicts between states. And it was here in Europe, through centuries of struggle -- through war and Enlightenment, repression and revolution -- that a particular set of ideals began to emerge: The belief that through conscience and free will, each of us has the right to live as we choose. 纵观人类历史，各个社会始终在思考一些根本问题：社会应如何组织，个人与国家应建立什么关系，各国之间不可避免的冲突怎样才能得到妥善解决。正是在欧洲，经过数百年的斗争，经历战争与启蒙、压迫与革命，一套特定的理想逐渐形成：人们相信，凭借良知与自由意志，我们每个人都有权选择自己的生活方式。
The belief that power is derived from the consent of the governed, and that laws and institutions should be established to protect that understanding. And those ideas eventually inspired a band of colonialists across an ocean, and they wrote them into the founding documents that still guide America today, including the simple truth that all men -- and women -- are created equal. 人们相信，权力来自被统治者的同意，法律与制度应为维护这一原则而建立。后来，这些思想鼓舞了大洋彼岸一群殖民地居民，他们把它们写进至今仍指引美国的建国文献，包括一个简单的真理：所有男人，也包括女人，生而平等。
But those ideals have also been tested -- here in Europe and around the world. Those ideals have often been threatened by an older, more traditional view of power. This alternative vision argues that ordinary men and women are too small-minded to govern their own affairs, that order and progress can only come when individuals surrender their rights to an all-powerful sovereign. 但这些理想在欧洲以及世界各地也经受了考验。它们常受到一种更古老、更传统的权力观威胁。那种与之相反的观点认为，普通男女目光太短浅，无法管理自己的事务；只有个人把权利交给全能的统治者，秩序与进步才可能实现。
Often, this alternative vision roots itself in the notion that by virtue of race or faith or ethnicity, some are inherently superior to others, and that individual identity must be defined by “us” versus “them,” or that national greatness must flow not by what a people stand for, but by what they are against. 这种观点往往以种族、信仰或族裔为由，声称某些人天生比另一些人优越；个人身份必须用“我们”与“他们”的对立来界定；国家的伟大取决于它反对什么，而非人民信奉什么。
In many ways, the history of Europe in the 20th century represented the ongoing clash of these two sets of ideas, both within nations and among nations. The advance of industry and technology outpaced our ability to resolve our differences peacefully, and even among the most civilized of societies, on the surface we saw a descent into barbarism. 从许多方面看，20世纪的欧洲历史，就是这两套思想在国家内部和国家之间持续碰撞的历史。工业与技术的发展超越了我们以和平方式解决分歧的能力；即使在表面看来最文明的社会，我们也目睹了向野蛮的坠落。
This morning at Flanders Field, I was reminded of how war between peoples sent a generation to their deaths in the trenches and gas of the First World War. And just two decades later, extreme nationalism plunged this continent into war once again -- with populations enslaved, and great cities reduced to rubble, and tens of millions slaughtered, including those lost in the Holocaust. 今天早晨在佛兰德斯战场，我再次想到，民族之间的战争如何把一代人送进第一次世界大战的战壕与毒气中丧生。仅仅二十年后，极端民族主义又把这片大陆推入战争：人民遭受奴役，大城市沦为废墟，数千万人被屠杀，其中包括大屠杀的受害者。
It is in response to this tragic history that, in the aftermath of World War II, America joined with Europe to reject the darker forces of the past and build a new architecture of peace. Workers and engineers gave life to the Marshall Plan. Sentinels stood vigilant in a NATO Alliance that would become the strongest the world has ever known. And across the Atlantic, we embraced a shared vision of Europe -- a vision based on representative democracy, individual rights, and a belief that nations can meet the interests of their citizens through trade and open markets; 正是为了回应这段悲惨历史，第二次世界大战后，美国与欧洲携手，摒弃过去的黑暗力量，建立新的和平架构。工人和工程师使马歇尔计划成为现实。哨兵们在日后成为世界最强大联盟的北约中保持警戒。大西洋两岸，我们共同拥抱对欧洲的愿景：以代议民主、个人权利为基础，相信各国能够通过贸易与开放市场满足本国公民的利益；
a social safety net and respect for those of different faiths and backgrounds. 同时建立社会保障网，尊重不同信仰和背景的人。
