Well, good morning, everybody! 大家早上好！
A slightly early Shabbat Shalom. I want to thank Rabbi Steinlauf for the very kind introduction. And to all the members of the congregation, thank you so much for such an extraordinary and warm welcome. 提前祝大家安息日平安。我要感谢斯坦劳夫拉比热情洋溢的介绍。也要感谢全体会众，感谢你们如此非凡而热烈的欢迎。
I want to thank a couple of outstanding members of Congress who are here. Senator Michael Bennet -- where did Michael Bennet go? There he is. And Representative Sandy Levin, who is here. I want to thank our special envoy to combat anti-Semitism, Ira Forman, for his important work. There he is. But as I said, most of all I want to thank the entire congregation of Adas Israel for having me here today. 我要感谢今天到场的几位杰出国会议员。迈克尔·贝内特参议员——迈克尔·贝内特去哪儿了？哦，在那儿。还有桑迪·莱文众议员也在场。我要感谢我们的反犹太主义问题特使艾拉·福尔曼所做的重要工作。他也在那儿。但正如我所说，最重要的是，我要感谢阿达丝以色列会众全体成员今天邀请我来到这里。
Earlier this week, I was actually interviewed by one of your members, Jeff Goldberg. And Jeff reminded me that he once called me "the first Jewish President." Now, since some people still seem to be wondering about my faith -- I should make clear this was an honorary title. But I was flattered. 本周早些时候，我接受了你们会众成员杰夫·戈德堡的采访。杰夫提醒我，他曾称我为"第一位犹太裔总统"。既然有些人似乎还在怀疑我的宗教信仰——我得说明白，这是一个荣誉称号。但我确实受宠若惊。
And as an honorary member of the tribe, not to mention somebody who's hosted seven White House Seders and been advised by -- and been advised by two Jewish chiefs of staff, I can also proudly say that I'm getting a little bit of the hang of the lingo. But I will not use any of the Yiddish-isms that Rahm Emanuel taught me because -- I want to be invited back. Let's just say he had some creative new synonyms for "Shalom." 作为这个族群的荣誉成员，更不用说我已经主持过七次白宫逾越节家宴，并且有过——有过两位犹太裔办公厅主任担任顾问，我也可以自豪地说，我对这里的行话已经略知一二了。但我不会使用拉姆·伊曼纽尔教我的那些意第绪语说法——因为我还想被邀请回来。这么说吧，他为"你好"这个词创造了一些颇有创意的新同义词。
Now, I wanted to come here to celebrate Jewish American Heritage Month because this congregation, like so many around the country, helps us to tell the American story. And back in 1876, when President Grant helped dedicate Adas Israel, he became the first sitting President in history to attend a synagogue service. And at the time, it was an extraordinarily symbolic gesture -- not just for America, but for the world. 今天我来到这里，是为了庆祝犹太裔美国人遗产月，因为这座会众堂，就像全国各地的许多会众堂一样，帮助我们讲述美国的故事。早在1876年，格兰特总统就曾为阿达丝以色列会堂主持落成仪式，他也因此成为历史上第一位在任期间参加犹太会堂礼拜的美国总统。在当时，这是一个极具象征意义的举动——不仅对美国如此，对全世界也是如此。
And think about the landscape of Jewish history. Tomorrow night, the holiday of Shavuot marks the moment that Moses received the Torah at Mount Sinai, the first link in a chain of tradition that stretches back thousands of years, and a foundation stone for our civilization. Yet for most of those years, Jews were persecuted -- not embraced -- by those in power. Many of your ancestors came here fleeing that persecution. 想想犹太历史的壮阔图景吧。明天晚上，五旬节将纪念摩西在西奈山领受《托拉》的时刻，这是绵延数千年的传统链条中的第一环，也是我们文明的基石。然而，在这段漫长岁月中的大部分时间里，犹太人遭受的是当权者的迫害，而非接纳。你们的许多先祖正是为了躲避这种迫害才来到这里。
