Good morning. Thank you very much. Good morning. Thank you. Thank you so much. Please, have a seat. Thank you. 早上好。非常感谢。早上好。谢谢。非常感谢大家。请坐。谢谢。
What a remarkable, remarkable crowd. Thank you, Rosy, for your very kind introduction. I did not know you played basketball. I will take your word for it. Rosy, thank you for your many years of friendship. Back in Chicago, when I was just getting started in national politics, I reached out to a lot of people for advice and counsel, and Rosy was one of the very first. When I made my first visit to Israel, after entering the Senate, Rosy, you were at my side every step of that profound journey through the Holy Land. 多么了不起的观众。谢谢你，罗西，感谢你非常友好的介绍。我不知道你还会打篮球，我就相信你的话吧。罗西，感谢你多年来友谊的支持。在芝加哥，当我刚刚起步进入全国政坛时，我向很多人寻求建议和指点，罗西是最早回应我的人之一。当我进入参议院后首次访问以色列时，罗西，在那段穿越圣地的深刻旅程中，你全程陪伴在我身边。
So I want to thank you for your enduring friendship, your leadership, and for your warm introduction today. 所以我要感谢你持久的友谊、你的领导力，以及今天热情的介绍。
I also want to thank David Victor, Howard Kohr and all the board of directors. And let me say that it is wonderful to look out and see so many great friends, including a very large delegation from Chicago. Alan Solow, Howard Green. Thank you all. 我还想感谢大卫·维克托、霍华德·科尔以及全体董事会成员。让我说，放眼望去看到这么多好朋友，包括来自芝加哥的庞大代表团，真是太好了。艾伦·索洛、霍华德·格林。谢谢你们大家。
I want to thank the members of Congress who are joining you today -- who do so much to sustain the bonds between the United States and Israel, including Eric Cantor -- Steny Hoyer -- and the tireless leader I was proud to appoint as the new chair of the DNC, Debbie Wasserman Schultz. 我要感谢今天加入你们的国会议员们——他们为维系美国与以色列之间的纽带做了大量工作，包括埃里克·坎托、斯坦尼·霍耶，以及我引以为傲地任命为民主党全国委员会新主席的勤勉领袖黛比·沃瑟曼·舒尔茨。
We’re joined by Israel’s representative to the United States, Ambassador Michael Oren. And we’re joined by one of my top advisors on Israel and the Middle East for the past four years and who I know is going to be an outstanding ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro. Dan has always been a close and trusted advisor and friend, and I know that he will do a terrific job. 以色列驻美国大使迈克尔·奥伦也与我们同在。还有我过去四年来在以色列和中东事务上的首席顾问之一丹·夏皮罗，我知道他将成为一位出色的驻以色列大使。丹一直是我亲密而值得信赖的顾问和朋友，我知道他会做得非常出色。
And at a time when so many young people around the world are standing up and making their voices heard, I also want to acknowledge all the college students from across the country who are here today. No one has a greater stake in the outcome of events that are unfolding today than your generation, and it’s inspiring to see you devote your time and energy to help shape that future. 在世界各地如此多年轻人站起来发出自己声音的时刻，我也要向今天到场的来自全国各地的大学生们致意。在当今正在展开的事件结果中，没有谁比你们这一代有更大的利害关系，看到你们投入时间和精力来塑造未来，令人深受鼓舞。
Now, I’m not here to subject you to a long policy speech. I gave one on Thursday in which I said that the United States sees the historic changes sweeping the Middle East and North Africa as a moment of great challenge, but also a moment of opportunity for greater peace and security for the entire region, including the State of Israel. 今天我不是来让大家听一篇冗长的政策演讲的。周四我做了一次演讲，我说美国将席卷中东和北非的历史性变革视为面临巨大挑战的时刻，但也是为包括以色列国在内的整个地区带来更大和平与安全机遇的时刻。
On Friday, I was joined at the White House by Prime Minister Netanyahu, and we reaffirmed -- we reaffirmed that fundamental truth that has guided our presidents and prime ministers for more than 60 years -- that even while we may at times disagree, as friends sometimes will, the bonds between the United States and Israel are unbreakable -- and the commitment of the United States to the security of Israel is ironclad. 周五，内塔尼亚胡总理来到白宫与我一同会面，我们重申——我们重申了那条60多年来指引我们历届总统和总理的基本真理——即虽然我们有时会像朋友之间那样产生分歧，但美国与以色列之间的纽带牢不可破——美国对以色列安全的承诺坚如磐石。
