Good afternoon. Let me begin by thanking President Erdogan and the people of Antalya and Turkey for their outstanding work in hosting this G-20 Summit. Antalya is beautiful. The hospitality of the Turkish people is legendary. To our Turkish friends -- çok teşekkürler [thank you so much]. I've been practicing that. 下午好。首先，请允许我感谢埃尔多安总统以及安塔利亚和土耳其人民出色地主办了本次二十国集团峰会。安塔利亚美不胜收。土耳其人民的热情好客举世闻名。致我们的土耳其朋友——非常感谢。我一直在练习这句话。
At the G-20, our focus was on how to get the global economy growing faster and creating more jobs for our people. And I'm pleased that we agreed that growth has to be inclusive to address the rising inequality around the world. 在二十国集团峰会上，我们的重点是如何让全球经济更快增长，为人民创造更多就业。我很高兴我们达成共识：增长必须具有包容性，以应对世界各地日益加剧的不平等问题。
Given growing cyber threats, we committed to a set of norms -- drafted by the United States -- for how governments should conduct themselves in cyberspace, including a commitment not to engage in the cyber theft of intellectual property for commercial gain. And as we head into global climate talks, all G-20 countries have submitted our targets, and we've pledged to work together for a successful outcome in Paris. 鉴于网络威胁日益增长，我们承诺遵守一套由美国起草的规范，规定各国政府在网络空间应如何行事，包括承诺不从事为商业利益而进行的知识产权网络盗窃。随着全球气候谈判的临近，所有二十国集团成员国都已提交了各自的减排目标，我们也承诺共同努力，推动巴黎会谈取得圆满成功。
Of course, much of our attention has focused on the heinous attacks that took place in Paris. Across the world, in the United States, American flags are at half-staff in solidarity with our French allies. We're working closely with our French partners as they pursue their investigations and track down suspects. 当然，我们的注意力大多集中在巴黎发生的骇人袭击事件上。在世界各地，在美国，国旗降半旗，以声援我们的法国盟友。我们正与法国伙伴密切合作，协助他们展开调查、追捕嫌疑人。
France is already a strong counterterrorism partner, and today we're announcing a new agreement. We're streamlining the process by which we share intelligence and operational military information with France. This will allow our personnel to pass threat information, including on ISIL, to our French partners even more quickly and more often -- because we need to be doing everything we can to protect against more attacks and protect our citizens. 法国已经是我们强有力的反恐合作伙伴，今天我们宣布一项新的协议。我们将简化与法国共享情报和军事行动信息的流程。这将使我们的人员能够更迅速、更频繁地向法国伙伴传递威胁信息，包括关于伊斯兰国的信息——因为我们需要尽一切努力防范更多袭击，保护我们的公民。
Tragically, Paris is not alone. We've seen outrageous attacks by ISIL in Beirut, last month in Ankara, routinely in Iraq. Here at the G-20, our nations have sent an unmistakable message that we are united against this threat. ISIL is the face of evil. Our goal, as I've said many times, is to degrade and ultimately destroy this barbaric terrorist organization. 可悲的是，巴黎并非唯一的受害者。我们目睹了伊斯兰国在贝鲁特发动的残暴袭击，上个月在安卡拉也发生了类似事件，伊拉克境内的袭击更是屡见不鲜。在本次二十国集团峰会上，我们各国发出了明确无误的信息：我们团结一致，共同应对这一威胁。伊斯兰国是邪恶的化身。正如我多次所说，我们的目标是削弱并最终摧毁这个野蛮的恐怖组织。
As I outlined this fall at the United Nations, we have a comprehensive strategy using all elements of our power -- military, intelligence, economic, development, and the strength of our communities. With have always understood that this would be a long-term campaign. There will be setbacks and there will be successes. The terrible events in Paris were a terrible and sickening setback. Even as we grieve with our French friends, however, we can't lose sight that there has been progress being made. 正如我今年秋天在联合国所阐述的那样，我们拥有一项全面战略，运用我们力量的各个方面——军事、情报、经济、发展以及我们社区的力量。我们始终明白，这将是一场长期的行动。会有挫折，也会有成功。巴黎发生的可怕事件是一次令人发指、令人作呕的挫折。然而，在我们与法国朋友一同悲痛的同时，我们不能忽视已经取得的进展。
On the military front, our coalition is intensifying our airstrikes -- more than 8,000 to date. We're taking out ISIL leaders, commanders, their killers. We've seen that when we have an effective partner on the ground, ISIL can and is pushed back. So local forces in Iraq, backed by coalition airpower, recently liberated Sinjar. Iraqi forces are fighting to take back Ramadi. 在军事方面，我们的联盟正在加大空袭力度——迄今为止已超过八千次。我们正在消灭伊斯兰国的领导人、指挥官和刽子手。我们已经看到，当我们在地面上拥有有效的合作伙伴时，伊斯兰国就能够并且正在被击退。因此，在联军空中力量的支持下，伊拉克当地部队最近解放了辛贾尔。伊拉克部队正在为夺回拉马迪而战。
In Syria, ISIL has been pushed back from much of the border region with Turkey. We've stepped up our support of opposition forces who are working to cut off supply lines to ISIL's strongholds in and around Raqqa. So, in short, both in Iraq and Syria, ISIL controls less territory than it did before. 在叙利亚，伊斯兰国已被从土耳其边境地区的大部分地带击退。我们加大了对反对派武装的支持，他们正在努力切断伊斯兰国在拉卡及其周边据点的补给线。简而言之，在伊拉克和叙利亚，伊斯兰国控制的领土比以前减少了。
I made the point to my fellow leaders that if we want this progress to be sustained, more nations need to step up with the resources that this fight demands. 我向其他领导人指出，如果我们希望这一进展得以持续，就需要更多国家挺身而出，提供这场斗争所需的资源。
Of course, the attacks in Paris remind us that it will not be enough to defeat ISIL in Syria and Iraq alone. Here in Antalya, our nations, therefore, committed to strengthening border controls, sharing more information, and stepping up our efforts to prevent the flow of foreign fighters in and out of Syria and Iraq. As the United States just showed in Libya, ISIL leaders will have no safe haven anywhere. And we'll continue to stand with leaders in Muslim communities, including faith leaders, who are the best voices to discredit ISIL's warped ideology. 当然，巴黎袭击事件提醒我们，仅在叙利亚和伊拉克击败伊斯兰国是不够的。因此，在安塔利亚，我们各国承诺加强边境管控、扩大信息共享，并加大力度防止外国战斗人员进出叙利亚和伊拉克。正如美国刚刚在利比亚所展示的那样，伊斯兰国领导人在任何地方都没有安全避难所。我们将继续与穆斯林社区的领导人站在一起，包括宗教领袖，他们是驳斥伊斯兰国扭曲意识形态的最佳声音。
