Mr. President; Mr. Secretary General; fellow delegates; ladies and gentlemen: As I address this hall as President for the final time, let me recount the progress that we've made these last eight years. 主席先生；秘书长先生；各位代表；女士们、先生们：当我最后一次以总统身份在这个大厅发表演讲时，请让我回顾一下过去八年我们所取得的进展。
From the depths of the greatest financial crisis of our time, we coordinated our response to avoid further catastrophe and return the global economy to growth. We've taken away terrorist safe havens, strengthened the nonproliferation regime, resolved the Iranian nuclear issue through diplomacy. We opened relations with Cuba, helped Colombia end Latin America's longest war, and we welcome a democratically elected leader of Myanmar to this Assembly. 从我们这个时代最严重的金融危机深渊中，我们协调应对，避免了更大的灾难，使全球经济恢复增长。我们铲除了恐怖分子的安全避风港，加强了核不扩散机制，通过外交手段解决了伊朗核问题。我们开启了与古巴的关系，帮助哥伦比亚结束了拉丁美洲持续时间最长的战争，我们欢迎缅甸民主选举产生的领导人来到本届大会。
Our assistance is helping people feed themselves, care for the sick, power communities across Africa, and promote models of development rather than dependence. And we have made international institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund more representative, while establishing a framework to protect our planet from the ravages of climate change. 我们的援助正在帮助非洲各地的人们养活自己、照顾病人、为社区供电，并推动发展模式而非依赖模式。我们还使世界银行和国际货币基金组织等国际机构更具代表性，同时建立了保护地球免受气候变化破坏的框架。
This is important work. It has made a real difference in the lives of our people. And it could not have happened had we not worked together. And yet, around the globe we are seeing the same forces of global integration that have made us interdependent also expose deep fault lines in the existing international order. 这是重要的工作。它实实在在地改善了我们人民的生活。如果没有我们的共同努力，这一切都不可能实现。然而，在全球范围内，我们看到，使我们相互依存的全球一体化力量，也暴露了现有国际秩序中的深刻裂痕。
We see it in the headlines every day. Around the world, refugees flow across borders in flight from brutal conflict. Financial disruptions continue to weigh upon our workers and entire communities. Across vast swaths of the Middle East, basic security, basic order has broken down. We see too many governments muzzling journalists, and quashing dissent, and censoring the flow of information. 我们每天都在头条新闻中看到这一点。在世界各地，难民为躲避残酷冲突而跨越国境。金融动荡继续拖累我们的工人和整个社区。在中东广大地区，基本安全、基本秩序已经崩溃。我们看到太多政府压制记者、镇压异见、审查信息流通。
Terrorist networks use social media to prey upon the minds of our youth, endangering open societies and spurring anger against innocent immigrants and Muslims. Powerful nations contest the constraints placed on them by international law. 恐怖主义网络利用社交媒体来蛊惑我们的年轻人，危害开放社会，并煽动对无辜移民和穆斯林的愤怒。大国对国际法施加给它们的约束提出质疑。
This is the paradox that defines our world today. A quarter century after the end of the Cold War, the world is by many measures less violent and more prosperous than ever before, and yet our societies are filled with uncertainty, and unease, and strife. Despite enormous progress, as people lose trust in institutions, governing becomes more difficult and tensions between nations become more quick to surface. 这就是定义当今世界的悖论。冷战结束四分之一个世纪以来，从许多方面衡量，世界比以往任何时候都更加和平、更加繁荣，然而我们的社会却充满了不确定性、不安和冲突。尽管取得了巨大进步，但随着人们对机构失去信任，治理变得更加困难，国家之间的紧张关系也更快地浮出水面。
And so I believe that at this moment we all face a choice. We can choose to press forward with a better model of cooperation and integration. Or we can retreat into a world sharply divided, and ultimately in conflict, along age-old lines of nation and tribe and race and religion. 因此，我相信在这个时刻，我们所有人都面临一个选择。我们可以选择向前推进，建立一个更好的合作与一体化模式。或者，我们可以退回到一个按照民族、部落、种族和宗教的古老界限而尖锐分裂、最终陷入冲突的世界。
I want to suggest to you today that we must go forward, and not backward. I believe that as imperfect as they are, the principles of open markets and accountable governance, of democracy and human rights and international law that we have forged remain the firmest foundation for human progress in this century. I make this argument not based on theory or ideology, but on facts -- facts that all too often, we forget in the immediacy of current events. 今天，我想向各位表明，我们必须前进，而不是后退。我相信，尽管它们并不完美，但我们所缔造的开放市场和负责任治理、民主、人权以及国际法的原则，仍然是本世纪人类进步最坚实的基础。我提出这一论点不是基于理论或意识形态，而是基于事实——那些我们在当前事件的紧迫性中往往忘记的事实。
Here's the most important fact: The integration of our global economy has made life better for billions of men, women and children. Over the last 25 years, the number of people living in extreme poverty has been cut from nearly 40 percent of humanity to under 10 percent. That's unprecedented. And it's not an abstraction. It means children have enough to eat; mothers don't die in childbirth. 最重要的事实是：全球经济的一体化改善了数十亿男女老少的生活。在过去25年里，生活在极端贫困中的人口比例从人类的近40%下降到不足10%。这是史无前例的。这不是抽象概念。它意味着孩子们有足够的食物；母亲们不会在分娩中死去。
Meanwhile, cracking the genetic code promises to cure diseases that have plagued us for centuries. The Internet can deliver the entirety of human knowledge to a young girl in a remote village on a single hand-held device. In medicine and in manufacturing, in education and communications, we're experiencing a transformation of how human beings live on a scale that recalls the revolutions in agriculture and industry. And as a result, a person born today is more likely to be healthy, to live longer, and to have access to opportunity than at any time in human history. 与此同时，遗传密码的破解有望治愈困扰我们数百年的疾病。互联网可以将人类知识的全部内容通过一部手持设备传递给偏远村庄的一个小女孩。在医学和制造业、教育和通讯领域，我们正在经历一场人类生活方式的变革，其规模堪比农业和工业革命。因此，今天出生的人比人类历史上任何时候都更有可能健康、长寿，并享有获得机会的途径。