The United States could have been merely another destination in that ongoing Diaspora. But those who came here found that America was more than just a country. America was an idea. America stood for something. As George Washington wrote to the Jews of Newport, Rhode Island: The United States "gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance." 美国本可能只是那场持续流散中的又一个目的地。但那些来到这里的人发现，美国不仅仅是一个国家。美国是一种理念。美国代表着某种信念。正如乔治·华盛顿在写给罗德岛纽波特犹太人的信中所说：美国"不纵容偏执，不协助迫害"。
It's important for us to acknowledge that too often in our history we fell short of those lofty ideals -- in the legal subjugation of African Americans, through slavery and Jim Crow; the treatment of Native Americans. And far too often, American Jews faced the scourge of anti-Semitism here at home. 我们必须承认，在我们的历史上，我们常常未能实现这些崇高的理想——通过奴隶制和吉姆·克劳法对非裔美国人进行法律上的压迫；对原住民的不公待遇。而且，美国犹太人在国内也屡屡遭受反犹太主义的祸害。
But our founding documents gave us a North Star, our Bill of Rights; our system of government gave us a capacity for change. And where other nations actively and legally might persecute or discriminate against those of different faiths, this nation was called upon to see all of us as equal before the eyes of the law. When other countries treated their own citizens as "wretched refuse," we lifted up our lamp beside the golden door and welcomed them in. Our country is immeasurably stronger because we did. 但我们的建国文献——《权利法案》——为我们指明了方向；我们的政府体制赋予了我们变革的能力。当其他国家可能在法律上主动迫害或歧视不同信仰的人时，这个国家则要求我们在法律面前人人平等。当其他国家把本国公民视为"可怜的渣滓"时，我们在金色大门旁举起明灯，欢迎他们的到来。正因为我们这样做了，我们的国家才变得无比强大。
From Einstein to Brandeis, from Jonas Salk to Betty Friedan, American Jews have made contributions to this country that have shaped it in every aspect. And as a community, American Jews have helped make our union more perfect. The story of Exodus inspired oppressed people around the world in their own struggles for civil rights. From the founding members of the NAACP to a freedom summer in Mississippi, from women's rights to gay rights to workers' rights, Jews took the heart of Biblical edict that we must not oppress a stranger, having been strangers once ourselves. 从爱因斯坦到布兰代斯，从乔纳斯·索尔克到贝蒂·弗里丹，美国犹太人为这个国家做出了全方位的贡献，塑造了这个国家。作为一个群体，美国犹太人帮助我们的联邦变得更加完善。《出埃及记》的故事激励了世界各地受压迫的人民争取自身的公民权利。从全国有色人种协进会的创始成员到密西西比州的自由之夏，从妇女权利到同性恋权利再到工人权利，犹太人将圣经中"不可欺压寄居者，因为你们在埃及地也作过寄居者"的教诲铭记于心。
Earlier this year, when we marked the 50th anniversary of the march in Selma, we remembered the iconic images of Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel marching with Dr. King, praying with his feet. To some, it must have seemed strange that a rabbi from Warsaw would take such great risks to stand with a Baptist preacher from Atlanta. 今年早些时候，在纪念塞尔玛游行五十周年之际，我们想起了亚伯拉罕·约书亚·赫舍尔拉比与金博士并肩游行、"用双脚祈祷"的标志性画面。在有些人看来，一位来自华沙的拉比甘冒如此大的风险，与一位来自亚特兰大的浸信会牧师站在一起，一定很奇怪。
But Heschel explained that their cause was one and the same. In his essay, "No Religion is an Island," he wrote, "We must choose between interfaith and inter-nihilism." Between a shared hope that says together we can shape a brighter future, or a shared cynicism that says our world is simply beyond repair. 但赫舍尔解释说，他们的事业是一致的。他在《没有宗教是一座孤岛》一文中写道："我们必须在跨信仰与跨虚无主义之间做出选择。"一边是共同的希望，认为我们可以携手塑造更光明的未来；另一边是共同的犬儒主义，认为我们的世界已经无可救药。
