Good afternoon, everybody. Let me begin by once again thanking the government and the people of Malaysia for hosting us at the U.S.-ASEAN and East Asia Summits. These gatherings are enormous undertakings, but thanks to Malaysia's leadership and incredible hospitality, they have been a great success. 大家下午好。首先，请允许我再次感谢马来西亚政府和人民主办本次美国-东盟峰会和东亚峰会。这些盛会的组织工作极为艰巨，但得益于马来西亚的领导力和盛情款待，峰会取得了圆满成功。
Earlier this week, as I headed to this region, there was a headline in one of our publications back home that asked -- "Obama's Asian Distraction?" And the premise seemed to be that this region was somehow disconnected from pressing global events. I could not disagree more. 本周早些时候，我启程前往本地区时，国内一家媒体刊登了一则头条，标题是——"奥巴马的亚洲分心之事？"其前提似乎是，该地区与紧迫的全球事件毫无关联。我完全不能同意这种观点。
This region is not a distraction from the world's central challenges, like terrorism. The Asia Pacific is absolutely critical to promoting security, prosperity and human dignity around the world. That's why I've devoted so much of my foreign policy to deepening America's engagement with this region. And I'm pleased that on this trip we made progress across the board. 该地区并非对世界核心挑战（如恐怖主义）的分心。亚太地区对促进全球安全、繁荣和人的尊严至关重要。这就是为什么我将如此多的外交政策精力投入到深化美国与该地区的接触中。我很高兴此次访问我们在各方面都取得了进展。
With my fellow leaders from Japan, Australia and the Philippines, I reaffirmed that our treaty alliances remain the foundation of regional security. The United States is boosting our support for the Philippines' maritime capabilities and those of our regional partners. At the U.S.-ASEAN and East Asia Summits, a key topic was the South China Sea, and many leaders spoke about the need to uphold international principles, including the freedom of navigation and overflight and the peaceful resolution of disputes. 我与日本、澳大利亚和菲律宾的领导人重申，我们的条约同盟仍然是地区安全的基石。美国正在加强对菲律宾海上能力以及我们地区伙伴海上能力的支持。在美国-东盟峰会和东亚峰会上，南海是一个重要议题，许多领导人谈到需要维护国际原则，包括航行和飞越自由以及和平解决争端。
And to make sure we keep deepening our partnership here in Southeast Asia, I invited all 10 ASEAN leaders to the United States next year. I'm pleased they accepted, and I look forward to continuing our work. 为了确保我们继续深化在东南亚的伙伴关系，我邀请了全部10个东盟国家领导人明年访问美国。我很高兴他们接受了邀请，期待着继续我们的合作。
On the economic front, we worked with our APEC partners to advance a regional economic order where all nations play by the same set of rules. Based on my meeting with our Trans-Pacific Partnership countries, I am optimistic that our 12 nations will approve this pact and that we can increasingly focus on implementing it. 在经济方面，我们与亚太经合组织伙伴共同努力，推动建立一个所有国家遵循同一套规则的区域经济秩序。根据我与跨太平洋伙伴关系协定各国的会晤，我对我们12个国家将批准这项协定持乐观态度，我们可以越来越多地将重点放在落实上。
APEC joined the G20 in sending an unequivocal message that we need to reach an ambitious climate change agreement in Paris. I also want to note the landmark step we took this week with more than 30 other nations at the OECD to dramatically reduce subsidies for coal-fired power plants around the world -- which is an important way to advance the fight against climate change. 亚太经合组织与二十国集团一道发出了明确的信息，即我们需要在巴黎达成一项雄心勃勃的气候变化协定。我还要指出，本周我们与30多个国家在经合组织采取了一项里程碑式的举措，大幅减少全球对燃煤电厂的补贴——这是推进应对气候变化斗争的重要途径。
Of course, given the events of this week, much of my work here in Asia focused on the urgent threat of terrorism. Today, families in too many nations are grieving the senseless loss of their loved ones in the attacks in France and in Mali. 当然，鉴于本周发生的事件，我在亚洲的大量工作都聚焦于恐怖主义这一紧迫威胁。今天，太多国家的家庭正在为法国和马里袭击中失去的亲人而悲痛，这些生命的逝去毫无意义。
As Americans, we remember Nohemi Gonzalez, who was just 23 years old, a design major from California State University. She was in Paris to pursue her dream of designing innovations that would improve the lives of people around the world. And we remember Anita Datar of Maryland. She's a veteran of the Peace Corps, a mother to her young son, who devoted her life to helping the world's poor, including women and girls in Mali, lift themselves up with health and education. 作为美国人，我们纪念诺艾米·冈萨雷斯，她年仅23岁，是加州州立大学的设计专业学生。她前往巴黎是为了追寻自己的梦想——设计能够改善世界各地人民生活的创新产品。我们还纪念马里兰州的安妮塔·达塔尔。她是和平队的老兵，是一个年幼儿子的母亲，她毕生致力于帮助世界上的穷人，包括马里的妇女和女孩，通过医疗和教育改善他们的生活。
Nohemi and Anita embodied the values of service and compassion that no terrorist can extinguish. Their legacy will endure in the family and friends who carry on their work. They remind me of my daughters, or my mother, who, on the one hand, had their whole life ahead of them, and on the other hand, had devoted their lives to helping other people. And it is worth us remembering when we look at the statistics that there are beautiful, wonderful lives behind the terrible death tolls that we see in these places. 诺艾米和安妮塔体现了服务和同情的价值观，这是任何恐怖分子都无法泯灭的。她们的遗产将在继承她们事业的家人和朋友中延续。她们让我想起了我的女儿们，或者我的母亲——一方面，她们的人生才刚刚开始；另一方面，她们已经将生命奉献给了帮助他人。当我们看到这些统计数据时，值得记住的是，在这些地方可怕的死亡数字背后，是一个个美丽而鲜活的生命。
Over the years, our friends here in Asia have been victims of terrorism, and many of them are close counterterrorism partners with us. So my time here has also been an opportunity to work with many of our partners in the Asia Pacific that are members of our coalition against ISIL -- Australia, Canada, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. 多年来，我们在亚洲的朋友们一直是恐怖主义的受害者，其中许多国家是我们亲密的反恐伙伴。因此，我此行也有机会与亚太地区的许多伙伴合作，这些国家都是我们打击伊斯兰国联盟的成员——澳大利亚、加拿大、日本、马来西亚、新西兰、新加坡、韩国和台湾。
Which brings me to the point I want to emphasize today. For more than a year, the United States has built and led a broad coalition against ISIL of some 65 nations. Given the frequent focus on America's leadership of this campaign, sometimes the contributions of our partners are overlooked. In fact, since the G20, a number of our coalition members have stepped up with new commitments. So today I want to take a moment to recognize how our allies and partners help advance every element of our strategy. 这让我想到今天我想强调的一点。一年多来，美国建立并领导了一个由约65个国家组成的广泛联盟，共同打击伊斯兰国。由于人们经常关注美国在这场行动中的领导作用，有时我们伙伴的贡献被忽视了。事实上，自二十国集团峰会以来，一些联盟成员国已作出新的承诺。因此，今天我想花一点时间，肯定我们的盟友和伙伴如何帮助推进我们战略的每一个要素。
Nearly two dozen nations -- among them Turkey and our Arab partners -- contribute in some way to the military campaign, which has taken more than 8,000 strikes against ISIL so far. And as I've said, we're ready to welcome or cooperate with other countries that are determined to truly fight ISIL as well. Fifteen countries have deployed personnel to train and support local forces in Iraq. The United Arab Emirates and Germany are organizing 25 coalition partners in helping to stabilize areas in Iraq liberated from ISIL. Italy is coordinating the multinational effort to train Iraqi police. 近24个国家——其中包括土耳其和我们的阿拉伯伙伴——以某种方式为军事行动作出贡献，迄今已对伊斯兰国发动了8000多次空袭。正如我所说的，我们准备欢迎或与其他真正决心打击伊斯兰国的国家合作。15个国家已部署人员培训和支持伊拉克当地部队。阿联酋和德国正在组织25个联盟伙伴，帮助稳定伊拉克从伊斯兰国手中解放的地区。意大利正在协调培训伊拉克警察的多国努力。