Moreover, the collapse of colonialism and communism has allowed more people than ever before to live with the freedom to choose their leaders. Despite the real and troubling areas where freedom appears in retreat, the fact remains that the number of democracies around the world has nearly doubled in the last 25 years. 此外，殖民主义和共产主义的崩溃使比以往任何时候都更多的人能够享有选择领导人的自由。尽管在一些真正令人担忧的地区自由似乎在后退，但事实仍然是，在过去25年里，全世界民主国家的数量几乎翻了一番。
In remote corners of the world, citizens are demanding respect for the dignity of all people no matter their gender, or race, or religion, or disability, or sexual orientation, and those who deny others dignity are subject to public reproach. An explosion of social media has given ordinary people more ways to express themselves, and has raised people's expectations for those of us in power. 在世界的偏远角落，公民们要求尊重所有人的尊严，无论其性别、种族、宗教、残疾或性取向如何，那些剥夺他人尊严的人都会受到公众的谴责。社交媒体的爆发给了普通人更多表达自己的方式，也提高了人们对我们这些掌权者的期望。
Indeed, our international order has been so successful that we take it as a given that great powers no longer fight world wars; that the end of the Cold War lifted the shadow of nuclear Armageddon; that the battlefields of Europe have been replaced by peaceful union; that China and India remain on a path of remarkable growth. 事实上，我们的国际秩序如此成功，以至于我们理所当然地认为大国不再打世界大战；冷战的结束驱散了核末日的阴影；欧洲的战场已被和平联盟所取代；中国和印度继续走在显著增长的道路上。
I say all this not to whitewash the challenges we face, or to suggest complacency. Rather, I believe that we need to acknowledge these achievements in order to summon the confidence to carry this progress forward and to make sure that we do not abandon those very things that have delivered this progress. 我说这一切并不是为了粉饰我们面临的挑战，也不是建议自满。相反，我认为我们需要承认这些成就，以便鼓起信心推进这一进步，并确保我们不放弃那些带来这一进步的根本要素。
In order to move forward, though, we do have to acknowledge that the existing path to global integration requires a course correction. As too often, those trumpeting the benefits of globalization have ignored inequality within and among nations; have ignored the enduring appeal of ethnic and sectarian identities; have left international institutions ill-equipped, underfunded, under-resourced, in order to handle transnational challenges. 然而，为了向前迈进，我们必须承认，现有的全球一体化道路需要进行方向修正。很多时候，那些鼓吹全球化好处的人忽视了国家内部和国家之间的不平等；忽视了种族和宗派身份的持久吸引力；使国际机构装备不足、资金不足、资源不足，无法应对跨国挑战。
And as these real problems have been neglected, alternative visions of the world have pressed forward both in the wealthiest countries and in the poorest: religious fundamentalism; the politics of ethnicity, or tribe, or sect; aggressive nationalism; a crude populism -- sometimes from the far left, but more often from the far right -- which seeks to restore what they believe was a better, simpler age free of outside contamination. 随着这些现实问题被忽视，替代世界愿景无论是在最富裕国家还是在最贫穷国家都在推进：宗教原教旨主义；种族、部落或宗派政治；激进的民族主义；粗暴的民粹主义——有时来自极左翼，但更多时候来自极右翼——他们试图恢复他们认为更好、更简单的时代，免受外部污染。
We cannot dismiss these visions. They are powerful. They reflect dissatisfaction among too many of our citizens. I do not believe those visions can deliver security or prosperity over the long term, but I do believe that these visions fail to recognize, at a very basic level, our common humanity. 我们不能忽视这些愿景。它们很强大。它们反映了我们太多公民的不满。我不相信这些愿景能够长期提供安全或繁荣，但我确实相信这些愿景在最基本的层面上未能认识到我们共同的人性。
Moreover, I believe that the acceleration of travel and technology and telecommunications -- together with a global economy that depends on a global supply chain -- makes it self-defeating ultimately for those who seek to reverse this progress. Today, a nation ringed by walls would only imprison itself. 此外，我认为旅行、技术和电信的加速发展——再加上依赖全球供应链的全球经济——使得那些试图逆转这一进步的人最终会自取灭亡。今天，一个被围墙环绕的国家只会囚禁自己。
So the answer cannot be a simple rejection of global integration. Instead, we must work together to make sure the benefits of such integration are broadly shared, and that the disruptions -- economic, political, and cultural -- that are caused by integration are squarely addressed. This is not the place for a detailed policy blueprint, but let me offer in broad strokes those areas where I believe we must do better together. 因此，答案不能是简单地拒绝全球一体化。相反，我们必须共同努力，确保这种一体化的好处得到广泛分享，并确保一体化造成的破坏——经济、政治和文化方面的——得到切实解决。现在不是制定详细政策蓝图的时候，但让我大致谈谈我认为我们必须共同改进的领域。
It starts with making the global economy work better for all people and not just for those at the top. While open markets, capitalism have raised standards of living around the globe, globalization combined with rapid progress and technology has also weakened the position of workers and their ability to secure a decent wage. In advanced economies like my own, unions have been undermined, and many manufacturing jobs have disappeared. Often, those who benefit most from globalization have used their political power to further undermine the position of workers. 首先要做的是让全球经济更好地为所有人服务，而不仅仅是为顶层的人服务。虽然开放市场、资本主义提高了全球生活水平，但全球化加上技术的飞速进步也削弱了工人的地位以及他们获得体面工资的能力。在像我自己这样的发达经济体，工会受到削弱，许多制造业岗位已经消失。通常情况下，那些从全球化中获益最多的人利用他们的政治权力进一步削弱工人的地位。
In developing countries, labor organizations have often been suppressed, and the growth of the middle class has been held back by corruption and underinvestment. Mercantilist policies pursued by governments with export-driven models threaten to undermine the consensus that underpins global trade. And meanwhile, global capital is too often unaccountable -- nearly 8 trillion dollars stashed away in tax havens, a shadow banking system that grows beyond the reach of effective oversight. 在发展中国家，劳工组织往往受到压制，中产阶级的增长受到腐败和投资不足的阻碍。政府以出口驱动模式推行的重商主义政策有可能破坏支撑全球贸易的共识。与此同时，全球资本往往不受约束——近8万亿美元藏在避税天堂，一个影子银行系统在有效监管范围之外不断发展。