For decades, this vision stood in sharp contrast to life on the other side of an Iron Curtain. For decades, a contest was waged, and ultimately that contest was won -- not by tanks or missiles, but because our ideals stirred the hearts of Hungarians who sparked a revolution; Poles in their shipyards who stood in Solidarity; Czechs who waged a Velvet Revolution without firing a shot; and East Berliners who marched past the guards and finally tore down that wall. 几十年来，这一愿景与铁幕另一边的生活形成鲜明对照。那场较量持续了几十年，最终取得胜利，靠的不是坦克或导弹，而是我们的理想激励了发动革命的匈牙利人、在造船厂团结起来的波兰人、未发一枪便发起天鹅绒革命的捷克人，以及走过卫兵、最终推倒柏林墙的东柏林人。
Today, what would have seemed impossible in the trenches of Flanders, the rubble of Berlin, or a dissident’s prison cell -- that reality is taken for granted. A Germany unified. The nations of Central and Eastern Europe welcomed into the family of democracies. Here in this country, once the battleground of Europe, we meet in the hub of a Union that brings together age-old adversaries in peace and cooperation. The people of Europe, hundreds of millions of citizens -- east, west, north, south -- are more secure and more prosperous because we stood together for the ideals we share. 今天，在佛兰德斯的战壕、柏林的废墟或异见人士的牢房里曾显得不可能的事情，已被视为理所当然：德国实现统一，中东欧国家进入民主国家的大家庭。在这个曾是欧洲战场的国家，我们相聚在一个联盟的中心，这个联盟让世代为敌的国家和平合作。欧洲数以亿计的人民，无论东、西、南、北，因为我们共同捍卫共享的理想而更加安全、更加繁荣。
And this story of human progress was by no means limited to Europe. Indeed, the ideals that came to define our alliance also inspired movements across the globe among those very people, ironically, who had too often been denied their full rights by Western powers. After the Second World War, people from Africa to India threw off the yoke of colonialism to secure their independence. In the United States, citizens took freedom rides and endured beatings to put an end to segregation and to secure their civil rights. 人类进步的故事绝不限于欧洲。事实上，定义我们联盟的理想，也鼓舞了世界各地的运动；颇具讽刺意味的是，参与这些运动的人，往往曾被西方列强剥夺充分的权利。第二次世界大战后，从非洲到印度的人民摆脱殖民枷锁，赢得独立。在美国，公民参加自由乘车运动，忍受殴打，以结束种族隔离、争取公民权利。
As the Iron Curtain fell here in Europe, the iron fist of apartheid was unclenched, and Nelson Mandela emerged upright, proud, from prison to lead a multiracial democracy. Latin American nations rejected dictatorship and built new democracies, and Asian nations showed that development and democracy could go hand in hand. 欧洲铁幕落下时，种族隔离的铁拳也松开了；纳尔逊·曼德拉昂首走出监狱，领导一个多种族民主国家。拉丁美洲各国拒绝独裁，建立新的民主制度；亚洲国家则表明，发展与民主能够并行不悖。
Young people in the audience today, young people like Laura, were born in a place and a time where there is less conflict, more prosperity and more freedom than any time in human history. But that’s not because man’s darkest impulses have vanished. Even here, in Europe, we’ve seen ethnic cleansing in the Balkans that shocked the conscience. 今天在座的年轻人，包括劳拉，出生在一个冲突比人类历史上任何时期都少、繁荣与自由都更多的时代和地区。但这不是因为人性中最黑暗的冲动已经消失。即便在欧洲，我们也目睹了巴尔干地区令人震惊的种族清洗。
The difficulties of integration and globalization, recently amplified by the worst economic crisis of our lifetimes, strained the European project and stirred the rise of a politics that too often targets immigrants or gays or those who seem somehow different. 融合与全球化面临的困难，近来又被我们有生之年最严重的经济危机放大，使欧洲建设承受压力，并助长了一种政治思潮，常把移民、同性恋者或看起来有些不同的人作为攻击目标。
While technology has opened up vast opportunities for trade and innovation and cultural understanding, it’s also allowed terrorists to kill on a horrifying scale. Around the world, sectarian warfare and ethnic conflicts continue to claim thousands of lives. And once again, we are confronted with the belief among some that bigger nations can bully smaller ones to get their way -- that recycled maxim that might somehow makes right. 技术为贸易、创新和文化理解开辟了广阔机会，却也让恐怖分子能够以骇人的规模杀人。世界各地的宗派战争与族裔冲突仍在夺去成千上万人的生命。我们又一次面对某些人的信念：大国可以欺凌小国，迫使它们就范。这不过是“强权即公理”那句旧格言的翻版。