On the political front, U.S. leadership brought all the key countries together in the Vienna to discuss a common understanding on the principles for ending the Syrian civil war. On the humanitarian front, the United States is helping to lead the effort to mobilize more aid for the Syrian people, including refugees. 在政治方面，美国的领导作用将所有关键国家聚集到维也纳，讨论结束叙利亚内战原则的共识。在人道主义方面，美国正在带头努力为叙利亚人民动员更多援助，包括难民。
More than 40 countries have now passed or strengthened laws to prevent the flow of foreign terrorist fighters, and 34 nations, including the United States, have arrested foreign terrorist fighters. Saudi Arabia is helping to coordinate the crackdown on ISIL financing. The United Arab Emirates' new messaging center is working to discredit ISIL's propaganda, and Malaysia just announced the creation of its own center to do the same. 40多个国家现已通过或加强了防止外国恐怖战斗人员流动的法律，包括美国在内的34个国家逮捕了外国恐怖战斗人员。沙特阿拉伯正在帮助协调打击伊斯兰国融资的行动。阿联酋新设立的信息中心正在努力驳斥伊斯兰国的宣传，马来西亚也刚刚宣布成立自己的中心做同样的工作。
And by joining our summit at the United Nations that we organized this fall, more than 100 nations, more than 20 multilateral institutions and some 120 civil society groups -- including many leaders from Muslim communities around the world -- have become part of a global movement against ISIL and its twisted ideology. 通过参加我们今年秋天在联合国组织的峰会，100多个国家、20多个多边机构以及约120个民间社会团体——包括来自世界各地穆斯林社区的许多领导人——已成为打击伊斯兰国及其扭曲意识形态的全球运动的一部分。
All of which is to say that our coalition will not relent. We will not accept the idea that terrorist assaults on restaurants and theaters and hotels are the new normal -- or that we are powerless to stop them. After all, that's precisely what terrorists like ISIL want, because, ultimately, that's the only way that they can win. 所有这些都表明，我们的联盟不会松懈。我们不会接受这样一种观点，即对餐馆、剧院和酒店的恐怖袭击是新常态——或者说我们无力阻止它们。毕竟，这正是伊斯兰国这样的恐怖分子想要的，因为归根结底，这是他们唯一能够取胜的方式。
That's the very nature of terrorism -- they can't beat us on the battlefield, so they try to terrorize us into being afraid, into changing our patterns of behavior, into panicking, into abandoning our allies and partners, into retreating from the world. And as President, I will not let that happen. 恐怖主义的本质就是如此——他们在战场上打不赢我们，所以他们试图恐吓我们，让我们感到害怕，让我们改变行为模式，让我们陷入恐慌，让我们抛弃盟友和伙伴，让我们从世界舞台上退缩。作为总统，我不会让这种情况发生。
In our diverse societies, everybody can do their part. And we will not give in to fear, or start turning on each other, or treating some people differently because of religion or race or background. That wouldn't just be a betrayal of our values, it would also feed ISIL's propaganda -- there assertion, which is absolutely false, that we must absolutely reject, that we are somehow at war with an entire religion. The United States could never be at war with any religion because America is made up of multiple religions. We're strengthened by people from every religion, including Muslim Americans. 在我们多元的社会中，每个人都可以尽自己的一份力量。我们不会屈服于恐惧，不会开始互相攻击，不会因为宗教、种族或背景而区别对待某些人。这不仅是对我们价值观的背叛，也会助长伊斯兰国的宣传——他们声称我们在与整个宗教作战，这是绝对错误的，是我们必须坚决拒绝的。美国永远不会与任何宗教作战，因为美国由多种宗教组成。我们因来自每一种宗教的人们而更加强大，包括穆斯林美国人。
So I want to be as clear as I can on this: Prejudice and discrimination helps ISIL and undermines our national security. And so, even as we destroy ISIL on the battlefield -- and we will destroy them -- we will take back land that they are currently in. We will cut off their financing. We will hunt down their leadership. We will dismantle their networks and their supply lines, and we will ultimately destroy them. 因此，我想尽可能明确地说明这一点：偏见和歧视帮助了伊斯兰国，破坏了我们的国家安全。因此，即使我们在战场上摧毁伊斯兰国——我们一定会摧毁他们——我们也将夺回他们目前占领的土地。我们将切断他们的资金来源。我们将追捕他们的领导人。我们将摧毁他们的网络和供应线，最终将他们消灭。
Even as we are in the process of doing that, we want to make sure that we don't lose our own values and our own principles. And we can all do our part by upholding the values of tolerance and diversity and equality that help keep America strong. 即使在我们这样做的过程中，我们也要确保不失去自己的价值观和原则。我们都可以通过维护宽容、多样性和平等的价值观来尽自己的一份力量，这些价值观使美国保持强大。
The United States will continue to lead this global coalition. We are intensifying our strategy on all fronts, with local partners on the ground. We are going to keep on rolling back ISIL in Iraq and in Syria, and take out more of their leaders and commanders so that they do not threaten us. And we will destroy this terrorist organization. 美国将继续领导这个全球联盟。我们正在与当地伙伴一道，在各条战线上加强我们的战略。我们将继续在伊拉克和叙利亚击退伊斯兰国，消灭更多的领导人和指挥官，使他们不再对我们构成威胁。我们将摧毁这个恐怖组织。
And we'll keep working with our allies and partners for the opportunity and justice that helps defeat violent extremism. We'll keep standing up for the human rights and dignity of all people -- because that is contrary to what these terrorists believe. That's part of how we defeat them. And I'm confident we will succeed. The hateful vision of an organization like ISIL is no match for the strength of nations and people around the world who are united to live in security and peace and in harmony. 我们将继续与盟友和伙伴合作，为能够击败暴力极端主义的机会和正义而努力。我们将继续捍卫所有人的人权和尊严——因为这与这些恐怖分子的信仰背道而驰。这是我们击败他们的方式之一。我相信我们会成功。像伊斯兰国这样的组织所怀有的可憎愿景，根本无法与世界各地团结起来追求安全、和平与和谐的国家和人民的力量相比。
So with that, I'm going to take a couple of questions. We'll start with Angela Greiling-Keane of Bloomberg. 好了，我现在回答几个问题。首先请彭博社的安吉拉·格赖林-基恩提问。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. You're scheduled to meet this week with President Hollande in Washington to talk about stepping up efforts against ISIL even further. Given that Russia would be part of the coalition that France proposes, have you seen any signs in the past couple days of Russia redirecting its military efforts in Syria to actually focus on ISIL? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。您定于本周在华盛顿与奥朗德总统会晤，讨论进一步加大打击伊斯兰国力度的问题。鉴于俄罗斯将加入法国提议的联盟，您是否在过去几天看到俄罗斯将其在叙利亚的军事行动转向真正打击伊斯兰国的迹象？
Are there any circumstances that you could see President Assad remaining in power, even if only temporarily, if that's what it took to effectively have a broad alliance directed at ISIL? And finally, as you've said, the U.S. won't work with Russia if their goal is to keep Assad in power. If that's the case, is defeating ISIL or destroying ISIL a realistic goal? 在什么情况下，您认为阿萨德总统可以继续掌权，哪怕只是暂时的，如果这是建立一个广泛联盟打击伊斯兰国所必需的？最后，正如您所说，如果俄罗斯的目标是让阿萨德继续掌权，美国不会与俄罗斯合作。如果是这样的话，击败或摧毁伊斯兰国是否是一个现实的目标？