A world in which one percent of humanity controls as much wealth as the other 99 percent will never be stable. I understand that the gaps between rich and poor are not new, but just as the child in a slum today can see the skyscraper nearby, technology now allows any person with a smartphone to see how the most privileged among us live and the contrast between their own lives and others. Expectations rise, then, faster than governments can deliver, and a pervasive sense of injustice undermines people's faith in the system. 一个1%的人口控制着与其余99%人口同样多财富的世界永远不会稳定。我明白贫富差距并不是什么新鲜事，但正如今天贫民窟里的孩子可以看到附近的摩天大楼一样，技术现在让任何拥有智能手机的人都能看到我们中最特权的人是如何生活的，以及他们自己的生活与他人之间的对比。于是，期望上升的速度超过了政府能够实现的速度，一种普遍的不公正感削弱了人们对制度的信心。
So how do we fix this imbalance? We cannot unwind integration any more than we can stuff technology back into a box. Nor can we look to failed models of the past. If we start resorting to trade wars, market distorting subsidies, beggar thy neighbor policies, an overreliance on natural resources instead of innovation -- these approaches will make us poorer, collectively, and they are more like to lead to conflict. And the stark contrast between, say, the success of the Republic of Korea and the wasteland of North Korea shows that central, planned control of the economy is a dead end. 那么我们如何解决这种不平衡呢？我们无法逆转一体化，就像我们无法把技术塞回盒子里一样。我们也不能求助于过去失败的模式。如果我们开始诉诸贸易战、扭曲市场的补贴、以邻为壑的政策、过度依赖自然资源而非创新——这些做法将使我们整体上更加贫穷，而且更有可能导致冲突。比如说，韩国的成功与朝鲜的荒原之间的鲜明对比表明，中央计划控制经济是一条死路。
But I do believe there's another path -- one that fuels growth and innovation, and offers the clearest route to individual opportunity and national success. It does not require succumbing to a soulless capitalism that benefits only the few, but rather recognizes that economies are more successful when we close the gap between rich and poor, and growth is broadly based. And that means respecting the rights of workers so they can organize into independent unions and earn a living wage. 但我确实相信还有另一条道路——一条推动增长和创新、为个人机会和国家成功提供最清晰途径的道路。它不需要屈服于只惠及少数人的没有灵魂的资本主义，而是要认识到，当我们缩小贫富差距、增长基础广泛时，经济会更加成功。这意味着尊重工人的权利，使他们能够组织独立工会并挣得生活工资。
It means investing in our people -- their skills, their education, their capacity to take an idea and turn it into a business. It means strengthening the safety net that protects our people from hardship and allows them to take more risks -- to look for a new job, or start a new venture. 这意味着投资于我们的人民——他们的技能、他们的教育、他们将想法转化为企业的能力。这意味着加强保护我们人民免受困难的安全网，使他们能够承担更多风险——寻找新工作，或创办新企业。
These are the policies that I've pursued here in the United States, and with clear results. American businesses have created now 15 million new jobs. After the recession, the top one percent of Americans were capturing more than 90 percent of income growth. But today, that's down to about half. Last year, poverty in this country fell at the fastest rate in nearly 50 years. And with further investment in infrastructure and early childhood education and basic research, I'm confident that such progress will continue. 这些是我在美国推行的政策，而且成效显著。美国企业已经创造了1500万个新工作岗位。经济衰退后，最富有的1%美国人获得了90%以上的收入增长。但今天，这一比例已经下降到大约一半。去年，该国的贫困率以近50年来最快的速度下降。随着对基础设施、幼儿教育和基础研究的进一步投资，我相信这种进步将继续下去。
So just as I've pursued these measures here at home, so has the United States worked with many nations to curb the excesses of capitalism -- not to punish wealth, but to prevent repeated crises that can destroy it. That's why we've worked with other nations to create higher and clearer standards for banking and taxation -- because a society that asks less of oligarchs than ordinary citizens will rot from within. 因此，正如我在国内推行这些措施一样，美国也与许多国家合作遏制资本主义的过度行为——不是为了惩罚财富，而是为了防止可能摧毁财富的反复危机。这就是为什么我们与其他国家合作制定更高、更清晰的银行和税收标准——因为一个对寡头要求少于对普通公民要求的社会会从内部腐烂。
That's why we've pushed for transparency and cooperation in rooting out corruption, and tracking illicit dollars, because markets create more jobs when they're fueled by hard work, and not the capacity to extort a bribe. That's why we've worked to reach trade agreements that raise labor standards and raise environmental standards, as we've done with the Trans-Pacific Partnership, so that the benefits are more broadly shared. 这就是为什么我们推动透明度和合作，以根除腐败并追踪非法资金，因为当市场由辛勤工作而非勒索贿赂的能力驱动时，会创造更多就业机会。这就是为什么我们努力达成提高劳工标准和环境标准的贸易协定，就像我们在跨太平洋伙伴关系中所做的那样，以便好处得到更广泛的分享。
And just as we benefit by combating inequality within our countries, I believe advanced economies still need to do more to close the gap between rich and poor nations around the globe. This is difficult politically. It's difficult to spend on foreign assistance. But I do not believe this is charity. For the small fraction of what we spent at war in Iraq we could support institutions so that fragile states don't collapse in the first place, and invest in emerging economies that become markets for our goods. It's not just the right thing to do, it's the smart thing to do. 正如我们通过打击国家内部的不平等而受益一样，我认为发达经济体仍然需要做更多工作来缩小全球贫富国家之间的差距。这在政治上是困难的。花在对外援助上很难。但我不相信这是慈善。用我们在伊拉克战争中花费的一小部分，我们就可以支持机构，使脆弱国家从一开始就不会崩溃，并投资于成为我们商品市场的新兴经济体。这不仅是正确的做法，也是明智的做法。
And that's why we need to follow through on our efforts to combat climate change. If we don't act boldly, the bill that could come due will be mass migrations, and cities submerged and nations displaced, and food supplies decimated, and conflicts born of despair. The Paris Agreement gives us a framework to act, but only if we scale up our ambition. And there must be a sense of urgency about bringing the agreement into force, and helping poorer countries leapfrog destructive forms of energy. 这就是为什么我们需要坚持我们应对气候变化的努力。如果我们不采取大胆行动，到期的代价将是大规模移民、城市被淹没、国家流离失所、粮食供应减少以及因绝望而引发的冲突。《巴黎协定》为我们提供了一个行动框架，但前提是我们要提高我们的雄心。而且必须有一种紧迫感，推动协定生效，帮助较贫穷国家跨越破坏性的能源形式。