So the heritage we celebrate this month is a testament to the power of hope. Me standing here before you, all of you in this incredible congregation is a testament to the power of hope. It's a rebuke to cynicism. It's a rebuke to nihilism. And it inspires us to have faith that our future, like our past, will be shaped by the values that we share. 因此，我们本月庆祝的这份遗产，正是希望力量的见证。我站在你们面前，你们在座的每一位组成了这个了不起的会众，这本身就是希望力量的见证。它是对犬儒主义的驳斥，是对虚无主义的驳斥。它激励我们相信，我们的未来，就像我们的过去一样，将由我们共同的价值观所塑造。
At home, those values compel us to work to keep alive the American Dream of opportunity for all. It means that we care about issues that affect all children, not just our own; that we're prepared to invest in early childhood education; that we are concerned about making college affordable; that we want to create communities where if you're willing to work hard, you can get ahead the way so many who fled and arrived on these shores were able to get ahead. 在国内，这些价值观驱使我们努力维护人人享有机会的美国梦。这意味着我们关心所有孩子面临的问题，而不仅仅是我们自己的孩子；意味着我们准备投资于幼儿教育；意味着我们关注如何让大学学费变得可负担；意味着我们想要建设这样的社区——只要你愿意努力工作，就能获得成功，就像许许多多逃到这片土地上的人所实现的那样。
Around the world, those values compel us to redouble our efforts to protect our planet and to protect the human rights of all who share this planet. 在全球范围内，这些价值观驱使我们加倍努力，保护我们的地球，保护所有生活在这个星球上的人的人权。
It's particularly important to remember now, given the tumult that is taking place in so many corners of the globe, in one of the world's most dangerous neighborhoods, those shared values compel us to reaffirm that our enduring friendship with the people of Israel and our unbreakable bonds with the state of Israel -- that those bonds, that friendship cannot be broken. Those values compel us to say that our commitment to Israel's security -- and my commitment to Israel's security -- is and always will be unshakeable. 在全球如此多的角落动荡不安之际，在世界上最危险的地区之一，铭记这些共同的价值观尤为重要。这些价值观驱使我们重申，我们与以色列人民之间的持久友谊，我们与以色列国之间牢不可破的纽带——这些纽带、这份友谊是不会被打破的。这些价值观驱使我们宣告，我们对以色列安全的承诺——以及我个人对以色列安全的承诺——现在是，而且永远是不可动摇的。
And I've said this before: It would be a moral failing on the part of the U.S. government and the American people, it would be a moral failing on my part if we did not stand up firmly, steadfastly not just on behalf of Israel's right to exist, but its right to thrive and prosper. Because it would ignore the history that brought the state of Israel about. It would ignore the struggle that's taken place through millennia to try to affirm the kinds of values that say everybody has a place, everybody has rights, everybody is a child of God. 我以前也说过：如果美国政府和美国人民不能坚定、不动摇地支持以色列不仅有权存在，而且有权发展和繁荣，那将是一种道德上的失败；如果我做不到这一点，那也将是我的道德失败。因为那样就忽视了以色列国诞生的历史，就忽视了几千年来为确立"人人都有一席之地、人人都有权利、人人都是上帝的孩子"这样的价值观而进行的斗争。
As many of you know, I've visited the houses hit by rocket fire in Sderot. I've been to Yad Vashem and made that solemn vow: "Never forget. Never again." When someone threatens Israel's citizens or its very right to exist, Israelis necessarily take that seriously. And so do I. Today, the military and intelligence cooperation between our two countries is stronger than ever. Our support of the Iron Dome's rocket system has saved Israeli lives. And I can say that no U.S. President, no administration has done more to ensure that Israel can protect itself than this one. 你们中许多人都知道，我曾访问过斯德洛特遭火箭弹袭击的房屋。我去过亚德瓦谢姆大屠杀纪念馆，并立下庄严誓言："永不忘记。永不再现。"当有人威胁以色列公民或其生存权时，以色列人必然会严肃对待，我也一样。今天，我们两国的军事和情报合作比以往任何时候都更加紧密。我们对铁穹火箭防御系统的支持挽救了以色列人的生命。我可以说，在确保以色列自卫能力方面，没有哪一位美国总统、哪一届政府比本届政府做得更多。