On the humanitarian front, our nations agreed that we have to do even more, individually and collectively, to address the agony of the Syrian people. The United States is already the largest donor of humanitarian aid to the Syrian people -- some $4.5 billion in aid so far. As winter approaches, we're donating additional supplies, including clothing and generators, through the United Nations. But the U.N. appeal for Syria still has less than half the funds needed. Today, I'm again calling on more nations to contribute the resources that this crisis demands. 在人道主义方面，我们各国一致认为，我们必须各自和共同做得更多，以应对叙利亚人民的苦难。美国已经是叙利亚人道主义援助的最大捐助国——迄今已提供约四十五亿美元的援助。随着冬季临近，我们正在通过联合国捐赠额外物资，包括衣物和发电机。但联合国的叙利亚募捐呼吁仍只收到不到所需资金的一半。今天，我再次呼吁更多国家为这场危机提供所需的资源。
In terms of refugees, it's clear that countries like Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan -- which are already bearing an extraordinary burden -- cannot be expected to do so alone. At the same time, all of our countries have to ensure our security. And as President, my first priority is the safety of the American people. And that's why, even as we accept more refugees -- including Syrians -- we do so only after subjecting them to rigorous screening and security checks. 在难民问题上，显然像土耳其、黎巴嫩和约旦这样的国家——它们已经承担了非同寻常的负担——不能指望它们独自承受。与此同时，我们所有国家都必须确保自身安全。作为总统，我的首要任务是美国人民的安全。这就是为什么，即使我们接收更多难民——包括叙利亚难民——我们也只有在对他们进行严格的筛查和安全检查之后才会这样做。
We also have to remember that many of these refugees are the victims of terrorism themselves -- that's what they're fleeing. Slamming the door in their faces would be a betrayal of our values. Our nations can welcome refugees who are desperately seeking safety and ensure our own security. We can and must do both. 我们还必须记住，这些难民中有许多本身就是恐怖主义的受害者——他们正是为了逃离恐怖主义。将他们拒之门外将是对我们价值观的背叛。我们各国既能欢迎拼命寻求安全的难民，又能确保我们自身的安全。我们能够而且必须两者兼顾。
Finally, we've begun to see some modest progress on the diplomatic front, which is critical because a political solution is the only way to end the war in Syria and unite the Syrian people and the world against ISIL. The Vienna talks mark the first time that all the key countries have come together -- as a result, I would add, of American leadership -- and reached a common understanding. 最后，我们开始在外交方面看到一些温和进展，这一点至关重要，因为政治解决是结束叙利亚战争、团结叙利亚人民和世界共同对抗伊斯兰国的唯一途径。维也纳会谈标志着所有关键国家首次走到一起——我要补充的是，这是美国领导的结果——并达成了共识。
With this weekend's talks, there's a path forward -- negotiations between the Syrian opposition and the Syrian regime under the auspices of the United Nations; a transition toward a more inclusive, representative government; a new constitution, followed by free elections; and, alongside this political process, a ceasefire in the civil war, even as we continue to fight against ISIL. 随着本周末会谈的举行，前方出现了一条道路：叙利亚反对派与叙利亚政权在联合国主持下进行谈判；向更具包容性、更具代表性的政府过渡；制定新宪法，随后举行自由选举；在这一政治进程的同时，实现内战停火，即便我们继续打击伊斯兰国。
These are obviously ambitious goals. Hopes for diplomacy in Syria have been dashed before. There are any number of ways that this latest diplomatic push could falter. And there are still disagreements between the parties, including, most critically, over the fate of Bashar Assad, who we do not believe has a role in Syria's future because of his brutal rule. His war against the Syrian people is the primary root cause of this crisis. 这些显然是雄心勃勃的目标。叙利亚外交的希望之前也曾破灭。这次最新的外交推动可能会以多种方式受挫。各方之间仍然存在分歧，最关键的是关于巴沙尔·阿萨德的命运——我们认为，由于他的残暴统治，他在叙利亚的未来中没有位置。他对叙利亚人民发动的战争是这场危机的主要根源。
What is different this time, and what gives us some degree of hope, is that, as I said, for the first time, all the major countries on all sides of the Syrian conflict agree on a process that is needed to end this war. And so while we are very clear-eyed about the very, very difficult road still head, the United States, in partnership with our coalition, is going to remain relentless on all fronts -- military, humanitarian and diplomatic. We have the right strategy, and we're going to see it through. 这次不同的地方，也是给我们带来某种希望的地方，在于正如我所说，叙利亚冲突各方的所有主要国家首次就结束这场战争所需的进程达成了一致。因此，尽管我们对前方极其艰难的道路有着清醒的认识，但美国将与我们的联盟伙伴一道，在各条战线上——军事、人道主义和外交——继续不懈努力。我们的战略是正确的，我们将坚持到底。
So with that, I'm going to take some questions. And I will begin with Jerome Cartillier of AFP. 好的，下面我来回答一些问题。首先请法新社的热罗姆·卡尔蒂耶提问。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. One hundred and twenty-nine people were killed in Paris on Friday night. ISIL claimed responsibility for the massacre, sending the message that they could now target civilians all over the world. The equation has clearly changed. Isn't it time for your strategy to change? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。周五晚上巴黎有一百二十九人遇难。伊斯兰国宣称对这场大屠杀负责，并发出信息称他们现在可以将世界各地的平民作为目标。局势显然已经发生了变化。难道您的战略不应该随之改变吗？
President Obama: Well, keep in mind what we have been doing. We have a military strategy that is putting enormous pressure on ISIL through airstrikes; that has put assistance and training on the ground with Iraqi forces; we're now working with Syrian forces as well to squeeze ISIL, cut off their supply lines. We've been coordinating internationally to reduce their financing capabilities, the oil that they're trying to ship outside. 奥巴马总统：嗯，请记住我们一直在做的事情。我们的军事战略正通过空袭对伊斯兰国施加巨大压力；我们在地面上为伊拉克部队提供援助和训练；我们现在也在与叙利亚部队合作，以挤压伊斯兰国、切断其补给线。我们一直在国际层面协调行动，以削弱他们的融资能力，包括他们试图外运的石油。
We are taking strikes against high-value targets -- including, most recently, against the individual who was on the video executing civilians who had already been captured, as well as the head of ISIL in Libya. So it's not just in Iraq and Syria. 我们正在对高价值目标实施打击——包括最近，我们打击了那段视频中处决被俘平民的那个人，以及伊斯兰国在利比亚的头目。所以这不仅仅是在伊拉克和叙利亚。
And so, on the military front, we are continuing to accelerate what we do. As we find additional partners on the ground that are effective, we work with them more closely. I've already authorized additional Special Forces on the ground who are going to be able to improve that coordination. 因此，在军事方面，我们正在继续加速我们的行动。当我们在地面上找到更多有效的合作伙伴时，我们会与他们更密切地合作。我已经授权增派特种部队前往地面，他们将能够改善这种协调。