So, for the wealthiest countries, a Green Climate Fund should only be the beginning. We need to invest in research and provide market incentives to develop new technologies, and then make these technologies accessible and affordable for poorer countries. And only then can we continue lifting all people up from poverty without condemning our children to a planet beyond their capacity to repair. 因此，对于最富裕的国家来说，绿色气候基金应该只是一个开始。我们需要投资于研究，提供市场激励来开发新技术，然后使这些技术对较贫穷国家来说是可及和负担得起的。只有这样，我们才能继续让所有人摆脱贫困，同时不让我们的孩子陷入一个超出他们修复能力的星球。
So we need new models for the global marketplace, models that are inclusive and sustainable. And in the same way, we need models of governance that are inclusive and accountable to ordinary people. 因此，我们需要全球市场的新模式，一种包容和可持续的模式。同样，我们需要包容和对普通人民负责的治理模式。
I recognize not every country in this hall is going to follow the same model of governance. I do not think that America can -- or should -- impose our system of government on other countries. But there appears to be growing contest between authoritarianism and liberalism right now. And I want everybody to understand, I am not neutral in that contest. I believe in a liberal political order -- an order built not just through elections and representative government, but also through respect for human rights and civil society, and independent judiciaries and the rule of law. 我认识到，这个大厅里并非每个国家都会遵循同样的治理模式。我不认为美国能够——或者应该——将我们的政府制度强加给其他国家。但现在威权主义和自由主义之间似乎正在出现日益激烈的较量。我希望每个人都明白，在这场较量中我不是中立的。我信仰自由的政治秩序——一种不仅通过选举和代议制政府，而且通过尊重人权和公民社会、独立司法机构和法治建立的秩序。
I know that some countries, which now recognize the power of free markets, still reject the model of free societies. And perhaps those of us who have been promoting democracy feel somewhat discouraged since the end of the Cold War, because we've learned that liberal democracy will not just wash across the globe in a single wave. 我知道，一些现在承认自由市场力量的国家仍然拒绝自由社会的模式。也许我们中那些一直在推动民主的人自冷战结束以来感到有些气馁，因为我们了解到自由民主不会仅仅在一波浪潮中席卷全球。
It turns out building accountable institutions is hard work -- the work of generations. The gains are often fragile. Sometimes we take one step forward and then two steps back. In countries held together by borders drawn by colonial powers, with ethnic enclaves and tribal divisions, politics and elections can sometimes appear to be a zero-sum game. And so, given the difficulty in forging true democracy in the face of these pressures, it's no surprise that some argue the future favors the strongman, a top-down model, rather than strong, democratic institutions. 事实证明，建立负责任的机构是一项艰苦的工作——是几代人的事业。成果往往是脆弱的。有时我们前进一步，然后后退两步。在由殖民势力划定边界的国家里，由于种族飞地和部落分裂，政治和选举有时看起来像是一场零和游戏。因此，鉴于在这些压力下建立真正民主的困难，毫不奇怪，有人认为未来属于强人，一种自上而下的模式，而不是强大的民主制度。
But I believe this thinking is wrong. I believe the road of true democracy remains the better path. I believe that in the 21st century, economies can only grow to a certain point until they need to open up -- because entrepreneurs need to access information in order to invent; young people need a global education in order to thrive; independent media needs to check the abuses of power. 但我认为这种想法是错误的。我相信真正的民主道路仍然是更好的道路。我相信，在21世纪，经济只能增长到一定程度，然后它们需要开放——因为企业家需要获取信息才能发明；年轻人需要全球教育才能茁壮成长；独立媒体需要制止权力滥用。
Without this evolution, ultimately expectations of people will not be met; suppression and stagnation will set in. And history shows that strongmen are then left with two paths -- permanent crackdown, which sparks strife at home, or scapegoating enemies abroad, which can lead to war. 没有这种演变，人民的期望最终将得不到满足；压制和停滞将会出现。历史表明，强人届时只剩下两条路——永久镇压，这会在国内引发冲突，或者在国外寻找敌人作为替罪羊，这可能导致战争。
Now, I will admit, my belief that governments serve the individual, and not the other way around, is shaped by America's story. Our nation began with a promise of freedom that applied only to the few. 现在，我承认，我关于政府服务于个人而非相反的信念，是由美国的经历塑造的。我们的国家始于一项只适用于少数人的自由承诺。
But because of our democratic Constitution, because of our Bill of Rights, because of our ideals, ordinary people were able to organize, and march, and protest, and ultimately, those ideals won out -- opened doors for women and minorities and workers in ways that made our economy more productive and turned our diversity into a strength; that gave innovators the chance to transform every area of human endeavor; that made it possible for someone like me to be elected President of the United States. 但由于我们的民主宪法，由于我们的权利法案，由于我们的理想，普通人能够组织、游行、抗议，最终，这些理想取得了胜利——为妇女、少数族裔和工人打开了大门，使我们的经济更具生产力，并将我们的多样性转化为一种力量；这给了创新者改变人类努力每一个领域的机会；这使像我这样的人有可能当选为美国总统。
So, yes, my views are shaped by the specific experiences of America, but I do not think this story is unique to America. Look at the transformation that's taken place in countries as different as Japan and Chile, Indonesia, Botswana. The countries that have succeeded are ones in which people feel they have a stake. 所以，是的，我的观点是由美国的具体经历塑造的，但我不认为这个故事是美国独有的。看看在日本、智利、印度尼西亚、博茨瓦纳这些截然不同的国家发生的变革吧。那些成功的国家都是人民感到自己有份的国家。