President Obama: Well, first of all, destroying ISIL is not only a realistic goal, we're going to get it done, and we're going to pursue it with every aspect of American power and with all the coalition partners that we've assembled. It's going to get done. 奥巴马总统：嗯，首先，摧毁伊斯兰国不仅是一个现实的目标，而且我们一定会实现它，我们将动用美国力量的方方面面，联合我们集结的所有联盟伙伴来实现这一目标。我们一定会做到。
It will be helpful if Russia directs its focus on ISIL, and I do think that as a consequence of ISIL claiming responsibility for bringing down their plane, there is an increasing awareness on the part of President Putin that ISIL poses a greater threat to them than anything else in the region. The question at this point is whether they can make the strategic adjustment that allows them to be effective partners with us and the other 65 countries who are already part of the counter-ISIL campaign. And we don't know that yet. 如果俄罗斯将其重点转向伊斯兰国，那将是有帮助的。我确实认为，由于伊斯兰国声称对击落其飞机负责，普京总统越来越意识到伊斯兰国对他们构成的威胁比该地区任何其他威胁都更大。目前的问题是，他们能否做出战略调整，使其能够与我们以及已经参与打击伊斯兰国行动的其他65个国家成为有效的伙伴。我们目前还不知道。
So far, over the last several weeks, when they started taking strikes in Syria, their principal targets have been the moderate opposition that they felt threatened Assad. Their principal goal appeared to be -- if you follow the strikes that they took -- to fortify the position of the Assad regime. And that does not add to our efforts against ISIL. In some ways, it strengthens it because ISIL is also fighting many of those groups that the Russians were hitting. 到目前为止，在过去几周里，当他们开始在叙利亚发动空袭时，他们的主要目标是他们认为对阿萨德构成威胁的温和反对派。如果你关注他们的空袭行动，他们的主要目标似乎是巩固阿萨德政权的地位。这对我们打击伊斯兰国的努力没有帮助。在某些方面，这反而加强了伊斯兰国，因为伊斯兰国也在与俄罗斯打击的许多组织作战。
When we were in Turkey I discussed with President Putin, in a brief pull-aside, his need to recognize that he needs to go after the people who killed Russian citizens. And those aren't the groups that they were currently hitting with strikes. So they're going to have to make an adjustment in terms of what they're prioritizing. 我们在土耳其时，我在一次简短的私下交谈中与普京总统讨论了他需要认识到，他必须追查杀害俄罗斯公民的人。而那些人并不是他们目前空袭打击的组织。因此，他们必须在优先事项上做出调整。
More broadly -- I've said this before; I said it to President Putin five years ago and I repeated it to him just a few days ago -- the issue with Assad is not simply the way that he has treated his people. It's not just a human rights issues. It's not just a question of supporting somebody who has been ruthlessly dropping bombs on his own civilian populations. 更广泛地说——我以前说过这话；五年前我就对普京总统说过，就在几天前我又对他重复了一遍——阿萨德的问题不仅仅是他对待人民的方式。这不仅仅是人权问题。这也不仅仅是支持一个残酷轰炸本国平民的人的问题。
As a practical matter, it is not conceivable that Mr. Assad can regain legitimacy in a country in which a large majority of that country despises Assad and will not stop fighting so long as he's in power, which means that the civil war perpetuates itself. 实际上，阿萨德先生不可能在一个大多数人都憎恨他的国家重新获得合法性，只要他掌权，人们就不会停止战斗，这意味着内战将持续下去。
And so the goal in Vienna is to see if -- with all the countries around the table, including Saudi Arabia, and Turkey, and Iran, and Russia, as well as the United States and other countries that have concerns about this -- whether we can arrive at a political transition process that recognizes the need for a new government and can quell the fighting and bring about a ceasefire and allows all of us to refocus our attention on this barbaric organization that is killing so many people. 因此，维也纳会谈的目标是看看——与所有与会国家，包括沙特阿拉伯、土耳其、伊朗、俄罗斯，以及美国和其他对此关切的国家一道——我们能否达成一个政治过渡进程，承认建立新政府的必要性，平息战斗，实现停火，并使我们所有人能够将注意力重新集中到这个杀害了如此多人的残暴组织上。
Russia has not officially committed to a transition of Assad moving out, but they did agree to the political transition process. And I think we'll find out over the next several weeks whether or not we can bring about that change of perspective with the Russians. 俄罗斯尚未正式承诺阿萨德下台的过渡，但他们确实同意了政治过渡进程。我认为，在未来几周内，我们将弄清楚我们能否让俄罗斯人改变看法。
Keep in mind that we all have an interest in maintaining a Syrian state because we don't want complete chaos. I mean, and there are problems that we've seen in, for example, Lebanon, when the machinery of state entirely breaks down. So there's going to be a need for the international community and the United Nations to work in order to maintain -- maintaining a Syrian state and be able to move forward with a political transition that's orderly. And that's going to be difficult, but that's what we have to focus on. 请记住，我们都有维护叙利亚国家的利益，因为我们不希望出现完全的混乱。我的意思是，例如在黎巴嫩，我们已经看到了当国家机器完全崩溃时出现的问题。因此，国际社会和联合国需要努力维护——维持叙利亚国家，并能够推动有序的政治过渡。这将是困难的，但这是我们必须关注的。
In terms of the position of the United States and the other 65 members of the coalition, my view on Assad is it will not work to keep him in power. We can't stop the fighting. Even if I were to cynically say that my priority is ISIL and not removing Assad regardless of the terrible things that he's done to his people, the United States could not stop the fighting in Syria by those who are opposed to Assad's rule. 就美国和联盟其他65个成员国的立场而言，我对阿萨德的看法是，让他继续掌权是行不通的。我们无法停止战斗。即使我愤世嫉俗地说我的首要任务是伊斯兰国而不是推翻阿萨德——不管他对人民做了多么可怕的事情——美国也无法阻止叙利亚境内反对阿萨德统治的人继续战斗。
And so this is a practical issue, not just a matter of conscience. And I think that there are a large number of members of this coalition, including President Hollande, who agree with me on that. 因此，这是一个实际问题，而不仅仅是良心问题。我认为，联盟中有大量成员国同意我的看法，包括奥朗德总统。
Michael Shear. 迈克尔·希尔。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. On a different topic -- when you go to Paris next week for the climate talks, you do so in the shadow of what happened in that city a week ago. Could you talk a little bit about how you think those terror attacks might affect the talks? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。换个话题——下周您将前往巴黎参加气候会谈，而一周前这座城市刚刚发生了恐怖袭击事件。您能否谈谈您认为这些恐怖袭击可能会对会谈产生什么影响？
And substantively, on the talks, can you talk a little bit about concerns that the United States might not have the ability to convince poor countries that nations will help them pay for what they need to do to achieve the climate talks, given especially the Republican opposition back home? 从实质上讲，关于这些会谈，您能否谈谈人们的担忧——即美国可能没有能力说服贫穷国家，各国将帮助它们支付应对气候变化所需的费用，尤其是考虑到国内共和党人的反对？
And on one separate matter, could you comment on the investigations that we reported about in our paper this morning into whether or not intelligence officials are altering the assessments of the ISIL campaign to make them seem more rosy? 还有一件事，您能否评论一下今天早上我们报纸报道的调查——关于情报官员是否正在修改对伊斯兰国行动的评估，使其看起来更加乐观？