So I come here today to insist that we must never take for granted the progress that has been won here in Europe and advanced around the world, because the contest of ideas continues for your generation. And that’s what’s at stake in Ukraine today. Russia’s leadership is challenging truths that only a few weeks ago seemed self-evident -- that in the 21st century, the borders of Europe cannot be redrawn with force, that international law matters, that people and nations can make their own decisions about their future. 所以我今天来到这里，强调我们绝不能把欧洲赢得并向世界推广的进步视为理所当然，因为思想的较量将在你们这一代继续。今天乌克兰面临的问题正关乎此。俄罗斯领导层正挑战几周前似乎还不言自明的真理：在21世纪，欧洲的边界不能靠武力重画；国际法不可忽视；人民和国家可以自行决定未来。
To be honest, if we defined our interests narrowly, if we applied a cold-hearted calculus, we might decide to look the other way. Our economy is not deeply integrated with Ukraine’s. Our people and our homeland face no direct threat from the invasion of Crimea. Our own borders are not threatened by Russia’s annexation. But that kind of casual indifference would ignore the lessons that are written in the cemeteries of this continent. It would allow the old way of doing things to regain a foothold in this young century. 坦率地说，如果我们狭隘地界定自身利益，用冷酷的算盘衡量，也许会决定袖手旁观。我国经济与乌克兰没有深度融合；克里米亚遭入侵，不会直接威胁我国人民或本土；俄罗斯的吞并也不会危及我国边界。但这种漫不经心的冷漠，将无视写在这片大陆墓园中的历史教训，让旧的行事方式在这个年轻的世纪重新立足。
And that message would be heard not just in Europe, but in Asia and the Americas, in Africa and the Middle East. 而这个信号不仅会传到欧洲，也会传到亚洲和美洲、非洲和中东。
And the consequences that would arise from complacency are not abstractions. The impact that they have on the lives of real people -- men and women just like us -- have to enter into our imaginations. Just look at the young people of Ukraine who were determined to take back their future from a government rotted by corruption -- the portraits of the fallen shot by snipers, the visitors who pay their respects at the Maidan. 自满所造成的后果并非抽象概念。它们如何影响与你我一样的真实男女，我们必须设身处地去想。看看乌克兰的年轻人：他们决心从腐败透顶的政府手中夺回未来；看看被狙击手射杀者的肖像，以及前往独立广场致敬的人们。
There was the university student, wrapped in the Ukrainian flag, expressing her hope that “every country should live by the law.” A postgraduate student, speaking of her fellow protestors, saying, “I want these people who are here to have dignity.” Imagine that you are the young woman who said, “there are some things that fear, police sticks and tear gas cannot destroy.” 有一位裹着乌克兰国旗的大学生，表达了她希望“每个国家都应依法生活”的心愿。一位研究生谈到并肩抗议的人们，说：“我希望来到这里的这些人有尊严。”再想想那位年轻女性，她说：“有些东西，恐惧、警棍和催泪瓦斯都无法摧毁。”
We’ve never met these people, but we know them. Their voices echo calls for human dignity that rang out in European streets and squares for generations. Their voices echo those around the world who at this very moment fight for their dignity. These Ukrainians rejected a government that was stealing from the people instead of serving them, and are reaching for the same ideals that allow us to be here today. 我们从未见过这些人，却认识他们。他们的声音，呼应着几代人在欧洲街道和广场上发出的争取人类尊严的呼声；也呼应着此刻世界各地为尊严而奋斗的人们。乌克兰人拒绝了一个掠夺而非服务人民的政府，并正在争取那些使我们今天得以相聚的共同理想。