On the counterterrorism front, keep in mind that since I came into office, we have been worried about these kinds of attacks. The vigilance that the United States government maintains and the cooperation that we're consistently expanding with our European and other partners in going after every single terrorist network is robust and constant. 在反恐方面，请记住，自我上任以来，我们一直担心这类袭击的发生。美国政府保持的警惕性，以及我们与欧洲及其他伙伴在打击每一个恐怖网络方面不断扩大的合作，都是强有力且持续不断的。
And every few weeks, I meet with my entire national security team and we go over every single threat stream that is presented, and where we have relevant information, we share it immediately with our counterparts around the world, including our European partners. 每隔几周，我就会与我的整个国家安全团队会面，审查出现的每一个威胁线索，一旦掌握相关信息，我们就会立即分享给世界各地的同行，包括我们的欧洲伙伴。
On aviation security, we have, over the last several years, been working so that at various airports sites -- not just in the United States, but overseas -- we are strengthening our mechanisms to screen and discover passengers who should not be boarding flights, and improving the matters in which we are screening luggage that is going onboard. 在航空安全方面，过去几年来，我们一直在努力，以便在各个机场——不仅在美国，也在海外——加强筛查机制，发现不应登机的乘客，并改进托运行李的检查方式。
And on the diplomatic front, we've been consistently working to try to get all the parties together to recognize that there is a moderate opposition inside of Syria that can form the basis for a transition government, and to reach out not only to our friends but also to the Russians and the Iranians who are on the other side of this equation to explain to them that ultimately an organization like ISIL is the greatest danger to them, as well as to us. 在外交方面，我们一直在持续努力，争取让所有各方认识到，叙利亚境内存在一支温和反对派，可以成为过渡政府的基础；并且不仅向我们的朋友，也向站在另一方的俄罗斯和伊朗伸出援手，向他们说明，像伊斯兰国这样的组织最终对他们和对我们一样都是最大的危险。
So there will be an intensification of the strategy that we put forward, but the strategy that we are putting forward is the strategy that ultimately is going to work. But as I said from the start, it's going to take time. 因此，我们提出的战略将会得到强化，但我们正在推行的战略才是最终会奏效的战略。但正如我从一开始就说过的，这需要时间。
And what's been interesting is, in the aftermath of Paris, as I listen to those who suggest something else needs to be done, typically the things they suggest need to be done are things we are already doing. The one exception is that there have been a few who suggested that we should put large numbers of U.S. troops on the ground. 有趣的是，在巴黎事件之后，当我听取那些建议需要采取其他行动的人的意见时，他们通常建议做的事情，恰恰是我们已经在做的。唯一的例外是，有少数人建议我们应该派遣大量美国地面部队。
And keep in mind that we have the finest military in the world and we have the finest military minds in the world, and I've been meeting with them intensively for years now, discussing these various options, and it is not just my view but the view of my closest military and civilian advisors that that would be a mistake. 请记住，我们拥有世界上最优秀的军队和最优秀的军事人才，多年来我一直在与他们深入讨论各种方案，而且不仅仅是我个人的看法——我最亲密的军事和文职顾问也认为那将是一个错误。
It's not because our military could not march into Mosul or Raqqa or Ramadi and temporarily clear out ISIL, but because we would see a repetition of what we've seen before, which is, if you do not have local populations that are committed to inclusive governance and who are pushing back against ideological extremes, that they resurface -- unless we're prepared to have a permanent occupation of these countries. 这不是因为我们的军队无法开进摩苏尔、拉卡或拉马迪并暂时清除伊斯兰国，而是因为我们将重蹈之前的覆辙，也就是说，如果没有致力于包容性治理、并坚决反对极端意识形态的当地民众，这些极端势力就会死灰复燃——除非我们准备好永久占领这些国家。
And let's assume that we were to send 50,000 troops into Syria. What happens when there's a terrorist attack generated from Yemen? Do we then send more troops into there? Or Libya, perhaps? Or if there's a terrorist network that's operating anywhere else -- in North Africa, or in Southeast Asia? 假设我们向叙利亚派遣五万军队。那么如果也门发生了恐怖袭击怎么办？我们是不是还要向那里派遣更多军队？或者利比亚？又或者如果在北非、东南亚，或者其他任何地方出现了恐怖网络呢？
So a strategy has to be one that can be sustained. And the strategy that we're pursuing, which focuses on going after targets, limiting wherever possible the capabilities of ISIL on the ground -- systematically going after their leadership, their infrastructure, strengthening Shia -- or strengthening Syrian and Iraqi forces and Kurdish forces that are prepared to fight them, cutting off their borders and squeezing the space in which they can operate until ultimately we're able to defeat them -- that's the strategy we're going to have to pursue. 因此，战略必须是可持续的。我们正在推行的战略，其重点是打击目标、尽可能限制伊斯兰国在地面上的能力——系统地打击其领导层、其基础设施，加强准备与之作战的叙利亚和伊拉克部队以及库尔德部队，切断他们的边界，压缩他们的活动空间，直到我们最终能够击败他们——这就是我们必须奉行的战略。
And we will continue to generate more partners for that strategy. And there are going to be some things that we try that don't work; there will be some strategies we try that do work. And when we find strategies that work, we will double down on those. 我们将继续为这一战略争取更多合作伙伴。我们尝试的一些事情可能不会奏效；我们尝试的一些策略会奏效。当我们找到有效的策略时，我们就会加倍投入。
Margaret Brennan, CBS. 哥伦比亚广播公司的玛格丽特·布伦南。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. A more than year-long bombing campaign in Iraq and in Syria has failed to contain the ambition and the ability of ISIS to launch attacks in the West. Have you underestimated their abilities? And will you widen the rules of engagement for U.S. forces to take more aggressive action? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。在伊拉克和叙利亚持续了一年多的轰炸行动未能遏制伊斯兰国在西方发动袭击的野心和能力。您是否低估了他们的能力？您会放宽美军的交战规则以采取更激进的行动吗？
President Obama: No, we haven't underestimated our abilities. This is precisely why we're in Iraq as we speak, and why we're operating in Syria as we speak. And it's precisely why we have mobilized 65 countries to go after ISIL, and why I hosted at the United Nations an entire discussion of counterterrorism strategies and curbing the flow of foreign fighters, and why we've been putting pressure on those countries that have not been as robust as they need to in tracking the flow of foreign fighters in and out of Syria and Iraq. 奥巴马总统：不，我们没有低估他们的能力。这正是我们目前在伊拉克和叙利亚展开行动的原因。也正是我们动员了六十五个国家共同打击伊斯兰国的原因；正是我在联合国主持了关于反恐战略和遏制外国战斗人员流动的全面讨论的原因；正是我们一直在向那些在追踪外国战斗人员进出叙利亚和伊拉克方面做得不够有力的国家施压的原因。