President Obama: I'll take the last question first. One of the things I insisted on the day I walked into the Oval Office was that I don't want intelligence shaded by politics. I don't want it shaded by the desire to tell a feel-good story. We can't make good policy unless we've got good, accurate, hard-headed, clear-eyed intelligence. 奥巴马总统：我先回答最后一个问题。我走进椭圆形办公室的第一天就坚持的一件事是，我不希望情报受到政治影响。我不希望它为了讲一个令人欣慰的故事而被歪曲。除非我们有良好、准确、务实、清醒的情报，否则我们无法制定好的政策。
I believe that the Department of Defense and all those who head up our intelligence agencies understand that, and that I have made it repeatedly clear to all my top national security advisors that I never want them to hold back, even if the intelligence or their opinions about the intelligence, their analysis or interpretations of the data contradict current policy. So that's a message that we've been adamant about from the start. 我相信国防部和所有领导我们情报机构的人都理解这一点，我也一再向我所有的最高国家安全顾问明确表示，我绝不希望他们有所保留，即使情报或他们对情报的看法、他们的分析或对数据的解读与当前政策相矛盾。从一开始，这就是我们一直坚持的信息。
I don't know what we'll discover with respect to what was going on at CENTCOM. I think that's something that's best left to the IG and the processes. I have communicated once again to both the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs as well as Secretary Carter that I expect that we get to the bottom of whether or not what you describe has been happening. 我不知道我们会发现关于中央司令部发生了什么。我认为这最好留给监察长和相关程序去处理。我已再次向参谋长联席会议主席以及卡特部长传达，我希望我们彻底查清你所描述的情况是否确实存在。
There are always going to be some disputes with respect to how to interpret facts on the ground. I get intelligence briefings every single day, and there are times where they're making their best judgments -- they'll say, with moderate confidence, or low confidence, or high confidence, this is what we think is happening. There may be times where there are disputes internally among various intelligence agencies about that. But I don't know the details of this. What I do know is my expectation, which is the highest fidelity to facts, data -- the truth. 对于如何解读实地事实，总会有一些争议。我每天都收到情报简报，有时他们在做出最佳判断时——他们会说，中等可信度、低可信度或高可信度，这就是我们认为正在发生的事情。有时各情报机构内部可能会对此存在争议。但我不知道这方面的细节。我所知道的是我的期望，那就是对事实、数据——对真相的最高忠诚。
And if there are disagreements in terms of how folks are interpreting the facts, then that should be reflected in the reports that we receive -- that some folks think this is going on; other folks thinks that's going on. And that's part of what I weigh in terms of making decisions. 如果人们在如何解读事实方面存在分歧，那么这应该反映在我们收到的报告中——即一些人认为情况是这样，另一些人认为情况是那样。这是我在做决策时权衡的一部分。
One last thing I'll say, though -- as a consumer of this intelligence, it's not as if I've been receiving wonderfully rosy, glowing portraits of what's been happening in Iraq and Syria over the last year and a half. So to the extent that it's been shaded -- again, I don't know the details of what the IG may discover -- but it feels to me like, at my level at least, we've had a pretty clear-eyed, sober assessment of where we've made real progress and where we have not. 不过，我最后要说的一点是——作为这些情报的使用者，我并不是一直在接收关于过去一年半伊拉克和叙利亚局势的美妙乐观描述。因此，就情报被歪曲的程度而言——同样，我不知道监察长可能会发现什么细节——但在我看来，至少在我这个层面，我们对哪些方面取得了真正进展、哪些方面没有，有着相当清醒和冷静的评估。
On Paris, a lot of the discussion out here both at the G20, APEC, and finally here at ASEAN, has been that we've got to get a strong Paris deal. And I'm optimistic that we can -- 160 countries have now put forward their national targets for how they can reduce emissions; that accounts for about 90 percent of the world's emitters. 关于巴黎，在二十国集团、亚太经合组织以及最后在这里的东盟峰会上，很多讨论都围绕着我们必须达成一项强有力的巴黎协定。我对此持乐观态度——160个国家现已提出各自的减排国家目标；这约占全球排放国的90%。
And the key to a strong agreement is going to be that, although there's going to be differentiation between countries -- the United States doesn't expect that our obligations are identical to Laos, for example, given our levels of development, how much carbon we emit compared to theirs -- that everybody does have a plan, that everybody is accountable to a single set of reporting requirements, that there's transparency about what each country is doing. 达成一项强有力协定的关键在于，尽管各国之间会有差异——美国不认为我们的义务与老挝相同，例如，考虑到我们的发展水平、我们的碳排放量与他们相比——但每个人都确实有一个计划，每个人都要对一套统一的报告要求负责，每个国家的行动都要有透明度。
That once we've set that architecture in place, in five years time, we can review what we've done, turn up the dials in light of additional information and additional technology. In some cases, we may make progress faster than we expected, and we can increase our targets. So the key is to make sure that everybody is doing their part. 一旦我们建立了这个架构，五年后我们可以回顾我们所做的工作，根据更多的信息和更多的技术来调整力度。在某些情况下，我们可能会取得比预期更快的进展，我们可以提高目标。因此，关键是确保每个人都尽自己的一份力量。
You raise one important issue, and that is climate finance. There are going to be a number of countries who recognize the threat of climate change, want to do something about it, but they also have large populations suffering from extreme poverty, who don't have electricity, who don't have the ability to feed their families. 您提出了一个重要问题，那就是气候融资。有许多国家认识到气候变化的威胁，希望为此采取行动，但它们也有大量人口处于极端贫困之中，没有电，没有能力养活家人。
And any leader of those countries has to ask themselves, am I going to be sacrificing development and poverty alleviation in order to deal with climate change, particularly since a lot of more developed countries are responsible for at least the current carbon emissions that are causing climate change. 这些国家的任何领导人都必须扪心自问，我是否要为了应对气候变化而牺牲发展和减贫，特别是因为许多发达国家至少对当前造成气候变化的碳排放负有责任。
And so the answer to that we've all agreed is a finance mechanism to help these countries adapt -- in some cases, leapfrog old technologies so that instead of building old, dirty power plants, here are some smart, clean-energy plants. And we'll help you through technology transfer and financing so that you can achieve your development goals, but not add to the carbon problem. 因此，我们都同意的解决方案是建立一个融资机制，帮助这些国家适应——在某些情况下，跨越旧技术，这样它们就不必建造老旧肮脏的发电厂，而是可以建造智能清洁能源发电厂。我们将通过技术转让和融资来帮助你们，使你们能够实现发展目标，同时不增加碳排放问题。
So far, with a target of $100 billion, we've reached between private and public sources $62 billion, and that target did not need to be met until 2020, based on our original commitments. So we're well on our way to meeting these commitments. And it's a smart investment for us to make. 到目前为止，我们的目标是1000亿美元，我们已从私营和公共来源筹集了620亿美元，而根据我们最初的承诺，这一目标要到2020年才需要实现。因此，我们正在顺利实现这些承诺。这对我们来说是一项明智的投资。