None of us can know for certain what the coming days will bring in Ukraine, but I am confident that eventually those voices -- those voices for human dignity and opportunity and individual rights and rule of law -- those voices ultimately will triumph. I believe that over the long haul, as nations that are free, as free people, the future is ours. I believe this not because I’m naïve, and I believe this not because of the strength of our arms or the size of our economies, I believe this because these ideals that we affirm are true; these ideals are universal. 我们谁也无法确定乌克兰接下来会发生什么，但我相信，那些要求人类尊严、机会、个人权利和法治的声音，终将胜利。我相信，从长远看，作为自由国家和自由人民，未来属于我们。我这样相信，不是因为我天真，也不是因为我们的武器强大或经济庞大，而是因为我们确认的这些理想是真实的，是普世的。
Yes, we believe in democracy -- with elections that are free and fair; and independent judiciaries and opposition parties; civil society and uncensored information so that individuals can make their own choices. Yes, we believe in open economies based on free markets and innovation, and individual initiative and entrepreneurship, and trade and investment that creates a broader prosperity. And, yes, we believe in human dignity -- that every person is created equal, no matter who you are, or what you look like, or who you love, or where you come from. That is what we believe. 是的，我们相信民主：自由公正的选举、独立的司法机构和反对党、公民社会以及未经审查的信息，让个人能够自行选择。是的，我们相信以自由市场、创新、个人主动性和创业精神为基础的开放经济，相信贸易和投资能够创造更广泛的繁荣。是的，我们相信人的尊严：无论你是谁、长什么样、爱谁、来自哪里，每个人都生而平等。这就是我们的信念。
That’s what makes us strong. 这正是使我们强大的力量。
And our enduring strength is also reflected in our respect for an international system that protects the rights of both nations and people -- a United Nations and a Universal Declaration of Human Rights; international law and the means to enforce those laws. But we also know that those rules are not self-executing; they depend on people and nations of goodwill continually affirming them. And that’s why Russia’s violation of international law -- its assault on Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity -- must be met with condemnation. 我们持久的力量也体现在对保护国家和人民权利的国际体系的尊重上：联合国和《世界人权宣言》、国际法以及执行法律的手段。但我们也知道，这些规则不会自动生效；它们有赖于怀有善意的人民与国家不断加以确认。因此，俄罗斯违反国际法、侵犯乌克兰主权和领土完整的行为，必须受到谴责。
Not because we’re trying to keep Russia down, but because the principles that have meant so much to Europe and the world must be lifted up. 这不是因为我们想压制俄罗斯，而是因为那些对欧洲和世界意义重大的原则必须得到维护。
Over the last several days, the United States, Europe, and our partners around the world have been united in defense of these ideals, and united in support of the Ukrainian people. Together, we’ve condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and rejected the legitimacy of the Crimean referendum. Together, we have isolated Russia politically, suspending it from the G8 nations and downgrading our bilateral ties. Together, we are imposing costs through sanctions that have left a mark on Russia and those accountable for its actions. 过去几天，美国、欧洲和世界各地的伙伴一致捍卫这些理想，一致支持乌克兰人民。我们共同谴责俄罗斯入侵乌克兰，否认克里米亚公投的合法性。我们共同在政治上孤立俄罗斯，暂停其八国集团成员资格，降低双边关系级别。我们共同通过制裁施加代价，这些制裁已对俄罗斯及应为其行动负责的人产生影响。
And if the Russian leadership stays on its current course, together we will ensure that this isolation deepens. Sanctions will expand. And the toll on Russia’s economy, as well as its standing in the world, will only increase. 如果俄罗斯领导层继续沿当前道路前行，我们将共同确保它受到更深的孤立。制裁将扩大，俄罗斯经济和国际地位付出的代价只会增加。
And meanwhile, the United States and our allies will continue to support the government of Ukraine as they chart a democratic course. Together, we are going to provide a significant package of assistance that can help stabilize the Ukrainian economy, and meet the basic needs of the people. Make no mistake: Neither the United States, nor Europe has any interest in controlling Ukraine. We have sent no troops there. What we want is for the Ukrainian people to make their own decisions, just like other free people around the world. 与此同时，美国和盟友将继续支持乌克兰政府规划民主道路。我们将共同提供一项重要援助计划，帮助稳定乌克兰经济、满足人民的基本需要。请不要误解：美国和欧洲都无意控制乌克兰。我们没有向那里派兵。我们要的是乌克兰人民像世界其他自由人民一样，自行作出决定。