As part of that commitment, there's something else that the United States and Israel agrees on: Iran must not, under any circumstances, be allowed to get a nuclear weapon. Now, there's a debate about how to achieve that -- and that's a healthy debate. I'm not going to use my remaining time to go too deep into policy -- although for those of you who are interested -- we have a lot of material out there. But I do want everybody to just remember a few key things. 作为这一承诺的一部分，美国和以色列还有另一个共识：无论在任何情况下，都不能允许伊朗获得核武器。关于如何实现这一目标，目前存在争论——这是一种健康的辩论。我不会用剩下的时间过于深入地讨论政策——不过感兴趣的听众可以了解到，我们有大量相关资料。但我希望大家记住几个关键点。
The deal that we already reached with Iran has already halted or rolled back parts of Iran's nuclear program. Now we're seeking a comprehensive solution. I will not accept a bad deal. As I pointed out in my most recent article with Jeff Goldberg, this deal will have my name on it, so nobody has a bigger personal stake in making sure that it delivers on its promise. I want a good deal. 我们已经与伊朗达成的协议已经制止或逆转了伊朗核计划的部分内容。现在我们正在寻求一项全面解决方案。我不会接受一项糟糕的协议。正如我在最近与杰夫·戈德堡合作的文章中所指出的，这项协议将署上我的名字，因此，在确保协议兑现承诺方面，没有人比我有更大的个人利害关系。我想要的是一项好协议。
I'm interested in a deal that blocks every single one of Iran's pathways to a nuclear weapon -- every single path. A deal that imposes unprecedented inspections on all elements of Iran's nuclear program, so that they can't cheat; and if they try to cheat, we will immediately know about it and sanctions snap back on. A deal that endures beyond a decade; that addresses this challenge for the long term. In other words, a deal that makes the world and the region -- including Israel -- more secure. That's how I define a good deal. 我追求的是这样一项协议：它要堵死伊朗获取核武器的每一条途径——每一条途径。这项协议要对伊朗核计划的所有方面实施前所未有的核查，这样他们就无法作弊；如果他们试图作弊，我们会立即发现，制裁也会迅速恢复。这项协议要持续十年以上，从长远应对这一挑战。换句话说，这项协议要让世界和该地区——包括以色列——更加安全。这就是我对好协议的定义。
I can't stand here today and guarantee an agreement will be reached. We're hopeful. We're working hard. But nothing is agreed until everything is agreed. And I've made clear that when it comes to preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, all options are and will remain on the table. 今天我不能站在这里保证一定会达成协议。我们抱有希望，我们正在努力。但在一切达成一致之前，什么都不算达成一致。我已经明确表示，在防止伊朗获得核武器问题上，所有选项现在是，将来也仍然是摆在桌面上的。
Moreover, even if we do get a good deal, there remains the broader issue of Iran's support for terrorism and regional destabilization, and ugly threats against Israel. And that's why our strategic partnership with Israel will remain, no matter what happens in the days and years ahead. And that's why the people of Israel must always know America has its back, and America will always have its back. 此外，即使我们真的达成了一项好协议，仍然存在更广泛的问题：伊朗支持恐怖主义、破坏地区稳定，以及对以色列发出恶毒威胁。这就是为什么无论未来几天、几年发生什么，我们与以色列的战略伙伴关系都将保持不变。这就是为什么以色列人民必须永远知道，美国是他们的后盾，美国将永远是他们的后盾。