Sometimes, back home, critics will argue, there's no point in us doing something about getting our house in order when it comes to climate change because other countries won't do anything and it will just mean that we're in a less competitive position. Well, when I met with President Xi and China signed on to an aggressive commitment, that took a major argument away from those critics. We now the two largest emitters signed on. 有时，国内批评者会说，我们在气候变化问题上管好自己的事是没有意义的，因为其他国家什么都不会做，这只会让我们处于更不利的竞争地位。嗯，当我与习主席会晤，中国签署了一项雄心勃勃的承诺时，这些批评者的一个主要论点就站不住脚了。现在，两个最大的排放国都已加入。
And it makes sense for us and the Chinese and the Europeans and others to help these countries, because, ultimately, if a country like India, for example, with over a billion people, is a major polluter, that's going to affect all of us. If, on the other hand, they're developing and growing in a clean way, that's going to be good for all of us. 我们、中国、欧洲和其他国家帮助这些国家是有道理的，因为归根结底，如果像印度这样拥有超过10亿人口的国家成为主要污染国，那将影响我们所有人。另一方面，如果它们以清洁的方式发展和增长，那将对我们所有人都有好处。
I guess you want to know how the atmosphere, as a consequence of the attack in Paris would affect it. Look, I think it is absolutely vital for every country, every leader to send a signal that the viciousness of a handful of killers does not stop the world from doing vital business, and that Paris -- one of the most beautiful, enticing cities in the world -- is not going to be cowered by the violent, demented actions of a few. 我猜你想知道巴黎袭击后的氛围会对会谈产生什么影响。听着，我认为对每个国家、每位领导人来说，发出一个信号都是绝对重要的，那就是少数杀手的凶残阻止不了世界开展重要事务，巴黎——世界上最美丽、最迷人的城市之一——不会被少数人暴力、疯狂的行为所吓倒。
And that's part of the overall message that I want to very clearly send the American people. We do not succumb to fear. That's the primary power that these terrorists have over us. They cannot strike a mortal blow against the United States, or against France, or against a country like Malaysia. But they can make people fearful. And that's understandable, because that could have been us; that could have been our families; that could have been our children in these places. And our hearts are broken when we see these images. 这是我想向美国人民非常明确传达的整体信息的一部分。我们不屈服于恐惧。这是这些恐怖分子对我们拥有的主要力量。他们无法对美国、法国或马来西亚这样的国家造成致命打击。但他们可以让人们感到恐惧。这是可以理解的，因为那本可能是我们；那本可能是我们的家人；那本可能是我们在那些地方的孩子。当我们看到这些画面时，我们的心都碎了。
But in addition to hunting down terrorists, in addition to effective intelligence, and in addition to missile strikes, and in addition to cutting off financing and all the other things that we're doing, the most powerful tool we have to fight ISIL is to say that we're not afraid; to not elevate them; to somehow buy into their fantasy that they're doing something important. 但是，除了追捕恐怖分子、除了有效的情报、除了导弹打击、除了切断资金以及我们正在做的所有其他事情之外，我们打击伊斯兰国最有力的武器就是表明我们不害怕；不抬高他们的地位；不相信他们在做什么重要事情的幻想。
They're a bunch of killers. And there have been people throughout human history who can find an excuse to kill people because they don't think like them or look like them. And we fight them, and we beat them, and we don't change our institutions and our culture and our values because of them. 他们就是一群杀手。纵观人类历史，总有一些人能找到借口去杀害与自己想法不同或长相不同的人。我们与他们战斗，我们击败他们，我们不会因为他们而改变我们的制度、文化和价值观。
I want to be very clear about this. I am not afraid that ISIL will beat us because of their operations. When I see a headline that says this individual who designed this plot in Paris is a mastermind -- he's not a mastermind. He found a few other vicious people, got hands on some fairly conventional weapons, and, sadly, it turns out that if you're willing to die, you can kill a lot of people. 我想非常明确地说明这一点。我不害怕伊斯兰国会因为他们的行动而击败我们。当我看到头条新闻说策划巴黎袭击的人是个"主谋"时——他不是什么主谋。他只是找到了其他几个凶残的人，弄到了一些相当常规的武器，而可悲的事实是，如果你愿意去死，你就可以杀死很多人。
And so it is in our capacity to roll up those networks. Now, we got to take precautions, we have to take it seriously, and we have to go at the heart of the problem that exists inside of Syria and Iraq right now. And we have to address the broader issues that exist in a tiny fraction of the Muslim community. But it is a real problem that leaders -- from Prime Minister Najib to the President of Indonesia and others who have large Muslim populations -- acknowledge. 因此，我们有能力摧毁这些网络。现在，我们必须采取预防措施，必须认真对待，必须直击目前叙利亚和伊拉克境内问题的核心。我们还必须解决穆斯林社区中一小部分人存在的更广泛问题。但这是一个各国领导人——从纳吉布总理到印度尼西亚总统以及其他拥有大量穆斯林人口的国家领导人——都承认的真正问题。
A country like Indonesia has 250 million people; if just a tiny fraction of those are in some ways attracted by a vicious ideology like ISIL's, then that's a real problem for us. And so tools like countering this narrative, and Muslim clerics and political leaders and community leaders coming forward and making sure that our children are not being fed this kind of bile, that's critically important as well. 像印度尼西亚这样有2.5亿人口的国家，如果其中只有一小部分人在某种程度上被伊斯兰国的恶毒意识形态所吸引，那对我们来说就是一个真正的问题。因此，像打击这种叙事这样的工具，以及穆斯林神职人员、政治领导人和社区领袖站出来，确保我们的孩子不被灌输这种恶毒思想，也是至关重要的。
But in all of this, we cannot respond from fear. And the American people, in the past, have confronted some very real, enormous threats, and we beat them. We vanquished them. This will be no different. 但在这一切中，我们不能因恐惧而做出反应。美国人民过去曾面对过一些非常真实的巨大威胁，我们击败了它们。我们战胜了它们。这次也不会例外。
Kevin Corke. 凯文·科克。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. I wanted to ask you about what Secretary Carter said about expanding the rules of engagement versus ISIS. What was that conversation like? And what did he mean by that? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。我想请教您关于卡特部长所说的扩大针对伊斯兰国的交战规则的问题。那次谈话是怎样的？他说的是什么意思？
And I'd like to ask you also about immigration. The high court is looking into executive action on immigration, as you know. And I understand the sensitivity of it, you don't want to be prejudicial. But I'm curious, are you where you thought you'd be in immigration reform? And what would you say to family members who say, listen, we did it the right way, we've waited our turn in line -- how do these other guys get to skip the line, if you will? 我还想请教您关于移民的问题。正如您所知，最高法院正在审查移民行政命令。我理解这个问题的敏感性，您不想有偏见。但我很好奇，在移民改革方面，您是否达到了您预期的进展？对于那些说"听着，我们走的是正路，我们一直在排队等候——这些人怎么能插队呢"的家庭成员，您会怎么说？
And lastly, the Attorney General announced eight indictments of individuals in the U.S. and Mexico on sex trafficking and related charges. Where is the fight against sex trafficking among the priorities for your Administration? Are you where you thought you'd be on that? Thank you, sir. 最后，司法部长宣布对美国和墨西哥的8人提出性交易及相关指控的起诉。打击性交易在您政府的优先事项中处于什么位置？您在这方面是否达到了预期？谢谢您，先生。
President Obama: Okay. Kevin, you asked all those questions so nicely, but if everybody is asking three questions, we're not going to get home. So let me see if I can go through these very quickly. 奥巴马总统：好的。凯文，你问这些问题问得真好，但如果每个人都问三个问题，我们就回不了家了。让我看看能不能非常快地回答这些问题。