A strong and secure Israel is in the national security interest of the United States not simply because we share strategic interests, although we do both seek a region where families and children can live free from the threat of violence. It’s not simply because we face common dangers, although there can be no denying that terrorism and the spread of nuclear weapons are grave threats to both our nations. 一个强大而安全的以色列符合美国的国家安全利益，这不仅是因为我们共享战略利益——尽管我们确实都希望看到一个让家庭和儿童免受暴力威胁的地区。这也不仅仅是因为我们面临共同的危险——尽管不可否认，恐怖主义和核武器扩散对我们两国都是严重的威胁。
America’s commitment to Israel’s security flows from a deeper place -- and that’s the values we share. As two people who struggled to win our freedom against overwhelming odds, we understand that preserving the security for which our forefathers -- and foremothers -- fought must be the work of every generation. As two vibrant democracies, we recognize that the liberties and freedoms we cherish must be constantly nurtured. 美国对以色列安全的承诺源自更深层的根基——那就是我们共同的价值观。作为两个在悬殊的力量对比下为赢得自由而奋斗的民族，我们深知，维护先辈们为之奋斗的安全是每一代人的使命。作为两个充满活力的民主国家，我们认识到我们所珍视的自由和权利必须不断培育。
And as the nation that recognized the State of Israel moments after its independence, we have a profound commitment to its survival as a strong, secure homeland for the Jewish people. 而且，作为在以色列建国后不久就予以承认的国家，我们对它作为犹太人民强大、安全的家园而生存有着深刻的承诺。
We also know how difficult that search for security can be, especially for a small nation like Israel living in a very tough neighborhood. I’ve seen it firsthand. When I touched my hand against the Western Wall and placed my prayer between its ancient stones, I thought of all the centuries that the children of Israel had longed to return to their ancient homeland. 我们也深知这种对安全的追寻有多么艰难，尤其是对于像以色列这样一个身处艰难环境中的小国而言。我亲眼见证了这一点。当我将手贴在西墙上，将祈祷夹入古老的石缝中时，我想到了以色列的子孙们世世代代渴望回到他们古老家园的那些世纪。
When I went to Sderot and saw the daily struggle to survive in the eyes of an eight-year-old boy who lost his leg to a Hamas rocket, and when I walked among the Hall of Names at Yad Vashem, I was reminded of the existential fear of Israelis when a modern dictator seeks nuclear weapons and threatens to wipe Israel off the face of the map -- face of the Earth. 当我前往斯德罗特，在一个因哈马斯火箭弹而失去一条腿的八岁男孩眼中看到日常求生的挣扎；当我在亚德瓦谢姆大屠杀纪念馆的名字大厅中走过，我被以色列人的生存恐惧所触动——当一个现代独裁者寻求核武器并威胁将以色列从地图上——从地球上抹去时。
Because we understand the challenges Israel faces, I and my Administration have made the security of Israel a priority. It’s why we’ve increased cooperation between our militaries to unprecedented levels. It’s why we’re making our most advanced technologies available to our Israeli allies. It’s why, despite tough fiscal times, we’ve increased foreign military financing to record levels. And that includes additional support -- beyond regular military aid -– for the Iron Dome anti-rocket system. 因为我们深知以色列面临的挑战，我和我的政府将以色列的安全作为优先事项。这就是为什么我们将两军合作提升到前所未有的水平。这就是为什么我们向以色列盟友提供我们最先进的技术。这就是为什么在财政困难时期，我们仍将对外军事援助增加到创纪录的水平。这包括在常规军事援助之外对铁穹防空系统的额外支持。
A powerful example of American-Israeli cooperation -- a powerful example of American-Israeli cooperation which has already intercepted rockets from Gaza and helped saved Israeli lives. So make no mistake, we will maintain Israel’s qualitative military edge. 这是美以合作的一个有力范例——美以合作的一个有力范例，它已经拦截了来自加沙的火箭弹，拯救了以色列人的生命。所以请不要误解，我们将维持以色列的军事质量优势。
You also see our commitment to our shared security in our determination to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. Here in the United States, we’ve imposed the toughest sanctions ever on the Iranian regime. At the United Nations, under our leadership, we’ve secured the most comprehensive international sanctions on the regime, which have been joined by allies and partners around the world. Today, Iran is virtually cut off from large parts of the international financial system, and we’re going to keep up the pressure. 你们还可以从我们阻止伊朗获取核武器的决心中看到我们对共同安全的承诺。在美国国内，我们对伊朗政权实施了有史以来最严厉的制裁。在联合国，在我们的领导下，我们争取到了对该政权最全面的国际制裁，世界各地的盟友和伙伴也加入了这些制裁。如今，伊朗几乎被切断了与国际金融体系大部分地区的联系，我们将继续施加压力。