Understand, as well, this is not another Cold War that we’re entering into. After all, unlike the Soviet Union, Russia leads no bloc of nations, no global ideology. The United States and NATO do not seek any conflict with Russia. In fact, for more than 60 years, we have come together in NATO -- not to claim other lands, but to keep nations free. What we will do -- always -- is uphold our solemn obligation, our Article 5 duty to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our allies. And in that promise we will never waver; NATO nations never stand alone. 还要明白，我们并非正在进入另一场冷战。毕竟，俄罗斯不像当年的苏联，它既没有领导一个国家集团，也没有领导一种全球意识形态。美国和北约都不寻求与俄罗斯发生冲突。事实上，六十多年来，我们在北约团结一致，不是为了占领别国土地，而是为了维护各国自由。我们始终会履行庄严义务，履行第五条规定的职责，保卫盟友的主权和领土完整。这一承诺绝不动摇；北约成员国绝不会孤军奋战。
Today, NATO planes patrol the skies over the Baltics, and we’ve reinforced our presence in Poland. And we’re prepared to do more. Going forward, every NATO member state must step up and carry its share of the burden by showing the political will to invest in our collective defense, and by developing the capabilities to serve as a source of international peace and security. 今天，北约飞机巡逻波罗的海国家上空，我们也加强了在波兰的部署。我们准备采取更多行动。今后，每个北约成员国都必须拿出投资共同防务的政治意愿、发展维护国际和平与安全的能力，从而承担应尽的责任。
Of course, Ukraine is not a member of NATO -- in part because of its close and complex history with Russia. Nor will Russia be dislodged from Crimea or deterred from further escalation by military force. But with time, so long as we remain united, the Russian people will recognize that they cannot achieve security, prosperity and the status that they seek through brute force. And that’s why, throughout this crisis, we will combine our substantial pressure on Russia with an open door for diplomacy. 当然，乌克兰并非北约成员国，部分原因是它与俄罗斯有着密切而复杂的历史联系。我们也无法靠军事力量让俄罗斯撤出克里米亚，或阻止它进一步升级局势。但是，只要我们保持团结，随着时间推移，俄罗斯人民会认识到，蛮力无法为他们带来所寻求的安全、繁荣和地位。因此，在这场危机期间，我们会在对俄罗斯施加强大压力的同时，始终为外交敞开大门。
I believe that for both Ukraine and Russia, a stable peace will come through de-escalation -- direct dialogue between Russia and the government of Ukraine and the international community; monitors who can ensure that the rights of all Ukrainians are protected; a process of constitutional reform within Ukraine; and free and fair elections this spring. 我相信，对乌克兰和俄罗斯来说，稳定的和平将通过局势降温来实现：俄罗斯与乌克兰政府及国际社会直接对话；由观察员确保所有乌克兰人的权利受到保护；乌克兰开展宪法改革；并在今年春季举行自由公正的选举。
So far, Russia has resisted diplomatic overtures, annexing Crimea and massing large forces along Ukraine’s border. Russia has justified these actions as an effort to prevent problems on its own borders and to protect ethnic Russians inside Ukraine. Of course, there is no evidence, and never has been, of systemic violence against ethnic Russians inside of Ukraine. Moreover, many countries around the world face similar questions about their borders and ethnic minorities abroad, about sovereignty and self-determination. 迄今，俄罗斯拒绝外交接触，吞并克里米亚，并在乌克兰边境集结大批军队。俄罗斯辩称，此举是为了防止本国边境出现问题，并保护乌克兰境内的俄罗斯族人。但乌克兰境内俄罗斯族人遭受系统性暴力的证据从来不存在，现在也不存在。此外，世界许多国家都面对类似的边界、境外少数民族、主权和自决问题。
These are tensions that have led in other places to debate and democratic referendums, conflicts and uneasy co-existence. These are difficult issues, and it is precisely because these questions are hard that they must be addressed through constitutional means and international laws so that majorities cannot simply suppress minorities, and big countries cannot simply bully the small. 这些紧张关系在其他地方曾引发辩论与民主公投，也曾导致冲突和不安的共处。这些问题确实棘手；正因为如此，才必须通过宪法程序和国际法解决，以免多数人任意压制少数人，或大国任意欺凌小国。