And so there has been an acute awareness on the part of my administration from the start that it is possible for an organization like ISIL that has such a twisted ideology, and has shown such extraordinary brutality and complete disregard for innocent lives, that they would have the capabilities to potentially strike in the West. 因此，本届政府从一开始就敏锐地意识到，像伊斯兰国这样拥有如此扭曲意识形态、表现出如此极端残暴和完全无视无辜生命的组织，完全有可能具备在西方发动袭击的能力。
And because thousands of fighters have flowed from the West and are European citizens -- a few hundred from the United States, but far more from Europe -- that when those foreign fighters returned, it posed a significant danger. And we have consistently worked with our European partners, disrupting plots in some cases. Sadly, this one was not disrupted in time. 而且，由于数千名战斗人员来自西方、是欧洲公民——来自美国的有几百人，但来自欧洲的要多得多——当这些外国战斗人员返回时，就构成了重大危险。我们一直与欧洲伙伴合作，在某些情况下挫败了阴谋。遗憾的是，这一次没能及时挫败。
But understand that one of the challenges we have in this situation is, is that if you have a handful of people who don't mind dying, they can kill a lot of people. That's one of the challenges of terrorism. It's not their sophistication or the particular weapon that they possess, but it is the ideology that they carry with them and their willingness to die. And in those circumstances, tracking each individual, making sure that we are disrupting and preventing these attacks is a constant effort at vigilance, and requires extraordinary coordination. 但要明白，我们在这种情况下面临的挑战之一是，如果有少数人不惜一死，他们就能杀死很多人。这就是恐怖主义的挑战之一。不在于他们的技术有多先进，也不在于他们拥有什么特殊武器，而在于他们抱持的意识形态以及他们的赴死意愿。在这种情况下，追踪每一个人、确保我们正在扰乱和防止这些袭击，需要持续保持高度警惕，也需要非凡的协调。
Now, part of the reason that it is important what we do in Iraq and Syria is that the narrative that ISIL developed of creating this caliphate makes it more attractive to potential recruits. So when I said that we are containing their spread in Iraq and Syria, in fact, they control less territory than they did last year. And the more we shrink that territory, the less they can pretend that they are somehow a functioning state, and the more it becomes apparent that they are simply a network of killers who are brutalizing local populations. 现在，我们在伊拉克和叙利亚所做的事情之所以重要，部分原因在于伊斯兰国所营造的建立哈里发国的叙事对潜在招募者更具吸引力。所以当我说我们正在遏制他们在伊拉克和叙利亚的扩张时，事实上，他们控制的领土比去年减少了。我们越是缩小他们的领土，他们就越难以伪装成一个正常运转的国家，也就越清楚地表明他们不过是一个残害当地民众的杀手网络。
That allows us to reduce the flow of foreign fighters, which then, over time, will lessen the numbers of terrorists who can potentially carry out terrible acts like they did in Paris. 这使我们能够减少外国战斗人员的流入，进而随着时间的推移减少可能实施像巴黎那样可怕行为的恐怖分子数量。
And that's what we did with al Qaeda. That doesn't mean, by the way, that al Qaeda no longer possess the capabilities of potentially striking the West. Al Qaeda in the Peninsula that operates primarily in Yemen we know has consistently tried to target the West. And we are consistently working to disrupt those acts. But despite the fact that they have not gotten as much attention as ISIL, they still pose a danger, as well. 我们对付基地组织就是这么做的。顺便说一句，这并不意味着基地组织已经不再具备打击西方的能力。我们知道，主要在也门活动的阿拉伯半岛基地组织一直在试图针对西方。我们也一直在持续努力挫败这些行动。尽管他们没有像伊斯兰国那样受到那么多关注，但他们同样构成危险。
And so our goals here consistently have to be to be aggressive, and to leave no stone unturned, but also recognize this is not conventional warfare. We play into the ISIL narrative when we act as if they're a state, and we use routine military tactics that are designed to fight a state that is attacking another state. That's not what's going on here. 因此，我们的目标必须始终是积极进取、千方百计，但同时也要认识到这不是常规战争。当我们把伊斯兰国当作一个国家来对待、用为应对国与国之间战争而设计的常规军事战术时，我们恰恰落入了伊斯兰国的叙事圈套。这不是当前局势的本质。
These are killers with fantasies of glory who are very savvy when it comes to social media, and are able to infiltrate the minds of not just Iraqis or Syrians, but disaffected individuals around the world. And when they activate those individuals, those individuals can do a lot of damage. 这些是怀揣荣耀幻想的杀手，他们精通社交媒体，能够渗透到不仅是伊拉克人或叙利亚人、还有世界各地心怀不满的人的思想中。当他们激活这些人时，这些人就能造成巨大伤害。
And so we have to take the approach of being rigorous on our counterterrorism efforts, and consistently improve and figure out how we can get more information, how we can infiltrate these networks, how we can reduce their operational space, even as we also try to shrink the amount of territory they control to defeat their narrative. 因此，我们必须采取的方法是：在反恐努力上严格要求，不断改进并想方设法获取更多信息、渗透这些网络、缩小他们的活动空间，同时我们也要努力缩小他们控制的领土以挫败其叙事。
Ultimately, to reclaim territory from them is going to require, however, an ending of the Syrian civil war, which is why the diplomatic efforts are so important. And it's going to require an effective Iraqi effort that bridges Shia and Sunni differences, which is why our diplomatic efforts inside of Iraq are so important, as well. 然而，最终从他们手中夺回领土将需要结束叙利亚内战，这就是外交努力如此重要的原因。这也需要伊拉克方面做出弥合什叶派和逊尼派分歧的有效努力，这就是我们在伊拉克境内的外交努力也如此重要的原因。
Jim Avila. 吉姆·阿维拉。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. In the days and weeks before the Paris attacks, did you receive warning in your daily intelligence briefing that an attack was imminent? If not, does that not call into question the current assessment that there is no immediate, specific, credible threat to the United States today? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。在巴黎袭击发生前的几天和几周里，您在每日情报简报中是否收到了袭击即将发生的警告？如果没有，这难道不令人对当前的评估——即美国目前没有迫在眉睫的、具体的、可信的威胁——产生质疑吗？