With respect to rules of engagement, we are in a constant conversation inside the Situation Room about how do we apply force most effectively to go after key ISIL targets, key ISIL leaders, strategic positions, their infrastructure, their supply lines, while minimizing civilian casualties. We do so for two reasons: One, because it's the right thing to do. 关于交战规则，我们在战情室内一直在讨论，如何最有效地使用武力来打击伊斯兰国的关键目标、关键领导人、战略要地、基础设施和供应线，同时尽量减少平民伤亡。我们这样做有两个原因：第一，因为这是正确的做法。
There are people who are caught up in Mosul right now, for example, who despise ISIL, who are essentially captive to ISIL, are being brutalized by ISIL. And to the extent that we can avoid them being killed by those of us who are trying to defeat ISIL, that's a legitimate concern in any military campaign. 例如，现在摩苏尔就有这样的人，他们憎恨伊斯兰国，实际上是被伊斯兰国囚禁的人，正遭受伊斯兰国的残暴对待。如果我们能够避免那些试图击败伊斯兰国的人误杀他们，这在任何军事行动中都是合理的关切。
Because if we're not careful about it -- and this brings us to the practical element of it -- then you can alienate the very populations that you need to win over, because ultimately those are the folks who are going to have to drive ISIL out, stomp it out all the way. 因为如果我们不小心——这就涉及到实际因素——那么你可能会疏远你需要争取的民众，因为归根结底，这些人才是最终将伊斯兰国赶出去、彻底消灭他们的人。
The good news is, is the U.S. military has become very good at this. I think that there have been some circumstances where the military proceeds in steps and are continually reevaluating whether, well, maybe this is a situation where we can, in fact, take the strike without a lot of civilian casualties. 好消息是，美国军方在这方面已经变得非常擅长。我认为，在某些情况下，军方会逐步推进，并不断重新评估，也许在这种情况下，我们实际上可以在不造成大量平民伤亡的情况下发动空袭。
A good example with the recent trucks that were struck. There may be ways in which warnings can be given to the drivers -- many of whom may not work for ISIL, they may just be for hire or being forced into it -- so that they better abandon those trucks before we shoot them down, because we're shooting them down. So that's the kind of conversation, and that's been ongoing throughout the process. 一个很好的例子是最近被击中的卡车。可能有办法向司机发出警告——他们中的许多人可能不为伊斯兰国工作，可能只是受雇或被迫的——这样他们最好在我们击落卡车之前弃车，因为我们肯定会击落它们。这就是我们讨论的内容，而且这个讨论一直在进行。
With respect to immigration reform, I can't comment on the ins and outs of the legal case. I've said before and I'll say again, I am confident that the rules and executive action that I put forward are squarely within the category of prosecutorial discretion that historically has been under a President's power. And you've got lower courts who've disagreed, but we think that past precedent is on our side. 关于移民改革，我不能对法律案件的细节发表评论。我以前说过，我还要再说一遍，我相信我提出的规则和行政行动完全属于历史上总统一直拥有的检察自由裁量权范畴。下级法院有不同意见，但我们认为过去的判例站在我们这边。
Substantively, I've got 11 million people in our countries, many of whom are working, paying taxes, our neighbors, coworkers, friends who've lived in the United States for a very long time. We're not going to deport them, despite what some political leaders may say. It would be contrary to who we are, would be too costly, is too impractical. 实质上，我们国家有1100万人，其中许多人在工作、纳税，是我们的邻居、同事、朋友，他们已经在美国生活了很长时间。我们不会驱逐他们，不管一些政治领导人怎么说。这有悖于我们的本性，成本太高，也太不切实际。
What we want to do is allow them to get out of the shadows and to get right with the law, pay a fine, go to the back of the line, but hopefully, over time, be contributors to society. 我们想做的是让他们走出阴影，依法办理手续，缴纳罚款，排在队伍后面，但希望随着时间的推移，成为社会的贡献者。
Of course, none of this would be necessary if we just passed the legislation that was passed in the Senate with a bipartisan majority. And I continue to believe that the ultimate solution is going to be one that comes from Congress. 当然，如果我们通过了参议院以两党多数通过的立法，这一切都没有必要。我仍然相信最终的解决方案将来自国会。
And although, during this political season, it may be difficult for Republican leaders in either the House or in the Senate to resuscitate that legislation, my hope is, is that after the election, they will. And in the interim, I'm going to do everything I can to sensibly apply our immigration laws in a way that is reflective of the fact that we're a nation of laws and a nation of immigrants. 尽管在这个政治季节，参众两院的共和党领导人可能难以重启这项立法，但我的希望是，选举后他们会这样做。在此期间，我将尽我所能，以明智的方式执行我们的移民法，反映出我们是一个法治国家，也是一个移民国家的事实。
And just very briefly, with respect to sex trafficking -- this is a critical problem. We take it very seriously. We have entire divisions in our law enforcement agencies that are dedicated to this. I've elevated this within the White House so that we have people focusing specifically on ending trafficking. And in our international discussions -- most specifically, out here in Southeast Asia -- we are working very closely to promote mechanisms that will end trafficking. 非常简要地谈谈性交易问题——这是一个关键问题。我们非常认真地对待它。我们的执法机构中有专门部门致力于此。我在白宫内部提升了这一问题的重要性，以便有人专门专注于结束人口贩运。在我们的国际讨论中——特别是在东南亚地区——我们正在密切合作，推动终止人口贩运的机制。
In fact, TPP, one of the central mechanisms in TPP, to ensure high labor standards and human rights and human dignity, are requirements among the members who are signatories to have in place real, serious, enforceable ways to prevent the kind of human trafficking that causes such hardship and brutality for so many people. 事实上，跨太平洋伙伴关系协定中确保高劳工标准、人权和人的尊严的核心机制之一，就是要求签署成员国建立真正、严肃、可执行的机制，防止给如此多的人带来如此苦难和残暴的人口贩运。
And those of you who were with me when I visited the refugee center yesterday will recall the lovely young 16-year-old who was sitting next to me -- she's somebody who had been a victim of trafficking. And it reminds you of the terrible toll that is often placed on children, people who are the most vulnerable, people who are least able to protect themselves. And every country has an obligation to put an end to it. 昨天和我一起访问难民中心的人会记得，坐在我旁边那位可爱的16岁女孩——她曾是人口贩运的受害者。这提醒你，儿童、最脆弱的人、最无力保护自己的人，往往遭受最可怕的伤害。每个国家都有义务制止这种行为。
David Nakamura. 戴维·中村。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. You said moments ago that Americans should not give in to fear when it comes to these terrorist attacks. But you also said that the person who may have been the person behind thinking about the attacks is not a mastermind and that anybody who can get their hands on some conventional weapons can -- and is willing to die can blow themselves up. How should Americans feel that if they shouldn't be scared? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。您刚才说，面对这些恐怖袭击，美国人不应该屈服于恐惧。但您也说过，策划袭击的人不是什么主谋，任何能弄到一些常规武器的人——只要愿意去死，就可以引爆炸弹。如果美国人不应该害怕，那他们应该有怎样的感受？