So let me be absolutely clear -- we remain committed to preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. 所以让我绝对明确地说——我们仍然致力于阻止伊朗获取核武器。
Its illicit nuclear program is just one challenge that Iran poses. As I said on Thursday, the Iranian government has shown its hypocrisy by claiming to support the rights of protesters while treating its own people with brutality. Moreover, Iran continues to support terrorism across the region, including providing weapons and funds to terrorist organizations. So we will continue to work to prevent these actions, and we will stand up to groups like Hezbollah, who exercise political assassination and seek to impose their will through rockets and car bombs. 其非法的核计划只是伊朗构成的挑战之一。正如我周四所说，伊朗政府声称支持抗议者的权利，却以残暴手段对待本国人民，展现了其虚伪。此外，伊朗继续在该地区支持恐怖主义，包括向恐怖组织提供武器和资金。因此，我们将继续努力阻止这些行为，我们将挺身对抗真主党等组织，他们实施政治暗杀，试图通过火箭弹和汽车炸弹来强加他们的意志。
You also see our commitment to Israel’s security in our steadfast opposition to any attempt to de-legitimize the State of Israel. As I said at the United Nations last year, "Israel’s existence must not be a subject for debate," and "efforts to chip away at Israel’s legitimacy will only be met by the unshakeable opposition of the United States." 你们还可以从我们坚定不移地反对任何否定以色列国合法性的企图来看到我们对以色列安全的承诺。正如我去年在联合国所说，"以色列的存在不应成为辩论的议题"，"试图侵蚀以色列合法性的努力只会遭到美国不可动摇的反对。"
So when the Durban Review Conference advanced anti-Israel sentiment, we withdrew. In the wake of the Goldstone Report, we stood up strongly for Israel’s right to defend itself. When an effort was made to insert the United Nations into matters that should be resolved through direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians, we vetoed it. 因此，当德班审查会议推动反以情绪时，我们退出了。在戈德斯通报告之后，我们坚定地支持以色列的自卫权。当有人试图让联合国介入本应由以色列人和巴勒斯坦人直接谈判解决的问题时，我们行使了否决权。
And so, in both word and deed, we have been unwavering in our support of Israel’s security. And it is precisely because of our commitment to Israel’s long-term security that we have worked to advance peace between Israelis and Palestinians. 因此，无论在言辞还是行动上，我们对以色列安全的支持都坚定不移。而正是因为我们对以色列长期安全的承诺，我们才努力推进以色列人和巴勒斯坦人之间的和平。
Now, I have said repeatedly that core issues can only be negotiated in direct talks between the parties. And I indicated on Thursday that the recent agreement between Fatah and Hamas poses an enormous obstacle to peace. No country can be expected to negotiate with a terrorist organization sworn to its destruction. And we will continue to demand that Hamas accept the basic responsibilities of peace, including recognizing Israel’s right to exist and rejecting violence and adhering to all existing agreements. 我已经反复说过，核心问题只能在双方直接谈判中解决。我在周四指出，法塔赫与哈马斯之间最近达成的协议对和平构成了巨大的障碍。不能指望任何国家与一个发誓要消灭它的恐怖组织谈判。我们将继续要求哈马斯接受和平的基本责任，包括承认以色列的生存权、拒绝暴力并遵守所有现有协议。
And we once again call on Hamas to release Gilad Shalit, who has been kept from his family for five long years. 我们再次呼吁哈马斯释放吉拉德·沙利特，他已被与家人分离长达五年之久。
And yet, no matter how hard it may be to start meaningful negotiations under current circumstances, we must acknowledge that a failure to try is not an option. The status quo is unsustainable. And that is why on Thursday I stated publicly the principles that the United States believes can provide a foundation for negotiations toward an agreement to end the conflict and all claims -- the broad outlines of which have been known for many years, and have been the template for discussions between the United States, Israel, and the Palestinians since at least the Clinton administration. 然而，无论在当前形势下开启有意义的谈判有多么困难，我们必须承认，不去尝试不是选项。现状不可持续。正因如此，我在周四公开阐述了美国认为能够为谈判奠定基础的原则，以达成结束冲突和所有诉求的协议——其大致轮廓多年来已为人所知，至少自克林顿政府以来就是美国、以色列和巴勒斯坦人之间讨论的模板。