And secondly, if I could ask you to address your critics who say that your reluctance to enter another Middle East war, and your preference of diplomacy over using the military makes the United States weaker and emboldens our enemies. 其次，如果可以的话，我想请您回应您的批评者，他们说您不愿卷入另一场中东战争、偏爱外交而非使用军事手段，这让美国变得更弱，也助长了敌人的气焰。
President Obama: Jim, every day we have threat streams coming through the intelligence transit. And as I said, every several weeks we sit down with all my national security, intelligence, and military teams to discuss various threat streams that may be generated. And the concerns about potential ISIL attacks in the West have been there for over a year now, and they come through periodically. There were no specific mentions of this particular attack that would give us a sense of something that we need -- that we could provide French authorities, for example, or act on ourselves. 奥巴马总统：吉姆，每天都有威胁线索通过情报渠道传来。正如我所说，每隔几周，我们就会与我所有的国家安全、情报和军事团队坐下来，讨论可能出现的各种威胁线索。对伊斯兰国可能在西方发动袭击的担忧已经存在一年多了，这些担忧会周期性地出现。没有具体提到这次特定的袭击，让我们感觉到有什么事情——比如我们可以向法国当局提供什么，或者我们自己可以采取什么行动。
But typically the way the intelligence works is there will be a threat stream that is from one source, how reliable is that source; perhaps some signal intelligence gets picked up, it's evaluated. Some of it is extraordinarily vague and unspecific, and there's no clear timetable. Some of it may be more specific, and then folks chase down that threat to see what happens. 但通常情报工作的方式是，会有来自某个来源的威胁线索，这个来源有多可靠；也许截获了一些信号情报，然后进行评估。其中一些极其模糊、不具体，也没有明确的时间表。其中一些可能更具体，然后人们就会追踪那个威胁，看看到底是怎么回事。
I am not aware of anything that was specific in the sense -- that would have given a premonition about a particular action in Paris that would allow for law enforcement or military actions to disrupt it. 我不知道有任何具体的信息——能够让人预感到巴黎会发生某起特定行动，从而让执法部门或军事行动加以阻止。
With respect to the broader issue of my critics, to some degree I answered the question earlier. I think that when you listen to what they actually have to say, what they're proposing, most of the time, when pressed, they describe things that we're already doing. Maybe they're not aware that we're already doing them. 关于批评我的更广泛问题，我在某种程度上已经回答了这个问题。我认为，当你听听他们实际上要说什么、他们提议什么时，大多数时候，在被追问之下，他们描述的都是我们已经在做的事情。也许他们不知道我们已经在做了。
Some of them seem to think that if I were just more bellicose in expressing what we're doing, that that would make a difference -- because that seems to be the only thing that they're doing, is talking as if they're tough. But I haven't seen particular strategies that they would suggest that would make a real difference. 他们中的一些人似乎认为，如果我在表达我们的行动时更咄咄逼人一些，事情就会有所不同——因为他们似乎唯一在做的，就是装出强硬的样子说话。但我没有看到他们会提出什么能真正带来改变的具体策略。
Now, there are a few exceptions. And as I said, the primary exception is those who would deploy U.S. troops on a large scale to retake territory either in Iraq or now in Syria. And at least they have the honesty to go ahead and say that's what they would do. I just addressed why I think they're wrong. There have been some who are well-meaning, and I don't doubt their sincerity when it comes to the issue of the dire humanitarian situation in Syria, who, for example, call for a no-fly zone or a safe zone of some sort. 不过，也有少数例外。正如我所说，主要的例外是那些主张大规模部署美国军队以夺回伊拉克或现在叙利亚领土的人。至少他们坦诚地说出了自己的想法。我刚刚已经解释了为什么我认为他们是错的。有些人是出于善意，在叙利亚严峻的人道主义局势问题上，我不怀疑他们的诚意，例如，他们呼吁设立禁飞区或某种形式的安全区。
And this is an example of the kind of issue where I will sit down with our top military and intelligence advisors, and we will painstakingly go through what does something like that look like. And typically, after we've gone through a lot of planning and a lot of discussion, and really working it through, it is determined that it would be counterproductive to take those steps -- in part because ISIL does not have planes, so the attacks are on the ground. 这就是一个很好的例子，说明我会与我们的最高军事和情报顾问坐下来，仔细研究这类措施到底会是什么样的。通常，在经过大量规划和讨论、真正深入研究之后，我们会认定采取这些步骤会适得其反——部分原因是伊斯兰国没有飞机，所以袭击都发生在地面上。
A true safe zone requires us to set up ground operations. And the bulk of the deaths that have occurred in Syria, for example, have come about not because of regime bombing, but because of on-the-ground casualties. 一个真正的安全区需要我们开展地面行动。而且，例如在叙利亚发生的大部分死亡，并不是因为政权的轰炸，而是因为地面上的伤亡。
Who would come in, who could come out of that safe zone; how would it work; would it become a magnet for further terrorist attacks; and how many personnel would be required, and how would it end -- there's a whole set of questions that have to be answered there. 谁能进入、谁能离开那个安全区；它将如何运作；它会不会成为更多恐怖袭击的磁石；需要多少人员，以及如何收场——有一整套问题需要解答。
I guess my point is this, Jim: My only interest is to end suffering and to keep the American people safe. And if there's a good idea out there, then we're going to do it. I don't think I've shown hesitation to act -- whether it's with respect to bin Laden or with respect to sending additional troops in Afghanistan, or keeping them there -- if it is determined that it's actually going to work. 吉姆，我想说的是：我唯一关心的是结束苦难，保护美国人民的安全。如果有什么好主意，我们就会采纳。我不认为我表现出过行动上的犹豫——无论是关于本·拉登的行动，还是关于向阿富汗增兵或驻军的决定——只要确定那确实会奏效。
But what we do not do, what I do not do is to take actions either because it is going to work politically or it is going to somehow, in the abstract, make America look tough, or make me look tough. And maybe part of the reason is because every few months I go to Walter Reed, and I see a 25-year-old kid who's paralyzed or has lost his limbs, and some of those are people I've ordered into battle. And so I can't afford to play some of the political games that others may. 但我们不会做的事，我不会做的事，就是因为政治上有利，或者因为某种抽象的原因能让美国看起来强硬、让我看起来强硬，就采取行动。也许部分原因是，每隔几个月我就会去沃尔特·里德医疗中心，看到一个二十五岁的年轻人瘫痪了或失去了肢体，而其中一些人是我下令派上战场的。所以我不能像其他人那样玩政治游戏。