And if I may, The Washington Post and ABC News just this week came out with a poll that said 83 percent of the voting public believes that an attack, a terrorist attack against the U.S. with mass casualties is likely to happen in the near future, and 40 percent say it's very likely. Does that in your mind -- given the fact that you think the public should not be so fearful -- mean that the terrorists are winning? And do you believe that this is sort of the new normal, and Americans will have to live with this kind of fear? 另外，《华盛顿邮报》和美国广播公司本周刚刚公布的一项民意调查显示，83%的选民认为美国在不久的将来可能发生大规模伤亡的恐怖袭击，40%的人认为非常有可能。在您看来——鉴于您认为公众不应该如此恐惧——这是否意味着恐怖分子正在获胜？您认为这是不是某种新常态，美国人将不得不生活在这种恐惧中？
President Obama: David, I think that the American people are right to be concerned, and to expect that we in the government and in law enforcement are doing everything we can to disrupt terrorist attacks, to intercept intelligence that may lead us to individuals who are willing to carry out these attacks, that we make sure that these terrorists are not gaining the kinds of weaponry that would make it easier for them to cause mass attacks. This is a serious problem. 奥巴马总统：戴维，我认为美国人民有理由感到关切，也有理由期望我们政府和执法部门尽一切努力挫败恐怖袭击，截获可能引导我们找到愿意实施这些袭击的个人的情报，确保这些恐怖分子无法获得更容易造成大规模袭击的武器。这是一个严重的问题。
And as somebody who more often than I would like has met with or comforted families of victims of terrorism, the losses are real and they're devastating. So this is a serious problem. And we have to work collectively across the board, as we've been doing since I became President and since previous administrations identified the kinds of organized terrorist activity like al Qaeda that we've seen -- we've got to do everything we can to stop it. 作为一个比我希望的更频繁地会见或安慰恐怖主义受害者家属的人，我知道损失是真实的，是毁灭性的。所以这是一个严重的问题。我们必须全面共同努力，就像我就任总统以来一直在做的那样，就像前几届政府查明我们所看到的"基地"组织这类有组织恐怖活动以来一直在做的那样——我们必须尽一切努力阻止它。
But there is a difference between being vigilant and being concerned and taking this seriously and taking precautions and, in some cases, changing our security arrangements, as we've done, for example, in aviation -- there's a difference between smart applications of law enforcement and military and intelligence, and succumbing to the kind of fear that leads us to abandon our values, to abandon how we live, to abandon -- or change how we treat each other. 但是，保持警惕、感到关切、认真对待这个问题、采取预防措施、在某些情况下改变我们的安全安排——比如我们在航空方面所做的——与明智地运用执法、军事和情报手段，与屈服于那种导致我们放弃价值观、放弃生活方式、放弃——或改变我们对待彼此方式的恐惧，是有区别的。
And the good news is, there, Americans actually have been resilient. They've been tested. We had a mass casualty attack on 9/11. And as I said before, I was very proud of the fact that the fundamental nature of America and how we treated each other did not change. 好消息是，美国人民实际上一直很有韧性。他们经受住了考验。我们经历了9·11的大规模伤亡袭击。正如我之前所说，我非常自豪的是，美国的基本性质以及我们对待彼此的方式没有改变。
I think we made some bad decisions subsequent to that attack in part based on fear, and that's why we have to be cautious about it. We have to think things through. But overall, the American people went about their lives. Times Square is filled with people -- rightly so. After the Boston bombing attack, folks went right back to the ballpark and sang, "Take Me Out to the Ballgame." That's what they needed to do. 我认为，在那次袭击之后，我们部分基于恐惧做出了一些错误的决定，这就是为什么我们必须对此保持谨慎。我们必须仔细思考。但总的来说，美国人民继续他们的生活。时代广场挤满了人——理应如此。波士顿马拉松爆炸案后，人们又回到了棒球场，唱着《带我去看棒球赛》。这是他们需要做的。
And so the message I have is that those of us who are charged with protecting the American people are going to do everything we can to destroy this particular network. Once this network is destroyed -- and it will be -- there may be others that pop up in different parts of the world, and so we're going to have to continue to take seriously how we maintain the infrastructure that we've built to prevent this. But it doesn't have to change the fundamental trajectory of the American people. And that we should feel confident about. 因此，我要传达的信息是，我们这些负责保护美国人民的人将尽一切努力摧毁这个特定的网络。一旦这个网络被摧毁——它一定会被摧毁——世界不同地区可能还会出现其他网络，因此我们必须继续认真对待如何维护我们建立的预防机制。但这不必改变美国人民的基本轨迹。我们应该对此有信心。
And the media needs to help in this. I just want to say -- during the course of this week, a very difficult week, it is understandable that this has been a primary focus. But one of the things that has to happen is how we report on this has to maintain perspective, and not empower in any way these terrorist organizations or elevate them in ways that make it easier for them to recruit or make them stronger. 媒体也需要在这方面提供帮助。我只想说——在这一周里，这是非常艰难的一周，这成为主要焦点是可以理解的。但必须做到的一件事是，我们对此的报道必须保持分寸，不要以任何方式赋予这些恐怖组织权力，或以让它们更容易招募或变得更强大的方式抬高它们的地位。
They're a bunch of killers with good social media. And they are dangerous, and they've caused great hardship to people. But the overwhelming majority of people who go about their business every day, the Americans who are building things, and making things, and teaching, and saving lives as firefighters and as police officers -- they're stronger. Our way of life is stronger. We have more to offer -- we represent 99.9 percent of humanity. And that's why we should be confident that we'll win. 他们就是一群擅长社交媒体的杀手。他们是危险的，给人们造成了巨大的苦难。但绝大多数每天忙于自己事务的人——建设、制造、教学的美国人，以及作为消防员和警察拯救生命的美国人——更强大。我们的生活方式更强大。我们有更多的东西可以给予——我们代表着99.9%的人类。这就是为什么我们应该有信心我们会赢。
Colleen McCain Nelson. 科琳·麦凯恩·纳尔逊。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. You've threatened to veto the bill the House passed that would tighten screening procedures for Syrian refugees, but you've left the door open to legislation that is more constructive in the White House's view. 问：谢谢您，总统先生。您威胁要否决众议院通过的加强叙利亚难民筛查程序的法案，但您也为白宫认为更具建设性的立法敞开了大门。
President Obama: Yes. 奥巴马总统：是的。
Question: What specific changes to your refugee program would you support? And do you think that Democrats who are calling for a halt to your program are betraying our country's values, as you've suggested of some Republicans? And one last thing -- I'm sorry -- separately. Not a four-part question. 问：您会支持对您的难民计划做出哪些具体改变？您认为那些呼吁停止您的计划的民主党人是否像您对一些共和党人所说的那样，背叛了我们国家的价值观？最后一件事——对不起——是另一个问题。不是四个问题。
President Obama: Just a two-parter. Okay, go ahead. 奥巴马总统：就两个问题。好的，继续。
Question: You met Friday with Prime Minister Najib, who is facing allegations of corruption and human rights violations. And you'd said at your town hall event that you would raise those issues with him when you spoke privately. What was your message to Najib about the investments funds scandal and also about the issue of jailing his political opponents? 问：您周五会见了纳吉布总理，他正面临腐败和侵犯人权的指控。您在市政厅活动中表示，您会在私下会谈中向他提出这些问题。您对纳吉布传达了什么关于投资基金丑闻以及关押政治对手问题的信息？