In Europe, the progress of those countries in the former Soviet bloc that embraced democracy stand in clear contrast to those that did not. After all, the people of Ukraine did not take to the streets because of some plot imposed from abroad. They took to the streets because their leadership was for sale and they had no recourse. They demanded change because they saw life get better for people in the Baltics and in Poland, societies that were more liberal, and democratic, and open than their own. 在欧洲，那些接受民主的前苏东阵营国家的进步与那些没有接受民主的国家形成鲜明对比。毕竟，乌克兰人民走上街头并不是因为国外强加的某种阴谋。他们走上街头是因为他们的领导层可以被收买，而他们没有追索权。他们要求变革，因为他们看到波罗的海国家和波兰人民的生活变得更好，那些社会比他们自己的社会更自由、更民主、更开放。
So those of us who believe in democracy, we need to speak out forcefully, because both the facts and history, I believe, are on our side. That doesn't mean democracies are without flaws. It does mean that the cure for what ails our democracies is greater engagement by our citizens -- not less. 因此，我们这些信仰民主的人需要有力地发声，因为我相信事实和历史都站在我们这边。这并不意味着民主国家没有缺陷。这确实意味着，医治我们民主国家弊病的良方是公民更多的参与——而不是更少。
Yes, in America, there is too much money in politics; too much entrenched partisanship; too little participation by citizens, in part because of a patchwork of laws that makes it harder to vote. In Europe, a well-intentioned Brussels often became too isolated from the normal push and pull of national politics. 是的，在美国，政治中的金钱太多；根深蒂固的党派之争太多；公民参与太少，部分原因是一系列法律使投票变得更加困难。在欧洲，善意的布鲁塞尔往往过于孤立于国家政治的正常推拉。
Too often, in capitals, decision-makers have forgotten that democracy needs to be driven by civic engagement from the bottom up, not governance by experts from the top down. And so these are real problems, and as leaders of democratic governments make the case for democracy abroad, we better strive harder to set a better example at home. 很多时候，在各国首都，决策者忘记了民主需要由自下而上的公民参与驱动，而不是由自上而下的专家治理。因此，这些都是真实的问题，作为民主政府的领导人，我们在国外为民主辩护的同时，最好更加努力地在国内树立更好的榜样。
Moreover, every country will organize its government informed by centuries of history, and the circumstances of geography, and the deeply held beliefs of its people. So I recognize a traditional society may value unity and cohesion more than a diverse country like my own, which was founded upon what, at the time, was a radical idea -- the idea of the liberty of individual human beings endowed with certain God-given rights. 此外，每个国家组织其政府的方式，都会受到数百年历史、地理环境以及人民深厚信仰的影响。因此，我认识到，传统社会可能比像我自己这样的多元国家更重视团结和凝聚力，而我们国家是建立在当时还是一个激进理念的基础上的——即每个人都拥有某些上帝赋予的权利的自由理念。
But that does not mean that ordinary people in Asia, or Africa, or the Middle East somehow prefer arbitrary rule that denies them a voice in the decisions that can shape their lives. I believe that spirit is universal. And if any of you doubt the universality of that desire, listen to the voices of young people everywhere who call out for freedom, and dignity, and the opportunity to control their own lives. 但这并不意味着亚洲、非洲或中东的普通人在某种程度上更喜欢专断统治，这种统治剥夺了他们在影响自己生活的决策中的发言权。我相信这种精神是普遍的。如果你们中有人怀疑这种愿望的普遍性，听听世界各地年轻人的声音吧，他们呼唤自由、尊严和掌控自己生活的机会。
This leads me to the third thing we need to do: We must reject any forms of fundamentalism, or racism, or a belief in ethnic superiority that makes our traditional identities irreconcilable with modernity. Instead we need to embrace the tolerance that results from respect of all human beings. 这引出了我们需要做的第三件事：我们必须拒绝任何形式的原教旨主义、种族主义，或认为我们的传统身份与现代性不可调和的种族优越论。相反，我们需要拥抱因尊重所有人而产生的宽容。
It's a truism that global integration has led to a collision of cultures; trade, migration, the Internet, all these things can challenge and unsettle our most cherished identities. We see liberal societies express opposition when women choose to cover themselves. We see protests responding to Western newspaper cartoons that caricature the Prophet Muhammad. 全球一体化导致文化碰撞，这是老生常谈；贸易、移民、互联网，所有这些都可能挑战和动摇我们最珍视的身份。我们看到自由社会在女性选择遮盖自己时表示反对。我们看到抗议活动回应西方报纸漫画讽刺先知穆罕默德。
In a world that left the age of empire behind, we see Russia attempting to recover lost glory through force. Asian powers debate competing claims of history. And in Europe and the United States, you see people wrestle with concerns about immigration and changing demographics, and suggesting that somehow people who look different are corrupting the character of our countries. 在一个帝国时代已经过去的世界里，我们看到俄罗斯试图通过武力恢复失去的荣耀。亚洲大国就相互竞争的历史主张进行辩论。在欧洲和美国，你看到人们在为移民和人口结构变化的担忧而挣扎，并暗示看起来不同的人正在以某种方式腐蚀我们国家的品格。
Now, there's no easy answer for resolving all these social forces, and we must respect the meaning that people draw from their own traditions -- from their religion, from their ethnicity, from their sense of nationhood. But I do not believe progress is possible if our desire to preserve our identities gives way to an impulse to dehumanize or dominate another group. 现在，要解决所有这些社会力量没有简单的答案，我们必须尊重人们从自己的传统中汲取的意义——从他们的宗教、他们的种族、他们的民族意识中。但我不相信，如果我们保护身份的愿望让位于非人化或支配另一个群体的冲动，进步是可能的。
If our religion leads us to persecute those of another faith, if we jail or beat people who are gay, if our traditions lead us to prevent girls from going to school, if we discriminate on the basis of race or tribe or ethnicity, then the fragile bonds of civilization will fray. The world is too small, we are too packed together, for us to be able to resort to those old ways of thinking. 如果我们的宗教导致我们迫害另一种信仰的人，如果我们监禁或殴打同性恋者，如果我们的传统导致我们阻止女孩上学，如果我们基于种族、部落或族裔进行歧视，那么文明的脆弱纽带将会磨损。世界太小了，我们太拥挤了，我们不能再诉诸那些旧的思维方式。