We'll do what's required to keep the American people safe. And I think it's entirely appropriate in a democracy to have a serious debate about these issues. If folks want to pop off and have opinions about what they think they would do, present a specific plan. If they think that somehow their advisors are better than the Chairman of my Joint Chiefs of Staff and the folks who are actually on the ground, I want to meet them. 我们会做保护美国人民安全所需的一切。我认为在民主国家，就这些问题进行严肃辩论是完全恰当的。如果有人想随便发表意见，对他们认为应该怎么做评头论足，那就拿出具体方案来。如果他们认为自己的顾问比我的参谋长联席会议主席和实际在一线的人更优秀，我想见见他们。
And we can have that debate. But what I'm not interested in doing is posing or pursuing some notion of American leadership or America winning, or whatever other slogans they come up with that has no relationship to what is actually going to work to protect the American people, and to protect people in the region who are getting killed, and to protect our allies and people like France. I'm too busy for that. 我们可以进行那场辩论。但我不感兴趣的是，装腔作势或追求某种美国领导地位或美国胜利之类的概念，或者他们想出的任何其他口号，这些都与真正能保护美国人民、保护该地区正在被杀害的人民、保护我们的盟友和法国人民的实际有效措施毫无关系。我太忙了，没时间搞那些。
Jim Acosta. 吉姆·阿科斯塔。
Question: Thank you very much, Mr. President. I wanted to go back to something that you said to Margaret earlier when you said that you have not underestimated ISIS's abilities. This is an organization that you once described as a JV team that evolved into a force that has now occupied territory in Iraq and Syria and is now able to use that safe haven to launch attacks in other parts of the world. 问：非常感谢您，总统先生。我想回到您早些时候对玛格丽特说的话，您说您没有低估伊斯兰国的能力。这个组织您曾形容为"二队"，如今却发展成一股力量，占领了伊拉克和叙利亚的领土，并且现在能够利用那个避风港在世界其他地方发动袭击。
How is that not underestimating their capabilities? And how is that contained, quite frankly? And I think a lot of Americans have this frustration that they see that the United States has the greatest military in the world, it has the backing of nearly every other country in the world when it comes to taking on ISIS. I guess the question is -- and if you'll forgive the language -- is why can't we take out these bastards? 这怎么不是低估了他们的能力呢？坦率地说，这怎么能算被遏制住了呢？我想很多美国人都有这种挫败感：他们看到美国拥有世界上最强大的军队，在对付伊斯兰国的问题上得到了几乎所有其他国家的支持。我想问题是——请原谅我的用词——为什么我们不能干掉这些混蛋？
President Obama: Well, Jim, I just spent the last three questions answering that very question, so I don't know what more you want me to add. I think I've described very specifically what our strategy is, and I've described very specifically why we do not pursue some of the other strategies that have been suggested. 奥巴马总统：吉姆，我刚才花了三个问题来回答这个问题，所以我不知道你还想让我补充什么。我认为我已经非常具体地阐述了我们的战略是什么，也非常具体地说明了我们为什么不奉行其他一些被提议的战略。
This is not, as I said, a traditional military opponent. We can retake territory. And as long as we leave our troops there, we can hold it, but that does not solve the underlying problem of eliminating the dynamics that are producing these kinds of violent extremist groups. 正如我所说，这不是一个传统的军事对手。我们可以夺回领土。只要我们把军队留在那里，我们就能守住它，但这并不能解决根本问题：消除产生这类暴力极端组织的土壤。
And so we are going to continue to pursue the strategy that has the best chance of working, even though it does not offer the satisfaction, I guess, of a neat headline or an immediate resolution. And part of the reason, as I said, Jim, is because there are costs to the other side. I just want to remind people, this is not an abstraction. 因此，我们将继续推行最有可能奏效的战略，尽管它不能提供——我想——一个漂亮的头条新闻或立竿见影的解决方案所带来的满足感。吉姆，正如我所说，部分原因在于另一方面是有代价的。我只想提醒人们，这不是一个抽象概念。
When we send troops in, those troops get injured, they get killed; they're away from their families; our country spends hundreds of billions of dollars. And so given the fact that there are enormous sacrifices involved in any military action, it's best that we don't shoot first and aim later. It's important for us to get the strategy right. And the strategy that we are pursuing is the right one. 当我们派兵出征时，那些士兵会受伤、会牺牲；他们远离家人；我们的国家要花费数千亿美元。因此，鉴于任何军事行动都涉及巨大的牺牲，我们最好不要先开枪后瞄准。对我们来说，制定正确的战略至关重要。而我们正在推行的战略就是正确的。
Ron Allen. 罗恩·艾伦。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. I think a lot of people around the world and in America are concerned because given the strategy that you're pursuing -- and it's been more than a year now -- ISIS's capabilities seem to be expanding. Were you aware that they had the capability of pulling off the kind of attack that they did in Paris? Are you concerned? And do you think they have that same capability to strike in the United States? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。我想世界各地和美国的很多人都感到担忧，因为鉴于您正在推行的战略——而且已经持续了一年多——伊斯兰国的能力似乎还在扩大。您当时是否意识到他们有能力发动巴黎那样的袭击？您对此感到担忧吗？您认为他们是否有同样的能力袭击美国？
And do you think that given all you've learned about ISIS over the past year or so, and given all the criticism about your underestimating them, do you think you really understand this enemy well enough to defeat them and to protect the homeland? 另外，鉴于您过去一年多对伊斯兰国的全部了解，以及所有关于您低估他们的批评，您认为您真的足够了解这个敌人，能够击败他们并保护本土吗？
President Obama: All right, so this is another variation on the same question. And I guess -- let me try it one last time. 奥巴马总统：好吧，这只是同一个问题的另一种说法。我想——让我最后再回答一次。
We have been fully aware of the potential capabilities of them carrying out a terrorist attack. That's precisely why we have been mounting a very aggressive strategy to go after them. As I said before, when you're talking about the ability of a handful of people with not wildly sophisticated military equipment, weapons, who are willing to die, they can kill a lot of people. 我们一直充分意识到他们发动恐怖袭击的潜在能力。这正是我们一直在推行非常积极的战略来打击他们的原因。正如我之前所说，当你谈论的是一小撮装备并不十分精良、却不惜一死的人时，他们就能杀死很多人。
And preventing them from doing so is challenging for every country. And if there was a swift and quick solution to this, I assure you that not just the United States, but France and Turkey, and others who have been subject to these terrorist attacks would have implemented those strategies. 阻止他们这样做对每个国家来说都是挑战。如果有一个迅速快捷的解决方案，我向你保证，不仅是美国，法国、土耳其以及其他遭受过这些恐怖袭击的国家早就实施那些战略了。