Now, that does not mean that there will not be, or should not be, periodic disagreements between our two governments. There will be disagreements on tactics when it comes to how to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, and that is entirely appropriate and should be fully aired. Because the stakes are sufficiently high that anything that's proposed has to be subjected to scrutiny -- and I welcome that scrutiny. 当然，这并不意味着我们两国政府之间不会有，也不应该有周期性的分歧。在如何防止伊朗获得核武器的策略上，我们会有分歧，这完全正常，也应该充分讨论。因为利害关系足够重大，任何提议都必须经过审视——我欢迎这种审视。
But there are also going to be some disagreements rooted in shared history that go beyond tactics, that are rooted in how we might remain true to our shared values. I came to know Israel as a young man through these incredible images of kibbutzim, and Moshe Dayan, and Golda Meir, and Israel overcoming incredible odds in the '67 war. The notion of pioneers who set out not only to safeguard a nation, but to remake the world. Not only to make the desert bloom, but to allow their values to flourish; to ensure that the best of Judaism would thrive. 但也有一些分歧超越了策略层面，植根于共同的历史，植根于我们如何才能坚守共同的价值观。我年轻时通过那些令人惊叹的画面认识了以色列——基布兹、摩西·达扬、果尔达·梅厄，以及以色列在六日战争中以弱胜强的奇迹。那些先驱们的理念是：不仅要保卫一个国家，还要改造世界；不仅要让沙漠绽放鲜花，还要让他们的价值观蓬勃发展，确保犹太教最美好的东西得以发扬光大。
And those values in many ways came to be my own values. They believed the story of their people gave them a unique perspective among the nations of the world, a unique moral authority and responsibility that comes from having once been a stranger yourself. 而这些价值观在很多方面也成为了我自己的价值观。他们相信，本民族的历史赋予了他们在世界各国中独特的视角，以及一种独特的道德权威和责任——因为他们自己也曾是异乡人。
And to a young man like me, grappling with his own identity, recognizing the scars of race here in this nation, inspired by the civil rights struggle, the idea that you could be grounded in your history, as Israel was, but not be trapped by it, to be able to repair the world -- that idea was liberating. The example of Israel and its values was inspiring. 对于像我这样一个在自身身份认同中挣扎、正视这个国家种族伤痕、受民权斗争鼓舞的年轻人来说，这样一种理念是令人解脱的：你可以像以色列那样扎根于自己的历史，却不被历史所困，并且能够修复这个世界。以色列及其价值观树立的榜样令人振奋。
So when I hear some people say that disagreements over policy belie a general lack of support of Israel, I must object, and I object forcefully. For us to paper over difficult questions, particularly about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict or about settlement policy, that's not a true measure of friendship. 因此，当我听到有些人说，政策上的分歧意味着对以色列缺乏普遍支持时，我必须表示反对，而且是强烈反对。对我们来说，掩盖那些困难的问题，尤其是关于以巴冲突或定居点政策的问题，并不是衡量友谊的真正标准。
Before I came out here, the Rabbi showed me the room that's been built to promote scholarship and dialogue, and to be able to find how we make our shared values live. And the reason you have that room is because applying those values to our lives is often hard, and it involves difficult choices. That's why we study. That's why it's not just a formula. And that's what we have to do as nations as well as individuals. We have to grapple and struggle with how do we apply the values that we care about to this very challenging and dangerous world. 在我来到这里之前，拉比带我参观了一个房间，它是为促进学术研究和对话而建的，目的是探索如何让我们共同的价值观焕发生机。你们之所以建那个房间，是因为将这些价值观应用于我们的生活往往很难，需要做出艰难的选择。这就是我们为什么要学习，为什么这不仅仅是一个公式。这也是我们作为国家和作为个人都必须做的事情。我们必须努力思考、苦苦摸索，如何将我们珍视的价值观应用于这个充满挑战和危险的世界。