We see this mindset in too many parts of the Middle East. There, so much of the collapse in order has been fueled because leaders sought legitimacy not because of policies or programs but by resorting to persecuting political opposition, or demonizing other religious sects, by narrowing the public space to the mosque, where in too many places perversions of a great faith were tolerated. These forces built up for years, and are now at work helping to fuel both Syria's tragic civil war and the mindless, medieval menace of ISIL. 我们在中东太多地方看到了这种心态。在那里，秩序的崩溃在很大程度上是因为领导人寻求合法性不是因为政策或计划，而是通过迫害政治反对派，或妖魔化其他宗教教派，通过将公共空间缩小到清真寺，而在太多地方，一种伟大信仰的堕落形式在那里被容忍。这些力量积累了多年，现在正在助长叙利亚的悲惨内战和伊斯兰国那种盲目、中世纪的威胁。
The mindset of sectarianism, and extremism, and bloodletting, and retribution that has been taking place will not be quickly reversed. And if we are honest, we understand that no external power is going to be able to force different religious communities or ethnic communities to co-exist for long. But I do believe we have to be honest about the nature of these conflicts, and our international community must continue to work with those who seek to build rather than to destroy. 宗派主义、极端主义、流血和报复的心态已经存在，不会很快逆转。如果我们诚实，我们就会明白，没有任何外部力量能够强迫不同的宗教社区或族裔社区长期共存。但我确实认为，我们必须诚实地面对这些冲突的性质，国际社会必须继续与那些寻求建设而非破坏的人合作。
And there is a military component to that. It means being united and relentless in destroying networks like ISIL, which show no respect for human life. But it also means that in a place like Syria, where there's no ultimate military victory to be won, we're going to have to pursue the hard work of diplomacy that aims to stop the violence, and deliver aid to those in need, and support those who pursue a political settlement and can see those who are not like themselves as worthy of dignity and respect. 这其中有军事层面的因素。它意味着团结一致、不懈地摧毁像伊斯兰国这样不尊重人类生命的网络。但这也意味着，在像叙利亚这样的地方，没有最终的军事胜利可言，我们将不得不从事艰苦的外交工作，旨在停止暴力，向有需要的人提供援助，并支持那些寻求政治解决方案、能够将与自己不同的人视为值得尊严和尊重的人。
Across the region's conflicts, we have to insist that all parties recognize a common humanity and that nations end proxy wars that fuel disorder. Because until basic questions are answered about how communities co-exist, the embers of extremism will continue to burn, countless human beings will suffer -- most of all in that region -- but extremism will continue to be exported overseas. And the world is too small for us to simply be able to build a wall and prevent it from affecting our own societies. 在整个地区的冲突中，我们必须坚持要求所有各方承认共同的人性，各国必须结束助长混乱的代理人战争。因为在关于社区如何共存的基本问题得到解答之前，极端主义的余烬将继续燃烧，无数人将遭受苦难——最重要的是在该地区——但极端主义将继续被输出到海外。世界太小了，我们不能简单地建一堵墙来阻止它影响我们自己的社会。
And what is true in the Middle East is true for all of us. Surely, religious traditions can be honored and upheld while teaching young people science and math, rather than intolerance. 中东的真实情况也适用于我们所有人。当然，宗教传统可以得到尊重和维护，同时教年轻人科学和数学，而不是不宽容。
Surely, we can sustain our unique traditions while giving women their full and rightful role in the politics and economics of a nation. Surely, we can rally our nations to solidarity while recognizing equal treatment for all communities -- whether it's a religious minority in Myanmar, or an ethnic minority in Burundi, or a racial minority right here in the United States. 当然，我们可以维持我们独特的传统，同时让妇女在国家政治和经济中发挥充分和应有的作用。当然，我们可以团结我们的国家，同时承认所有社区都得到平等对待——无论是缅甸的宗教少数群体、布隆迪的少数族裔，还是就在美国的少数族裔。
And surely, Israelis and Palestinians will be better off if Palestinians reject incitement and recognize the legitimacy of Israel, but Israel recognizes that it cannot permanently occupy and settle Palestinian land. We all have to do better as leaders in tamping down, rather than encouraging, a notion of identity that leads us to diminish others. 当然，如果巴勒斯坦人拒绝煽动并承认以色列的合法性，而以色列承认它不能永久占领和定居巴勒斯坦土地，那么以色列人和巴勒斯坦人都会过得更好。我们作为领导人都必须做得更好，去平息而不是鼓励那种导致我们贬低他人的身份观念。
And this leads me to the fourth and final thing we need to do, and that is sustain our commitment to international cooperation rooted in the rights and responsibilities of nations. 这引出了我要讲的第四件也是最后一件事，那就是维持我们对以各国权利和责任为基础的国际合作的承诺。
As President of the United States, I know that for most of human history, power has not been unipolar. The end of the Cold War may have led too many to forget this truth. I've noticed as President that at times, both America's adversaries and some of our allies believe that all problems were either caused by Washington or could be solved by Washington -- and perhaps too many in Washington believed that as well. 作为美国总统，我知道在人类历史的大部分时间里，权力并不是单极的。冷战的结束可能让太多人忘记了这个事实。我作为总统注意到，有时美国的对手和我们的一些盟友都认为，所有问题要么是华盛顿造成的，要么可以由华盛顿解决——也许华盛顿也有太多人这么认为。
But I believe America has been a rare superpower in human history insofar as it has been willing to think beyond narrow self-interest; that while we've made our share of mistakes over these last 25 years -- and I've acknowledged some -- we have strived, sometimes at great sacrifice, to align better our actions with our ideals. And as a consequence, I believe we have been a force for good. 但我认为，美国是人类历史上一个罕见的超级大国，因为它愿意超越狭隘的自身利益去思考；虽然我们在过去25年中犯了一些错误——我也承认了一些——但我们一直在努力，有时甚至付出巨大牺牲，使我们的行动更好地与我们的理想保持一致。因此，我相信我们一直是一股向善的力量。
We have secured allies. We've acted to protect the vulnerable. We supported human rights and welcomed scrutiny of our own actions. We've bound our power to international laws and institutions. When we've made mistakes, we've tried to acknowledge them. We have worked to roll back poverty and hunger and disease beyond our borders, not just within our borders. 我们巩固了盟友。我们采取行动保护弱势群体。我们支持人权，并欢迎对我们自己行动的审视。我们将我们的力量与国际法和机构绑定在一起。当我们犯错误时，我们努力承认它们。我们致力于在境外减少贫困、饥饿和疾病，而不仅仅是在境内。