I know that stating these principles -- on the issues of territory and security -- generated some controversy over the past few days. I wasn’t surprised. I know very well that the easy thing to do, particularly for a President preparing for reelection, is to avoid any controversy. I don’t need Rahm to tell me that. Don’t need Axelrod to tell me that. But I said to Prime Minister Netanyahu, I believe that the current situation in the Middle East does not allow for procrastination. I also believe that real friends talk openly and honestly with one another. 我知道，阐明这些原则——关于领土和安全问题——在过去几天引发了一些争议。我并不意外。我非常清楚，最轻松的做法，尤其是对一位准备连任的总统来说，就是回避任何争议。我不需要拉姆来告诉我这一点。也不需要阿克塞尔罗德来告诉我这一点。但我对内塔尼亚胡总理说，我认为中东目前的局势不容拖延。我也相信，真正的朋友之间应该坦诚而公开地交流。
So I want to share with you some of what I said to the Prime Minister. 所以我想与大家分享一些我对总理说过的话。
Here are the facts we all must confront. First, the number of Palestinians living west of the Jordan River is growing rapidly and fundamentally reshaping the demographic realities of both Israel and the Palestinian Territories. This will make it harder and harder -- without a peace deal -- to maintain Israel as both a Jewish state and a democratic state. 以下是我们都必须面对的事实。第一，生活在约旦河以西的巴勒斯坦人数量正在快速增长，从根本上改变着以色列和巴勒斯坦领土的人口现实。如果没有和平协议，这将使以色列越来越难以同时保持犹太国家和民主国家的身份。
Second, technology will make it harder for Israel to defend itself in the absence of a genuine peace. 第二，在缺乏真正和平的情况下，技术的发展将使以色列越来越难以自卫。
Third, a new generation of Arabs is reshaping the region. A just and lasting peace can no longer be forged with one or two Arab leaders. Going forward, millions of Arab citizens have to see that peace is possible for that peace to be sustained. 第三，新一代阿拉伯人正在重塑该地区。公正持久的和平不再能仅凭一两位阿拉伯领导人来缔造。展望未来，数百万阿拉伯公民必须看到和平是可能的，和平才能得以维持。
And just as the context has changed in the Middle East, so too has it been changing in the international community over the last several years. There’s a reason why the Palestinians are pursuing their interests at the United Nations. They recognize that there is an impatience with the peace process, or the absence of one, not just in the Arab World -- in Latin America, in Asia, and in Europe. And that impatience is growing, and it’s already manifesting itself in capitals around the world. 正如中东的局势已经改变，国际社会的氛围在过去几年也在变化。巴勒斯坦人在联合国推进自身利益是有原因的。他们认识到，对和平进程或其缺失的不耐烦不仅存在于阿拉伯世界——也存在于拉丁美洲、亚洲和欧洲。这种不耐烦正在增长，已经在世界各地的首都显现出来。
And those are the facts. I firmly believe, and I repeated on Thursday, that peace cannot be imposed on the parties to the conflict. No vote at the United Nations will ever create an independent Palestinian state. And the United States will stand up against efforts to single Israel out at the United Nations or in any international forum. Israel’s legitimacy is not a matter for debate. That is my commitment; that is my pledge to all of you. 以上就是事实。我坚信，并在周四重申，和平不能强加于冲突各方。联合国的一次投票永远不会创造一个独立的巴勒斯坦国。美国将挺身反对在联合国或任何国际论坛上单独针对以色列的企图。以色列的合法性不容辩论。这是我的承诺；这是我对你们所有人的誓言。
Moreover, we know that peace demands a partner –- which is why I said that Israel cannot be expected to negotiate with Palestinians who do not recognize its right to exist. And we will hold the Palestinians accountable for their actions and for their rhetoric. 此外，我们知道和平需要伙伴——这就是为什么我说不能期望以色列与不承认其生存权的巴勒斯坦人谈判。我们将让巴勒斯坦人为他们的行动和言辞负责。