And it is precisely because I care so deeply about the state of Israel -- it's precisely because, yes, I have high expectations for Israel the same way I have high expectations for the United States of America -- that I feel a responsibility to speak out honestly about what I think will lead to long-term security and to the preservation of a true democracy in the Jewish homeland. 正因为我如此深切地关心以色列的状况——正因为我对以色列抱有很高的期望，就像我对美利坚合众国抱有很高的期望一样——我感到有责任坦诚地说出我的看法：什么才能带来长期安全，什么才能维护这个犹太家园真正的民主。
And I believe that's two states for two peoples, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security. Just as Israelis built a state in their homeland, Palestinians have a right to be a free people on their land, as well. 我相信，答案是两个民族、两个国家——以色列和巴勒斯坦——和平安全地并肩共存。正如以色列人在自己的家园建立了国家一样，巴勒斯坦人也有权在自己的土地上成为自由的人民。
Now, I want to emphasize -- that's not easy. The Palestinians are not the easiest of partners. The neighborhood is dangerous. And we cannot expect Israel to take existential risks with their security so that any deal that takes place has to take into account the genuine dangers of terrorism and hostility. 我要强调——这并不容易。巴勒斯坦人并不是最容易合作的伙伴。这个地区危机四伏。我们不能指望以色列拿自身的生存安全冒险，因此任何协议都必须考虑到恐怖主义和敌意带来的切实危险。
But it is worthwhile for us to keep up the prospect, the possibility of bridging divides and being just, and looking squarely at what's possible but also necessary in order for Israel to be the type of nation that it was intended to be in its earliest founding. 但我们值得保留这样的希望和可能性：弥合分歧、秉持公正，正视什么是可能的、什么又是必要的，以便以色列能够成为其建国初衷所期望的那种国家。
And that same sense of shared values also compel me to speak out -- compel all of us to speak out -- against the scourge of anti-Semitism wherever it exists. I want to be clear that, to me, all these things are connected. 同样，这种共同的价值观也驱使我发声——驱使我们所有人发声——反对无处不在的反犹太主义祸害。我要明确表示，在我看来，所有这些都是相互关联的。
The rights I insist upon and now fight for, for all people here in the United States compels me then to stand up for Israel and look out for the rights of the Jewish people. And the rights of the Jewish people then compel me to think about a Palestinian child in Ramallah that feels trapped without opportunity. That's what Jewish values teach me. That's what the Judeo-Christian tradition teaches me. These things are connected. 我为美国所有人民所坚持并为之奋斗的权利，驱使我捍卫以色列、维护犹太人民的权利。而犹太人民的权利又驱使我去关注拉姆安拉一个感到被困、没有机会的巴勒斯坦儿童。这就是犹太价值观教给我的道理。这就是犹太-基督教传统教给我的道理。这些事情都是相互关联的。
And in recent years, we've seen a deeply disturbing rise in anti-Semitism in parts of the world where it would have seemed unthinkable just a few years or decades ago. This is not some passing fad; these aren't just isolated phenomenon. And we know from our history they cannot be ignored. Anti-Semitism is, and always will be, a threat to broader human values to which we all must aspire. And when we allow anti-Semitism to take root, then our souls are destroyed, and it will spread. 近年来，在世界上一些仅仅几年或几十年前还令人难以想象的地方，反犹太主义出现了令人深感不安的抬头。这不是什么一时的风潮，也不仅仅是孤立的现象。我们从历史中知道，它们不能被忽视。反犹太主义现在是，而且永远都是对我们所有人都必须追求的更广泛人类价值观的威胁。当我们允许反犹太主义生根时，我们的灵魂就会被摧毁，它就会蔓延开来。