President Obama: Okay. With respect to the refugee program, Paris just happened a week ago. News moves so fast these days that sometimes we just lose track. It's been so recent and so pervasive in the news, and people have, understandably, been so concerned given how similar Paris is to many American cities that I get why legislation in the House moved forward quickly. 奥巴马总统：好的。关于难民计划，巴黎袭击一周前才发生。现在新闻传播得太快了，有时我们都记不清了。这件事太近了，在新闻上铺天盖地，人们理所当然地感到非常担忧，因为巴黎与许多美国城市如此相似，我理解众议院的立法为什么会迅速推进。
My hope, though, is, is that now that we've got some time to catch our breath and take a look at this carefully, people understand that refugees who end up in the United States are the most vetted, scrutinized, thoroughly investigated individuals that ever arrive on American shores; that the process that's been constructed over the course of several administrations on a bipartisan basis is extraordinarily thorough and currently takes between 18 to 24 months for somebody to be approved. 但我的希望是，既然我们有时间喘口气，仔细审视这个问题，人们就会明白，最终抵达美国的难民是所有到达美国海岸的人中接受审查最严格、最彻底调查的人；这个由几届政府在两党基础上建立的程序非常彻底，目前一个人需要18到24个月才能获得批准。
And so although, on its face, the House legislation simply says, well, we can just certify -- and this is not along the lines of some of the more radical proposals that we were hearing earlier in the week from some presidential candidates -- the fact of the matter is, is that if it gums up the work so much, then effectively you don't end up seeing any refugees admitted. 因此，尽管从表面上看，众议院的立法只是说，嗯，我们可以证明——而且这与本周早些时候一些总统候选人提出的一些更激进的提议不同——但事实是，如果它把工作搞得过于复杂，那么实际上就不会有难民被接纳了。
If you layer it with more and more bureaucracy, that doesn't actually make us safer because it doesn't do a better job of screening but simply makes it almost impossible to process individuals who are coming in, then you're effectively ending the refugee program for people who desperately need it. 如果你给它加上越来越多的官僚程序，实际上并不会让我们更安全，因为它并没有更好地进行筛查，而只是让处理入境人员变得几乎不可能，那么你实际上就是在终结为那些迫切需要帮助的人设立的难民计划。
And when I referred to a betrayal of our values, I was being very specific about some of the commentary that was made that would suggest, for example, that we might let Christians in but not Muslims; that we -- somehow we're so fearful that a four-year-old orphan might be let in. 当我提到背叛我们的价值观时，我是非常具体地针对一些言论说的，比如有人建议我们可能让基督徒进来但不让穆斯林进来；有人说我们——不知何故我们如此害怕，以至于一个四岁的孤儿都可能被放进来。
And those of you who joined me to the refugee center yesterday and you saw those kids, that's who we're talking about. If you are a parent and you saw those kids, and you thought about what they had gone through, the notion that we couldn't find a home for them anywhere in the United States of America, that is contrary to our values. 昨天和我一起去难民中心的人，你们看到了那些孩子，他们就是我们所说的人。如果你是一位家长，看到那些孩子，想到他们经历了什么，却认为我们在美利坚合众国找不到一个家给他们，这是违背我们的价值观的。
And the good news is, is that the overwhelming majority of the people who know that we are screening and all the precautions that are already taken -- if they saw those kids, they'd say, yeah, we need to do right by those children. 好消息是，绝大多数知道我们在进行筛查以及所有已采取的预防措施的人——如果他们看到那些孩子，他们会说，是的，我们需要为那些孩子做正确的事。
So with respect to Prime Minister Najib, I don't comment on investigations happening back in the United States; I certainly am not going to comment on any investigations or legal proceedings that may be taking place in a foreign country where I'm a visitor. 关于纳吉布总理，我不对美国国内的调查发表评论；我当然也不会对我作为访客所在的外国可能正在进行的任何调查或法律程序发表评论。
But I did raise with Prime Minister Najib -- as I have with many of the leaders here in Southeast Asia, but also many leaders in Africa and Latin America and everywhere we go -- the importance of transparency, accountability, the importance of rooting out corruption -- all of which are impediments to development; all of which hold countries back; all of which contribute to poverty and stunted growth. 但我确实向纳吉布总理提出了——正如我对东南亚许多领导人、以及非洲、拉丁美洲和我们所到之处的许多领导人所做的那样——透明、问责的重要性，根除腐败的重要性——所有这些都是发展的障碍；所有这些都会阻碍国家发展；所有这些都会导致贫困和增长停滞。
And if countries solve those problems, even if they are resource-poor and landlocked, they will do better. And if they don't solve those problems, it doesn't matter how much they're blessed by natural resources, or size, or geography -- they're going to fail. 如果国家解决了这些问题，即使它们资源匮乏、地处内陆，也会做得更好。如果它们不解决这些问题，无论它们拥有多少自然资源、多大的国土或多好的地理位置——它们都会失败。
And I also emphasized to Prime Minister Najib the importance of civil society and a free press in countries thriving. And every country here is at different levels and stages of development, both social and economic, and we don't expect that everybody follows the same path that the United States does. But I do think there are some basic principles that are important for us to uphold as friends and partners to the countries that we're talking to. 我还向纳吉布总理强调了公民社会和新闻自由对国家繁荣的重要性。这里的每个国家都处于不同的社会和经济发展水平和阶段，我们不期望每个人都走美国走过的同一条道路。但我确实认为，作为朋友和伙伴，我们有一些基本原则需要坚持。
The good news is, is that -- take a country like Myanmar, that just went through a historic election after having been subject for 40 years to military rule. They're not going to immediately be Sweden in terms of their democratic practices, but there is a sea change taking place there, and we want to encourage that and engage it. 好消息是——以缅甸为例，该国在经历了40年的军事统治后刚刚举行了历史性选举。他们不会立即在民主实践方面达到瑞典的水平，但那里正在发生翻天覆地的变化，我们希望鼓励并参与这一进程。
And a lot of the work that we do -- the Open Government Partnership that we set up through United Nations, the bilateral work we do in terms of improving transparency, the principles and rules that we've embedded in TPP -- all those things are designed to raise the bar, to have people set sights that are a little bit higher. 我们所做的许多工作——我们通过联合国建立的开放政府伙伴关系、我们在提高透明度方面开展的双边工作、我们纳入跨太平洋伙伴关系协定的原则和规则——所有这些都是为了提高标准，让人们把目标定得更高一些。
And some will go forward, some will slip back. Paces will vary, but the trajectory is the same -- and that is a world where ordinary people are treated fairly, there's rule of law, there's transparency, governments are accountable, people's voices are heard, women are treated equally, minorities are not discriminated against. 有些人会前进，有些人会后退。步伐会有所不同，但方向是一致的——那就是一个普通人得到公平对待、有法治、有透明度、政府负责任、人民的声音被听到、妇女得到平等对待、少数群体不受歧视的世界。
Those are profoundly American values, but I also think they are universal values. 这些是深刻的美国价值观，但我也认为它们是普世价值观。
All right. Thank you, everybody. Let's go home. 好了。谢谢大家。我们回家吧。