In defending its actions, Russian leaders have further claimed Kosovo as a precedent -- an example they say of the West interfering in the affairs of a smaller country, just as they’re doing now. But NATO only intervened after the people of Kosovo were systematically brutalized and killed for years. And Kosovo only left Serbia after a referendum was organized not outside the boundaries of international law, but in careful cooperation with the United Nations and with Kosovo’s neighbors. None of that even came close to happening in Crimea. 俄罗斯领导人为自己的行动辩护时，还把科索沃称作先例，声称那是西方干预小国事务，就像他们现在所做的一样。但北约是在科索沃人民遭受多年系统性残害和屠杀之后才介入的。而科索沃脱离塞尔维亚，也是在与联合国及邻国审慎合作、依照国际法组织公投之后发生的。这些情形在克里米亚一样都没有出现。
Moreover, Russia has pointed to America’s decision to go into Iraq as an example of Western hypocrisy. Now, it is true that the Iraq War was a subject of vigorous debate not just around the world, but in the United States as well. I participated in that debate and I opposed our military intervention there. But even in Iraq, America sought to work within the international system. We did not claim or annex Iraq’s territory. We did not grab its resources for our own gain. 此外，俄罗斯还指责美国进军伊拉克的决定是西方虚伪的例子。伊拉克战争确实不仅在世界各地，也在美国国内引发激烈辩论。我参与了那场辩论，并反对美国在当地的军事干预。但即使在伊拉克，美国也寻求在国际体系内行动。我们没有宣称拥有或吞并伊拉克领土，也没有为了自身利益攫取它的资源。
Instead, we ended our war and left Iraq to its people and a fully sovereign Iraqi state that could make decisions about its own future. 相反，我们结束战争，把伊拉克交还给伊拉克人民和一个拥有完整主权、能够自行决定未来的伊拉克国家。
Of course, neither the United States nor Europe are perfect in adherence to our ideals, nor do we claim to be the sole arbiter of what is right or wrong in the world. We are human, after all, and we face difficult choices about how to exercise our power. But part of what makes us different is that we welcome criticism, just as we welcome the responsibilities that come with global leadership. 当然，美国和欧洲践行理想并不完美，我们也不自称是世界是非的唯一裁判。毕竟我们也是人，在如何运用力量上面临艰难选择。但使我们有所不同的一点，是我们欢迎批评，也愿意承担全球领导地位带来的责任。
We look to the East and the South and see nations poised to play a growing role on the world stage, and we consider that a good thing. It reflects the same diversity that makes us stronger as a nation and the forces of integration and cooperation that Europe has advanced for decades. And in a world of challenges that are increasingly global, all of us have an interest in nations stepping forward to play their part -- to bear their share of the burden and to uphold international norms. 我们放眼东方和南方，看到一些国家即将在世界舞台上发挥日益重要的作用；我们认为这是好事。这反映了使美国更强大的多样性，也反映了欧洲几十年来推动的一体化与合作力量。在挑战日益全球化的世界，每个人都希望各国站出来发挥作用，分担责任并维护国际规范。
So our approach stands in stark contrast to the arguments coming out of Russia these days. It is absurd to suggest -- as a steady drumbeat of Russian voices do -- that America is somehow conspiring with fascists inside of Ukraine or failing to respect the Russian people. My grandfather served in Patton’s Army, just as many of your fathers and grandfathers fought against fascism. We Americans remember well the unimaginable sacrifices made by the Russian people in World War II, and we have honored those sacrifices. 因此，我们的做法与如今来自俄罗斯的论调形成鲜明对照。俄罗斯方面反复声称，美国不知怎的与乌克兰境内的法西斯分子合谋，或不尊重俄罗斯人民，这种说法荒谬至极。我的祖父曾在巴顿的军队服役，就像你们许多人的父辈和祖辈曾反抗法西斯主义一样。我们美国人深知俄罗斯人民在第二次世界大战中作出的难以想象的牺牲，也一直缅怀这些牺牲。