There are certain advantages that the United States has in preventing these kinds of attacks. Obviously, after 9/11, we hardened the homeland, set up a whole series of additional steps to protect aviation, to apply lessons learned. We've seen much better cooperation between the FBI, state governments, local governments. There is some advantages to geography with respect to the United States. 美国在防止这类袭击方面有某些优势。显然，在九一一事件之后，我们加强了本土防御，采取了一系列额外措施来保护航空安全、应用经验教训。我们看到联邦调查局、州政府和地方政府之间的合作有了很大改善。美国在地理上也有一些优势。
But, having said that, we've seen the possibility of terrorist attacks on our soil. There was the Boston Marathon bombers. Obviously, it did not result in the scale of death that we saw in Paris, but that was a serious attempt at killing a lot of people by two brothers and a crockpot. And it gives you some sense of, I think, the kinds of challenges that are going to be involved in this going forward. 但是，话虽如此，我们已经看到了在我们本土发生恐怖袭击的可能性。波士顿马拉松爆炸案就是一例。显然，它造成的死亡规模没有巴黎那么大，但那是两兄弟用一个慢炖锅就试图杀死很多人的严重企图。我认为，这让你对未来将面临的种种挑战有了一些认识。
So again, ISIL has serious capabilities. Its capabilities are not unique. They are capabilities that other terrorist organizations that we track and are paying attention to possess, as well. We are going after all of them. 所以再说一次，伊斯兰国拥有严重的能力。但他们的能力并非独一无二。我们追踪和关注的其他恐怖组织也具备这些能力。我们正在打击所有这些组织。
What is unique about ISIL is the degree to which it has been able to control territory that then allows them to attract additional recruits, and the greater effectiveness that they have on social media and their ability to use that to not only attract recruits to fight in Syria, but also potentially to carry out attacks in the homeland and in Europe and in other parts of the world. 伊斯兰国的独特之处在于，它在多大程度上控制了领土，从而能够吸引更多的招募者；以及它在社交媒体上的更强有效性，它不仅利用社交媒体吸引招募者前往叙利亚作战，还可能利用社交媒体在本土、欧洲和世界其他地方发动袭击。
And so our ability to shrink the space in which they can operate, combined with a resolution to the Syria situation -- which will reduce the freedom with which they feel that they can operate, and getting local forces who are able to hold and keep them out over the long term, that ultimately is going to be what's going to make a difference. And it's going to take some time, but it's not something that at any stage in this process have we not been aware needs to be done. 因此，我们缩小他们活动空间的能力，加上叙利亚局势的解决——这将减少他们可以自由行动的空间——以及让当地部队能够长期坚守并将他们拒之门外，最终才是真正能带来改变的关键。这需要时间，但在这个过程的任何阶段，我们都清楚需要做什么。
Question: [Off-mic] -- Mr. President? 问：［麦克风外］——总统先生？
President Obama: Okay, go ahead. 奥巴马总统：好的，请讲。
Question: Should I wait for the microphone? 问：我需要等麦克风吗？
President Obama: No, I can hear you. 奥巴马总统：不用，我能听到你。
Question: Okay, thank you so much. [Inaudible.] I want to ask a question [inaudible]. These terrorist attacks we've seen allegedly have been attacks under the name of Islam. But this really takes -- or upsets the peaceful people like countries like Turkey. So how can we give off that [inaudible] this is not really representative of Muslims? 问：好的，非常感谢。［听不清］。我想问一个问题［听不清］。我们看到的这些恐怖袭击据称是以伊斯兰的名义发动的。但这确实——或者说扰乱了像土耳其这样的国家爱好和平的人民。那么我们怎样才能传达出［听不清］这并不真正代表穆斯林的信息呢？
President Obama: Well, this is something that we spoke a lot about at the G-20. The overwhelming majority of victims of terrorism over the last several years, and certainly the overwhelming majority of victims of ISIL, are themselves Muslims. ISIL does not represent Islam. It is not representative in any way of the attitudes of the overwhelming majority of Muslims. 奥巴马总统：嗯，这是我们在二十国集团峰会上大量讨论的问题。过去几年中，恐怖主义受害者中的绝大多数，当然也包括伊斯兰国受害者中的绝大多数，本身就是穆斯林。伊斯兰国不代表伊斯兰。它绝不能代表绝大多数穆斯林的态度。
This is something that's been emphasized by Muslim leaders -- whether it's President Erdogan or the President of Indonesia or the President of Malaysia -- countries that are majority Muslim, but have shown themselves to be tolerant and to work to be inclusive in their political process. 穆斯林领导人已经强调了这一点——无论是埃尔多安总统、印度尼西亚总统还是马来西亚总统——这些都是穆斯林占多数的国家，但它们都展现了宽容的态度，并努力在政治进程中做到包容。
And so to the degree that anyone would equate the terrible actions that took place in Paris with the views of Islam, those kinds of stereotypes are counterproductive. They're wrong. They will lead, I think, to greater recruitment into terrorist organizations over time if this becomes somehow defined as a Muslim problem as opposed to a terrorist problem. 因此，如果有人将巴黎发生的可怕行径与伊斯兰教的观点等同起来，这种刻板印象是适得其反的。它们是错误的。我认为，如果这被定义为穆斯林问题而不是恐怖主义问题，随着时间的推移，将会导致更多人被招募进入恐怖组织。
Now, what is also true is, is that the most vicious terrorist organizations at the moment are ones that claim to be speaking on behalf of true Muslims. And I do think that Muslims around the world -- religious leaders, political leaders, ordinary people -- have to ask very serious questions about how did these extremist ideologies take root, even if it's only affecting a very small fraction of the population. It is real and it is dangerous. And it has built up over time, and with social media it has now accelerated. 但同样真实的是，目前最凶恶的恐怖组织都声称自己是在代表真正的穆斯林发声。我确实认为，世界各地的穆斯林——宗教领袖、政治领袖、普通民众——必须严肃地问一问，这些极端意识形态是如何扎根的，即使它只影响人口中很小的一部分。这是真实存在的，也是危险的。它是长期积累起来的，而随着社交媒体的发展，现在已经加速了。
And so I think, on the one hand, non-Muslims cannot stereotype, but I also think the Muslim community has to think about how we make sure that children are not being infected with this twisted notion that somehow they can kill innocent people and that that is justified by religion. And to some degree, that is something that has to come from within the Muslim community itself. 因此我认为，一方面，非穆斯林不能抱有成见；但我也认为，穆斯林社区必须思考，我们如何确保孩子们不会被这种扭曲的观念所感染，即认为他们可以杀害无辜的人，而且这在宗教上是正当的。在某种程度上，这必须来自穆斯林社区内部。