I'm proud of that. But I also know that we can't do this alone. And I believe that if we're to meet the challenges of this century, we are all going to have to do more to build up international capacity. We cannot escape the prospect of nuclear war unless we all commit to stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and pursuing a world without them. 我为此感到自豪。但我也知道我们不能独自做到这一点。我相信，如果我们要迎接本世纪的挑战，我们所有人都必须做更多工作来建设国际能力。我们无法逃脱核战争的前景，除非我们都致力于阻止核武器扩散并追求一个无核的世界。
When Iran agrees to accept constraints on its nuclear program that enhances global security and enhances Iran's ability to work with other nations. On the other hand, when North Korea tests a bomb that endangers all of us. And any country that breaks this basic bargain must face consequences. And those nations with these weapons, like the United States, have a unique responsibility to pursue the path of reducing our stockpiles, and reaffirming basic norms like the commitment to never test them again. 当伊朗同意接受对其核计划的限制时，这会增强全球安全，也会增强伊朗与其他国家合作的能力。另一方面，当朝鲜试验炸弹时，这会危及我们所有人。任何违反这一基本协议的国家都必须承担后果。而那些拥有这些武器的国家，比如美国，负有独特的责任，走在减少我们核储备的道路上，并重申基本准则，比如承诺不再进行核试验。
We can't combat a disease like Zika that recognizes no borders -- mosquitoes don't respect walls -- unless we make permanent the same urgency that we brought to bear against Ebola -- by strengthening our own systems of public health, by investing in cures and rolling back the root causes of disease, and helping poorer countries develop a public health infrastructure. 我们无法抗击寨卡病毒这种不认国界的疾病——蚊子不尊重墙壁——除非我们将我们在抗击埃博拉时展现出的同样紧迫感永久化——通过加强我们自己的公共卫生系统，通过投资于治疗方法并消除疾病的根源，并帮助较贫穷国家建立公共卫生基础设施。
We can only eliminate extreme poverty if the sustainable development goals that we have set are more than words on paper. Human ingenuity now gives us the capacity to feed the hungry and give all of our children -- including our girls -- the education that is the foundation for opportunity in our world. But we have to put our money where our mouths are. 我们只有在我们设定的可持续发展目标不仅仅是纸上谈兵时，才能消除极端贫困。人类的聪明才智现在使我们有能力养活饥饿的人，并为我们所有的孩子——包括女孩——提供教育，这是我们世界机会的基础。但我们必须言行一致。
And we can only realize the promise of this institution's founding -- to replace the ravages of war with cooperation -- if powerful nations like my own accept constraints. Sometimes I'm criticized in my own country for professing a belief in international norms and multilateral institutions. But I am convinced that in the long run, giving up some freedom of action -- not giving up our ability to protect ourselves or pursue our core interests, but binding ourselves to international rules over the long term -- enhances our security. And I think that's not just true for us. 而且，只有当像我自己这样的大国接受约束时，我们才能实现这个机构成立的承诺——用合作取代战争的蹂躏。有时，我在自己的国家因为宣称信仰国际规范和多边机构而受到批评。但我坚信，从长远来看，放弃一些行动自由——不是放弃保护我们自己或追求我们核心利益的能力，而是长期将自己绑定到国际规则上——会增强我们的安全。我认为这不仅对我们是如此。
If Russia continues to interfere in the affairs of its neighbors, it may be popular at home, it may fuel nationalist fervor for a time, but over time it is also going to diminish its stature and make its borders less secure. In the South China Sea, a peaceful resolution of disputes offered by law will mean far greater stability than the militarization of a few rocks and reefs. 如果俄罗斯继续干涉其邻国的事务，这在国内可能很受欢迎，可能会在一段时间内激起民族主义热情，但随着时间的推移，这也会降低其地位，使其边界更不安全。在南海，通过法律和平解决争端将比几块岩石和珊瑚礁的军事化带来更大的稳定。
We are all stakeholders in this international system, and it calls upon all of us to invest in the success of institutions to which we belong. And the good news is, is that many nations have shown what kind of progress is possible when we make those commitments. Consider what we've accomplished here over the past few years. 我们都是这个国际体系中的利益相关者，它要求我们所有人都投资于我们所属机构的成功。好消息是，许多国家已经表明，当我们做出这些承诺时，什么样的进步是可能的。想想我们过去几年在这里取得的成就吧。
Together, we mobilized some 50,000 additional troops for U.N. peacekeeping, making them nimble, better equipped, better prepared to deal with emergencies. Together, we established an Open Government Partnership so that, increasingly, transparency empowers more and more people around the globe. And together, now, we have to open our hearts and do more to help refugees who are desperate for a home. 我们共同为联合国维和行动动员了大约5万名额外部队，使他们灵活机动、装备更好、准备更充分，以应对紧急情况。我们共同建立了开放政府伙伴关系，以便透明度越来越多地赋予全球越来越多的人权力。现在，我们必须共同敞开心扉，做更多事情来帮助那些渴望家园的难民。
We should all welcome the pledges of increased assistance that have been made at this General Assembly gathering. I'll be discussing that more this afternoon. But we have to follow through, even when the politics are hard. Because in the eyes of innocent men and women and children who, through no fault of their own, have had to flee everything that they know, everything that they love, we have to have the empathy to see ourselves. 我们都应该欢迎在这次大会上做出的增加援助的承诺。今天下午我将更多地讨论这个问题。但我们必须坚持到底，即使在政治上很困难的时候。因为在那些无辜的男女老少眼中，他们没有任何过错，却不得不逃离他们所知道的一切、他们所爱的一切，我们必须有同理心，能在他们身上看到我们自己。
We have to imagine what it would be like for our family, for our children, if the unspeakable happened to us. And we should all understand that, ultimately, our world will be more secure if we are prepared to help those in need and the nations who are carrying the largest burden with respect to accommodating these refugees. 我们必须想象，如果不可言喻的事情发生在我们身上，对我们的家人、我们的孩子来说会是什么样子。我们都应该明白，最终，如果我们准备好帮助有需要的人以及那些在安置这些难民方面承担最大负担的国家，我们的世界将会更加安全。
There are a lot of nations right now that are doing the right thing. But many nations -- particularly those blessed with wealth and the benefits of geography -- that can do more to offer a hand, even if they also insist that refugees who come to our countries have to do more to adapt to the customs and conventions of the communities that are now providing them a home. 现在有很多国家正在做正确的事情。但许多国家——特别是那些拥有财富和地理优势的国家——可以做得更多，伸出援手，即使它们也坚持认为来到我们国家的难民必须做更多事情来适应当前为他们提供家园的社区的习俗和惯例。