And that's why, tonight, for the first time ever, congregations around the world are celebrating a Solidarity Shabbat. It's a chance for leaders to publicly stand against anti-Semitism and bigotry in all of its forms. And I'm proud to be a part of this movement, and I'm proud that six ambassadors from Europe are joining us today. 这就是为什么今晚，世界各地的会众有史以来第一次庆祝"团结安息日"。这是一个机会，让各国领导人公开站出来，反对一切形式的反犹太主义和偏执。我为能参与这一运动感到自豪，也为六位来自欧洲的大使今天加入我们感到自豪。
And their presence here -- our presence together -- is a reminder that we are not doomed to repeat the mistakes of the past. Our traditions, our history, can help us chart a better course as long as we are mindful of that history and those traditions, and we are vigilant in speaking out and standing up against what is wrong. It's not always easy, I think, to speak out against what is wrong, even for good people. 他们的出席——我们共同的出席——提醒我们，我们并非注定要重蹈覆辙。我们的传统、我们的历史，可以帮助我们开辟一条更好的道路，只要我们铭记那段历史和那些传统，并且保持警惕，勇于发声、挺身而出，反对错误的东西。我认为，即使是善良的人，站出来反对错误的事情也并非总是易事。
So I want to close with the story of one more of the many rabbis who came to Selma 50 years ago. A few days after David Teitelbaum arrived to join the protests, he and a colleague were thrown in jail. And they spent a Friday night in custody, singing Adon Olam to the tune of "We Shall Overcome." And that in and of itself is a profound statement of faith and hope. But what's wonderful is, is that out of respect many of their fellow protestors began wearing what they called "freedom caps" -- yarmulkes -- as they marched. 最后，我想再讲一个故事，关于五十年前前往塞尔玛的众多拉比中的一位。大卫·泰特尔鲍姆抵达并加入抗议活动几天后，就和一位同事一起被投入了监狱。他们在拘留所里度过了一个周五的夜晚，用《我们必将胜利》的曲调唱着《主之国度》。这本身就是对信仰和希望的深刻表达。但更令人赞叹的是，出于尊重，他们的许多抗议同伴在游行时也开始戴上了他们所谓的"自由帽"——也就是犹太小圆帽。
And the day after they were released from prison, Rabbi Teitelbaum watched Dr. King lead a prayer meeting before crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge. And Dr. King said, "We are like the children of Israel, marching from slavery to freedom." 他们出狱后的第二天，泰特尔鲍姆拉比目睹金博士在跨过埃德蒙·佩特斯大桥之前主持了一场祈祷会。金博士说："我们就像以色列的儿女，从奴役走向自由。"
That's what happens when we're true to our values. It's not just good for us, but it brings the community together. Tikkun Olam -- it brings the community together and it helps repair the world. It bridges differences that once looked unbridgeable. It creates a future for our children that once seemed unattainable. This congregation -- Jewish American life is a testimony to the capacity to make our values live. But it requires courage. It requires strength. It requires that we speak the truth not just when it's easy, but when it's hard. 当我们坚守自己的价值观时，就会发生这样的事情。这不仅对我们自己有益，还能凝聚整个社群。修复世界（Tikkun Olam）——它凝聚社群，帮助修复世界。它弥合了曾经看似不可逾越的分歧，为我们的孩子创造了曾经看似遥不可及的未来。这座会众堂——美国犹太人的生活——就是将价值观付诸实践的明证。但这需要勇气，需要力量，需要我们不仅在容易的时候，更要在困难的时候讲真话。
So may we always remember that our shared heritage makes us stronger, that our roots are intertwined. May we always choose faith over nihilism, and courage over despair, and hope over cynicism and fear. As we walk our own leg of a timeless, sacred march, may we always stand together, here at home and around the world. 愿我们永远铭记，我们共同的遗产让我们更加强大，我们的根紧紧交织在一起。愿我们永远选择信仰而非虚无主义，选择勇气而非绝望，选择希望而非犬儒与恐惧。在这场永恒而神圣的行进中，当我们走过自己的那一段路程时，愿我们永远并肩而立，无论是在国内还是在世界各地。
Thank you. God bless you. 谢谢大家。上帝保佑你们。
God bless the United States of America. 上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
Thank you. 谢谢。