But the march to isolate Israel internationally -- and the impulse of the Palestinians to abandon negotiations –- will continue to gain momentum in the absence of a credible peace process and alternative. And for us to have leverage with the Palestinians, to have leverage with the Arab States and with the international community, the basis for negotiations has to hold out the prospect of success. And so, in advance of a five-day trip to Europe in which the Middle East will be a topic of acute interest, I chose to speak about what peace will require. 但在缺乏可信的和平进程和替代方案的情况下，国际上孤立以色列的趋势以及巴勒斯坦人放弃谈判的冲动将继续获得势头。为了让我们对巴勒斯坦人有影响力，对阿拉伯国家和国际社会有影响力，谈判的基础必须展现出成功的可能。因此，在即将进行的为期五天的欧洲之行前——中东将是此行高度关注的话题——我选择谈谈和平需要什么。
There was nothing particularly original in my proposal; this basic framework for negotiations has long been the basis for discussions among the parties, including previous U.S. administrations. Since questions have been raised, let me repeat what I actually said on Thursday -- not what I was reported to have said. 我的提议并没有什么特别原创的地方；这一谈判的基本框架长期以来一直是各方讨论的基础，包括往届美国政府。既然有人提出了疑问，让我重复一下我周四实际说了什么——而不是被报道说我说了什么。
I said that the United States believes that negotiations should result in two states, with permanent Palestinian borders with Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, and permanent Israeli borders with Palestine. The borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps -- so that secure and recognized borders are established for both states. The Palestinian people must have the right to govern themselves, and reach their potential, in a sovereign and contiguous state. 我说过，美国认为谈判的结果应该是两个国家，巴勒斯坦拥有与以色列、约旦和埃及接壤的永久边界，以色列拥有与巴勒斯坦接壤的永久边界。以色列和巴勒斯坦的边界应以1967年线为基础，并经双方同意进行土地交换——从而为两国建立安全和获得承认的边界。巴勒斯坦人民必须有权在一个主权且领土连贯的国家中自治，实现其潜力。
As for security, every state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be able to defend itself –- by itself -– against any threat. Provisions must also be robust enough to prevent a resurgence of terrorism, to stop the infiltration of weapons, and to provide effective border security. And a full and phased withdrawal of Israeli military forces should be coordinated with the assumption of Palestinian security responsibility in a sovereign and non-militarized state. 至于安全，每个国家都有自卫权，以色列必须能够自行抵御任何威胁。各项安排还必须足够有力，以防止恐怖主义死灰复燃、阻止武器渗透并提供有效的边境安全。以色列军队的全面分阶段撤出应与巴勒斯坦在一个主权非军事化国家中承担安全责任相协调。
And the duration of this transition period must be agreed, and the effectiveness of security arrangements must be demonstrated. 这一过渡期的持续时间必须达成一致，安全安排的有效性必须得到证明。
Now, that is what I said. And it was my reference to the 1967 lines -- with mutually agreed swaps -- that received the lion’s share of the attention, including just now. And since my position has been misrepresented several times, let me reaffirm what “1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps” means. 这就是我说的话。而我对1967年线——经双方同意进行土地交换——的提及，获得了绝大部分的关注，包括刚才。既然我的立场已被数次曲解，让我重新阐述"以1967年线为基础、经双方同意进行土地交换"的含义。
By definition, it means that the parties themselves -– Israelis and Palestinians -– will negotiate a border that is different than the one that existed on June 4, 1967. That’s what mutually agreed-upon swaps means. It is a well-known formula to all who have worked on this issue for a generation. It allows the parties themselves to account for the changes that have taken place over the last 44 years. It allows the parties themselves to take account of those changes, including the new demographic realities on the ground, and the needs of both sides. 顾名思义，这意味着双方——以色列人和巴勒斯坦人——将谈判出一条与1967年6月4日存在的边界不同的边界。这就是"经双方同意进行土地交换"的含义。对于所有研究这一问题达一代人之久的人来说，这是一个众所周知的公式。它允许双方自行考虑过去44年来发生的变化。它允许双方自行考虑那些变化，包括当地新的人口现实和双方的需求。
The ultimate goal is two states for two people: Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland for the Jewish people -- and the State of Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people -- each state in joined self-determination, mutual recognition, and peace. 最终目标是两个民族两个国家：以色列作为犹太国家和犹太人民的家园——巴勒斯坦国作为巴勒斯坦人民的家园——每个国家在共同的自决、相互承认与和平中联合。