Since the end of the Cold War, we have worked with Russia under successive administrations to build ties of culture and commerce and international community not as a favor to Russia, but because it was in our national interests. And together, we’ve secured nuclear materials from terrorists. We welcomed Russia into the G8 and the World Trade Organization. From the reduction of nuclear arms to the elimination of Syria’s chemical weapons, we believe the world has benefited when Russia chooses to cooperate on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect. 冷战结束以来，历届美国政府都与俄罗斯合作，建立文化、商业和国际社会联系。这不是施恩于俄罗斯，而是符合我们的国家利益。我们还共同保护核材料，防止落入恐怖分子之手。我们欢迎俄罗斯加入八国集团和世界贸易组织。从削减核武器到消除叙利亚化学武器，我们相信，只要俄罗斯基于共同利益与相互尊重选择合作，世界就会受益。
So America, and the world and Europe, has an interest in a strong and responsible Russia, not a weak one. We want the Russian people to live in security, prosperity and dignity like everyone else -- proud of their own history. But that does not mean that Russia can run roughshod over its neighbors. Just because Russia has a deep history with Ukraine does not mean it should be able to dictate Ukraine’s future. No amount of propaganda can make right something that the world knows is wrong. 所以，美国、欧洲和全世界都希望看到一个强大而负责任的俄罗斯，而非一个虚弱的俄罗斯。我们希望俄罗斯人民像所有人一样，安享安全、繁荣和尊严，并为自己的历史感到自豪。但这并不意味着俄罗斯可以肆意践踏邻国。俄罗斯与乌克兰有深厚的历史渊源，并不意味着它可以决定乌克兰的未来。无论多少宣传，都无法把全世界都知道是错误的事变成正确的事。
In the end, every society must chart its own course. America’s path or Europe’s path is not the only ways to reach freedom and justice. But on the fundamental principle that is at stake here -- the ability of nations and peoples to make their own choices -- there can be no going back. It’s not America that filled the Maidan with protesters -- it was Ukrainians. No foreign forces compelled the citizens of Tunis and Tripoli to rise up -- they did so on their own. 归根结底，每个社会都必须规划自己的道路。通往自由与正义的路，不只有美国道路或欧洲道路。但在这里面临的根本原则上，即国家和人民自行选择的能力上，我们绝不能倒退。让独立广场挤满抗议者的不是美国，而是乌克兰人。没有外国力量迫使突尼斯和的黎波里的公民起身抗争，他们是自发行动的。
From the Burmese parliamentarian pursuing reform to the young leaders fighting corruption and intolerance in Africa, we see something irreducible that all of us share as human beings -- a truth that will persevere in the face of violence and repression and will ultimately overcome. 从追求改革的缅甸议员，到在非洲反腐败、反不宽容的年轻领袖，我们看见人类共有的某种不可剥夺的东西：一个即使面对暴力与压迫也会坚持下去，并最终取得胜利的真理。
For the young people here today, I know it may seem easy to see these events as removed from our lives, remote from our daily routines, distant from concerns closer to home. I recognize that both in the United States and in much of Europe there’s more than enough to worry about in the affairs of our own countries. There will always be voices who say that what happens in the wider world is not our concern, nor our responsibility. But we must never forget that we are heirs to a struggle for freedom. 对于今天在座的年轻人，我知道，这些事件似乎很容易被看作与我们的生活、日常事务以及眼前关切相距遥远。我承认，美国和欧洲许多地方都有足够多的本国问题值得担忧。总会有人说，更广阔世界发生的事与我们无关，也不是我们的责任。但我们决不能忘记，我们继承了一场争取自由的斗争。
Our democracy, our individual opportunity only exists because those who came before us had the wisdom and the courage to recognize that our ideals will only endure if we see our self-interest in the success of other peoples and other nations. 我们的民主和个人机会之所以存在，是因为前人有智慧和勇气认识到：只有把别的人民、别的国家的成功视为符合我们自身利益，我们的理想才能延续。
Now is not the time for bluster. The situation in Ukraine, like crises in many parts of the world, does not have easy answers nor a military solution. But at this moment, we must meet the challenge to our ideals -- to our very international order -- with strength and conviction. 现在不是虚张声势的时候。乌克兰的局势与世界许多地区的危机一样，没有简单答案，也不存在军事解决方案。但此刻，我们必须以力量和信念迎接对我们理想、乃至整个国际秩序的挑战。