Let me conclude by saying that I recognize history tells a different story than the one that I've talked about here today. There's a much darker and more cynical view of history that we can adopt. Human beings are too often motivated by greed and by power. 最后，请允许我说，我认识到历史讲述的故事与我今天在这里谈论的不同。我们可以接受一种更黑暗、更愤世嫉俗的历史观。人类往往受贪婪和权力的驱使。
Big countries for most of history have pushed smaller ones around. Tribes and ethnic groups and nation states have very often found it most convenient to define themselves by what they hate and not just those ideas that bind them together. 在历史的大部分时间里，大国都在摆布小国。部落、种族群体和民族国家往往发现，用他们所憎恨的东西来定义自己，比用将他们团结在一起的理念来定义自己更方便。
Time and again, human beings have believed that they finally arrived at a period of enlightenment only to repeat, then, cycles of conflict and suffering. Perhaps that's our fate. We have to remember that the choices of individual human beings led to repeated world war. 人类一次又一次地相信，他们终于到达了一个启蒙时期，结果却重复着冲突和苦难的循环。也许这就是我们的命运。我们必须记住，是每个人的选择导致了一次又一次的世界大战。
But we also have to remember that the choices of individual human beings created a United Nations, so that a war like that would never happen again. Each of us as leaders, each nation can choose to reject those who appeal to our worst impulses and embrace those who appeal to our best. For we have shown that we can choose a better history. 但我们也必须记住，是每个人的选择创建了联合国，这样的战争就永远不会再发生。我们每一位领导人，每个国家，都可以选择拒绝那些迎合我们最坏冲动的人，拥抱那些唤起我们最好一面的人。因为我们已经证明，我们可以选择更好的历史。
Sitting in a prison cell, a young Martin Luther King, Jr. wrote that, Human progress never rolls in on the wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co-workers with God. 坐在牢房里，年轻的马丁·路德·金写道，人类的进步绝不会在必然性的车轮上滚滚而来，它来自那些愿意成为上帝同工的人们的不懈努力。
And during the course of these eight years, as I've traveled to many of your nations, I have seen that spirit in our young people, who are more educated and more tolerant, and more inclusive and more diverse, and more creative than our generation; who are more empathetic and compassionate towards their fellow human beings than previous generations. 在这八年中，当我访问了你们中的许多国家时，我在我们的年轻人身上看到了这种精神，他们比我们这一代人受过更好的教育、更宽容、更包容、更多元化、更有创造力；他们比前几代人对同胞更有同理心和同情心。
And, yes, some of that comes with the idealism of youth. But it also comes with young people's access to information about other peoples and places -- an understanding unique in human history that their future is bound with the fates of other human beings on the other side of the world. 而且，是的，其中一部分来自青春的理想主义。但这也来自于年轻人获取关于其他民族和地方信息的机会——一种人类历史上独特的理解，即他们的未来与世界另一端其他人的命运紧密相连。
I think of the thousands of health care workers from around the world who volunteered to fight Ebola. I remember the young entrepreneurs I met who are now starting new businesses in Cuba, the parliamentarians who used to be just a few years ago political prisoners in Myanmar. I think of the girls who have braved taunts or violence just to go to school in Afghanistan, and the university students who started programs online to reject the extremism of organizations like ISIL. 我想到了世界各地数千名志愿抗击埃博拉的医护工作者。我记得我遇到的年轻企业家，他们现在在古巴创办新企业，还有几年前还是缅甸政治犯的议员们。我想到了那些冒着嘲笑或暴力也要去上学的阿富汗女孩，以及发起在线项目拒绝伊斯兰国等组织极端主义的大学生。
I draw strength from the young Americans -- entrepreneurs, activists, soldiers, new citizens -- who are remaking our nation once again, who are unconstrained by old habits and old conventions, and unencumbered by what is, but are instead ready to seize what ought to be. 我从美国年轻人身上汲取力量——企业家、活动家、士兵、新公民——他们正在再次重塑我们的国家，他们不受旧习惯和旧惯例的约束，不受现状的束缚，而是随时准备抓住应有的未来。
My own family is a made up of the flesh and blood and traditions and cultures and faiths from a lot of different parts of the world -- just as America has been built by immigrants from every shore. And in my own life, in this country, and as President, I have learned that our identities do not have to be defined by putting someone else down, but can be enhanced by lifting somebody else up. They don't have to be defined in opposition to others, but rather by a belief in liberty and equality and justice and fairness. 我自己的家庭是由来自世界许多不同地区的血肉、传统、文化和信仰组成的——正如美国是由来自各个海岸的移民建造的一样。在我自己的生活中，在这个国家，作为总统，我了解到，我们的身份不必通过贬低他人来定义，而是可以通过提升他人来增强。它们不必通过与他人对立来定义，而是通过对自由、平等、正义和公平的信念来定义。
And the embrace of these principles as universal doesn't weaken my particular pride, my particular love for America -- it strengthens it. My belief that these ideals apply everywhere doesn't lessen my commitment to help those who look like me, or pray as I do, or pledge allegiance to my flag. But my faith in those principles does force me to expand my moral imagination and to recognize that I can best serve my own people, I can best look after my own daughters, by making sure that my actions seek what is right for all people and all children, and your daughters and your sons. 将这些原则作为普世原则来接受，并不会削弱我特有的自豪感、我对美国特有的爱——反而会加强它。我相信这些理想适用于世界各地，这并不会减少我帮助那些长得像我、像我一样祈祷或效忠我的旗帜的人的承诺。但我对这些原则的信念确实迫使我扩展我的道德想象力，并认识到，我可以通过确保我的行动为所有人和所有孩子寻求正确的东西，来最好地服务我自己的人民，最好地照顾我自己的女儿，以及你们的女儿和儿子。
This is what I believe: that all of us can be co-workers with God. And our leadership, and our governments, and this United Nations should reflect this irreducible truth. 这就是我所相信的：我们所有人都可以成为上帝的同工。我们的领导层、我们的政府、以及这个联合国，都应该反映这一不可还原的真理。
Thank you very much. 非常感谢大家。