If there is a controversy, then, it’s not based in substance. What I did on Thursday was to say publicly what has long been acknowledged privately. I’ve done so because we can’t afford to wait another decade, or another two decades, or another three decades to achieve peace. The world is moving too fast. The world is moving too fast. The extraordinary challenges facing Israel will only grow. Delay will undermine Israel’s security and the peace that the Israeli people deserve. 如果存在争议，那它不是基于实质内容。我在周四所做的，是公开说出长期以来私下已被承认的话。我这样做是因为我们等不起又一个十年、又两个十年、又三个十年来实现和平。世界变化太快。世界变化太快。以色列面临的非凡挑战只会增长。拖延将损害以色列的安全以及以色列人民应得的和平。
Now, I know that some of you will disagree with this assessment. I respect that. And as fellow Americans and friends of Israel, I know we can have this discussion. 我知道你们中一些人会不同意这一评估。我尊重这一点。而作为美国同胞和以色列的朋友，我知道我们可以进行这样的讨论。
Ultimately, it is the right and the responsibility of the Israeli government to make the hard choices that are necessary to protect a Jewish and democratic state for which so many generations have sacrificed. And as a friend of Israel, I’m committed to doing our part to see that this goal is realized. And I will call not just on Israel, but on the Palestinians, on the Arab States, and the international community to join us in this effort, because the burden of making hard choices must not be Israel’s alone. 最终，做出保护犹太民主国家所必需的艰难抉择，是以色列政府的权利和责任——多少代人为此国家做出了牺牲。作为以色列的朋友，我致力于做好我们的部分，确保这一目标得以实现。我不仅呼吁以色列，还呼吁巴勒斯坦人、阿拉伯国家和国际社会加入这一努力，因为做出艰难抉择的重担不应只由以色列独自承担。
But even as we do all that’s necessary to ensure Israel’s security, even as we are clear-eyed about the difficult challenges before us, and even as we pledge to stand by Israel through whatever tough days lie ahead, I hope we do not give up on that vision of peace. For if history teaches us anything, if the story of Israel teaches us anything, it is that with courage and resolve, progress is possible. Peace is possible. 但即使我们在尽一切必要之力确保以色列安全的同时，即使我们清醒地认识到面前的艰难挑战，即使我们承诺在任何艰难时刻与以色列并肩同行，我希望我们不要放弃和平的愿景。因为如果历史教会了我们什么，如果以色列的故事教会了我们什么，那就是凭借勇气和决心，进步是可能的。和平是可能的。
The Talmud teaches us that, "So long as a person still has life, they should never abandon faith." And that lesson seems especially fitting today. 《塔木德》教导我们："只要人还有生命，就永远不应放弃信念。"这一教训在今天显得格外贴切。
For so long as there are those across the Middle East and beyond who are standing up for the legitimate rights and freedoms which have been denied by their governments, the United States will never abandon our support for those rights that are universal. 只要中东及其他地方还有人站起来争取被政府剥夺的正当权利和自由，美国就永远不会放弃对那些普世权利的支持。
And so long as there are those who long for a better future, we will never abandon our pursuit of a just and lasting peace that ends this conflict with two states living side by side in peace and security. This is not idealism; it is not naïveté. It is a hard-headed recognition that a genuine peace is the only path that will ultimately provide for a peaceful Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people and a Jewish state of Israel as the homeland for the Jewish people. That is my goal, and I look forward to continuing to work with AIPAC to achieve that goal. 只要还有人渴望更美好的未来，我们就永远不会放弃追求公正持久的和平，以两个国家和平安全地比邻共存来结束这场冲突。这不是理想主义，也不是天真。这是一种务实的认识：真正的和平是唯一的路径，最终能够实现一个和平的巴勒斯坦作为巴勒斯坦人民的家园，以及一个犹太人的以色列国作为犹太人民的家园。这是我的目标，我期待继续与美国-以色列公共事务委员会合作以实现这一目标。
Thank you. God bless you. God bless Israel, and God bless the United States of America. 谢谢。愿上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑以色列，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
Thank you. 谢谢。