And it is you, the young people of Europe, young people like Laura, who will help decide which way the currents of our history will flow. Do not think for a moment that your own freedom, your own prosperity, that your own moral imagination is bound by the limits of your community, your ethnicity, or even your country. You’re bigger than that. You can help us to choose a better history. That’s what Europe tells us. That’s what the American experience is all about. 正是你们，欧洲的年轻人，像劳拉一样的年轻人，将帮助决定历史潮流流向何方。不要以为你们的自由、繁荣和道德想象力，受制于社区、族裔甚至国家的边界。你们的天地比这些更宽广。你们能够帮助我们选择更好的历史。这是欧洲告诉我们的，也是美国经验的核心。
I say this as the President of a country that looked to Europe for the values that are written into our founding documents, and which spilled blood to ensure that those values could endure on these shores. I also say this as the son of a Kenyan whose grandfather was a cook for the British, and as a person who once lived in Indonesia as it emerged from colonialism. The ideals that unite us matter equally to the young people of Boston or Brussels, or Jakarta or Nairobi, or Krakow or Kyiv. 我这样说，是作为一个国家的总统：这个国家曾向欧洲寻求写入建国文献的价值观，也曾流血，确保这些价值观能够在这片土地上延续。我这样说，也是作为一个肯尼亚人的儿子：我的祖父曾为英国人当厨师，而我本人曾在印度尼西亚摆脱殖民统治时在那里生活。把我们团结起来的理想，对波士顿、布鲁塞尔、雅加达、内罗毕、克拉科夫或基辅的年轻人同样重要。
In the end, the success of our ideals comes down to us -- including the example of our own lives, our own societies. We know that there will always be intolerance. But instead of fearing the immigrant, we can welcome him. We can insist on policies that benefit the many, not just the few; that an age of globalization and dizzying change opens the door of opportunity to the marginalized, and not just a privileged few. Instead of targeting our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters, we can use our laws to protect their rights. 最终，我们的理想能否成功取决于我们自己，包括我们各自的生活和社会树立的榜样。我们知道，偏见永远不会彻底消失。但我们可以欢迎移民，而不是畏惧他们。我们可以坚持制定造福多数人而非少数人的政策，让全球化与迅疾变化的时代向边缘群体、而非仅向少数特权者敞开机会之门。我们可以用法律保护同性恋兄弟姐妹的权利，而不是把他们当作攻击目标。
Instead of defining ourselves in opposition to others, we can affirm the aspirations that we hold in common. That’s what will make America strong. That’s what will make Europe strong. That’s what makes us who we are. 我们可以确认共同的愿望，而不是靠反对他人来定义自己。这会使美国强大，使欧洲强大，也塑造了我们的身份。
And just as we meet our responsibilities as individuals, we must be prepared to meet them as nations. Because we live in a world in which our ideals are going to be challenged again and again by forces that would drag us back into conflict or corruption. We can’t count on others to rise to meet those tests. The policies of your government, the principles of your European Union, will make a critical difference in whether or not the international order that so many generations before you have strived to create continues to move forward, or whether it retreats. 正如我们作为个人要履行责任，作为国家也必须做好履责的准备。因为在我们生活的世界里，企图把我们拖回冲突或腐败的力量，将一次又一次挑战我们的理想。我们不能指望别人替我们迎接这些考验。你们政府的政策、欧盟的原则，将极大影响前面许多代人努力建立的国际秩序是继续前进，还是倒退。
And that’s the question we all must answer -- what kind of Europe, what kind of America, what kind of world will we leave behind. And I believe that if we hold firm to our principles, and are willing to back our beliefs with courage and resolve, then hope will ultimately overcome fear, and freedom will continue to triumph over tyranny -- because that is what forever stirs in the human heart. 这就是我们所有人都必须回答的问题：我们将留下一个怎样的欧洲、怎样的美国、怎样的世界？我相信，只要坚守原则，愿意以勇气和决心支持自己的信念，希望终将战胜恐惧，自由也将继续战胜暴政，因为这种渴望永远在人心中激荡。