And I think there have been times where there has not been enough pushback against extremism. There's been pushback -- there are some who say, well, we don't believe in violence, but are not as willing to challenge some of the extremist thoughts or rationales for why Muslims feel oppressed. And I think those ideas have to be challenged. 我认为，有些时候对极端主义的反击还不够。有反击——有些人说，好吧，我们不相信暴力，但不太愿意挑战一些极端主义思想，或者穆斯林为何感到受压迫的理据。我认为这些想法必须受到挑战。
Let me make one last point about this, and then unfortunately I have to take a flight to Manila. I'm looking forward to seeing Manila, but I hope I can come back to Turkey when I'm not so busy. 关于这一点，我再说最后一点，然后不巧我得赶飞机去马尼拉了。我期待着马尼拉之行，但我希望下次来土耳其时能不那么忙。
One of the places that you're seeing this debate play itself out is on the refugee issue both in Europe, and I gather it started popping up while I was gone back in the United States. The people who are fleeing Syria are the most harmed by terrorism, they are the most vulnerable as a consequence of civil war and strife. 你看到这场辩论正在上演的地方之一就是难民问题，无论是在欧洲，还是我听说在我离开期间美国国内也开始出现了。逃离叙利亚的人是受恐怖主义伤害最深的人，他们是内战和冲突中最脆弱的群体。
They are parents, they are children, they are orphans. And it is very important -- and I was glad to see that this was affirmed again and again by the G-20 -- that we do not close our hearts to these victims of such violence and somehow start equating the issue of refugees with the issue of terrorism. 他们是父母，是孩子，是孤儿。非常重要的是——我很高兴二十国集团一次又一次地确认了这一点——我们不能对这些暴力受害者关闭心扉，也不能以某种方式将难民问题与恐怖主义问题等同起来。
In Europe, I think people like Chancellor Merkel have taken a very courageous stance in saying it is our moral obligation, as fellow human beings, to help people who are in such vulnerable situations. And I know that it is putting enormous strains on the resources of the people of Europe. Nobody has been carrying a bigger burden than the people here in Turkey, with 2.5 million refugees, and the people of Jordan and Lebanon, who are also admitting refugees. The fact that they've kept their borders open to these refugees is a signal of their belief in a common humanity. 在欧洲，我认为默克尔总理等人采取了非常勇敢的立场，他们表示，作为人类同胞，帮助处于如此脆弱境地的人们是我们的道义责任。我知道这给欧洲人民的资源带来了巨大的压力。没有人比这里的土耳其人民承受着更大的负担——他们接纳了二百五十万难民，还有约旦和黎巴嫩人民也在接收难民。他们对这些难民开放边境的事实，表明了他们对共同人性的信念。
And so we have to, each of us, do our part. And the United States has to step up and do its part. And when I hear folks say that, well, maybe we should just admit the Christians but not the Muslims; when I hear political leaders suggesting that there would be a religious test for which a person who's fleeing from a war-torn country is admitted, when some of those folks themselves come from families who benefitted from protection when they were fleeing political persecution -- that's shameful. That's not American. That's not who we are. We don't have religious tests to our compassion. 因此，我们每个人都必须尽自己的一份力量。美国也必须站出来尽自己的一份力量。当我听到有人说，好吧，也许我们只接收基督徒不接收穆斯林；当我听到政治领导人暗示，对一个逃离战乱国家的人要进行宗教测试才能入境时，当这些人中有些自己的家族当年在逃避政治迫害时就受益于保护——这是可耻的。这不是美国精神。这不是我们的本色。我们的同情心不设宗教测试。
When Pope Francis came to visit the United States, and gave a speech before Congress, he didn't just speak about Christians who were being persecuted. He didn't call on Catholic parishes just to admit to those who were of the same religious faith. He said, protect people who are vulnerable. 教皇方济各访问美国并在国会发表演讲时，他不只是谈论受迫害的基督徒。他没有呼吁天主教教区只接纳那些信仰相同的人。他说，要保护弱势群体。
And so I think it is very important for us right now -- particularly those who are in leadership, particularly those who have a platform and can be heard -- not to fall into that trap, not to feed that dark impulse inside of us. 因此，我认为现在对我们来说非常重要的是——尤其是那些身处领导岗位的人，尤其是那些拥有发声平台的人——不要落入那个陷阱，不要助长我们内心的黑暗冲动。
I had a lot of disagreements with George W. Bush on policy, but I was very proud after 9/11 when he was adamant and clear about the fact that this is not a war on Islam. And the notion that some of those who have taken on leadership in his party would ignore all of that, that's not who we are. On this, they should follow his example. It was the right one. It was the right impulse. It's our better impulse. 我与乔治·W·布什在政策上有很多分歧，但在九一一事件之后，当他坚定明确地表示这不是一场针对伊斯兰教的战争时，我感到非常自豪。而他党内一些已担任领导职务的人竟然无视这一切，这不是我们的本色。在这一点上，他们应该以他为榜样。那是正确的做法。那是正确的冲动。那是我们更好的冲动。
And whether you are European or American, the values that we are defending -- the values that we're fighting against ISIL for are precisely that we don't discriminate against people because of their faith. We don't kill people because they're different than us. That's what separates us from them. And we don't feed that kind of notion that somehow Christians and Muslims are at war. 无论你是欧洲人还是美国人，我们所捍卫的价值观——我们为打击伊斯兰国而奋斗的价值观——正是我们不因为人们的信仰而歧视他们。我们不因为人们与我们不同就杀害他们。这就是我们与他们的区别。我们也不会助长那种认为基督徒和穆斯林处于战争状态的观念。
And if we want to be successful at defeating ISIL, that's a good place to start -- by not promoting that kind of ideology, that kind of attitude. In the same way that the Muslim community has an obligation not to in any way excuse anti-Western or anti-Christian sentiment, we have the same obligation as Christians. 如果我们想要成功击败伊斯兰国，这就是一个很好的起点——不要宣扬那种意识形态、那种态度。同样，穆斯林社区有义务不以任何方式为反西方或反基督教情绪开脱，我们作为基督徒也有同样的义务。
And we are -- it is good to remember that the United States does not have a religious test, and we are a nation of many peoples of different faiths, which means that we show compassion to everybody. Those are the universal values we stand for. And that's what my administration intends to stand for. 而且我们——值得铭记的是，美国没有宗教测试，我们是一个由多种信仰的各族人民组成的国家，这意味着我们对每个人都展现同情心。这些是我们所主张的普世价值。也是我的政府所要主张的价值。
Thank you very much, everybody. 非常感谢各位。
